DOCSLIB.ORG

Baal Hammon / Saturne 25

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Baal Hammon / Saturne 25 baal hammon / saturne 25 CHAPITRE 1 BAAL HAMMON / SATURNE Grâce au travail considérable de M. Le Glay, le culte du Saturne africain est bien connu, d’autant plus qu’il fut fort répandu et a laissé de nombreuses traces dans l’épigraphie et les monuments. Ce dieu, qui dans le reste de l’empire était quelque peu oublié et ne correspondait plus qu’à un thème littéraire (l’Âge d’Or du Latium), a connu une formidable destinée sur le sol d’Afrique en recouvrant le culte punique de Baal Hammon. 1.1 Origines Cette assimilation des deux dieux était déjà en usage depuis long- temps lors de l’occupation romaine, puisque le Baal Hammon de Carthage était identifié à Kronos, l’équivalent grec de Saturne, dès le Ve s. av J.-C., comme en fait foi un passage de Sophocle qui parle des sacrifices humains offerts à ce dieu par les « barbares », faisant ainsi allusion aux sacrifices d’enfants1. Un passage du pseudo- Platon, datable du IVe s., en fait également mention2 et la version grecque du Périple d’Hannon, datant de la même époque, rapporte qu’Hannon aurait fait suspendre dans l’enceinte de Kronos le récit de son aventure3. Au IIIe s. également, Clitarque mentionne lui aussi les sacrifices d’enfants au dieu Kronos4. On constate d’ailleurs que cette dénomination était en usage en Afrique même, puisque des stèles grecques de Cirta, datant d’avant l’époque romaine, sont alternativement dédiées à Baal Hammon (B£l `Amoun), ou à Kronos 1 Sophocle, Andromède, fr. 126, dans S. Radt, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, IV. Sophocles, 1977, p. 157; voir E. LipiÔski, Dieux et déesses, 1995, p. 256-257. 2 Dialogue Minos 315E, dans J. Souilhé (éd.), Platon XIII/2. Dialogues suspects, 1930, p. 91. 3 M. Sznycer, « La littérature punique », Archéologie vivante, I, 2, 1968-1969, p. 146-147. 4 W. Chase Greene, Scholia Platonica. Scholia in Remp., 1938, 337a. 26 chapitre 1 (KrÒnoj)5. D’ailleurs, le Saturnus Achaiae de la Gens Bacchuiana est probablement un écho de cette vieille assimilation6. On connaît mal les raisons qui ont poussé les Anciens à une telle assimilation des deux dieux; Diodore de Sicile et Tertullien7 ont cru voir un lien entre les sacrifices d’enfants qu’on offrait à Baal Hammon et l’épisode mythologique dans lequel Kronos avait tué ses propres enfants, mais cette hypothèse est peu satisfaisante et, selon E. LipiÔski, il faudrait remonter à l’ancienne assimilation de Kronos à Dagon, dont Baal Hammon était vraisemblablement l’alter ego8. Quoiqu’il en soit, lors de l’occupation romaine, c’est tout naturellement Saturne qui a hérité des fonctions de Baal Hammon, d’autant plus que les deux divinités avaient en commun leurs fonctions agraires. En effet, Baal Hammon était un dieu de l’agriculture et il est généralement représenté debout ou trônant, avec des épis de blés dans la main9. Du reste, l’équivalence Baal Hammon/Saturne ne fait pas de doute, on en a une preuve concrète dans une dédicace bilingue à Sabratha10, en Tripolitaine, dans laquelle le dominus Sapurnus (sic) du texte latin correspond bien au Baal du texte néopunique11. Des inscriptions du sanctuaire de Thinissut viennent confirmer cette identification: une dédicace punique12 voue « au seigneur Baal et à Tanit Pene Baal les deux sanctuaires qu’ont faits les citoyens de Tenesmat », alors qu’à l’époque romaine, au même endroit, on trouve des dédicaces à Saturne et à Caelestis13. D’autre part, les points communs entre les deux divinités ne man- 5 ILAlg, II, 505, 506, 507, 509, 510, 521. Ces textes corroborent les récits romanesque d’Hégésianax (C. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, III, p. 70-71, n° 11) qui font allusion aux sacrifices humains à Kronos pratiqués par les Massyles. Voir également M. Le Glay, Sat. Afr., Mon., II, 1966, p. 24-25. 6 Cat., n° 122. 7 Diodore de Sicile, Bibliothèque historique, XX, 14, 7; Tertullien, Apologétique, IX. 8 E. LipiÔski, ibid., p. 257-258. 9 E. LipiÔski, ibid., p. 262; G. Charles-Picard, RAA, 1954, p. 72-73. 10 Cat., n° 40. 11 M. Sznycer, « À propos de la stèle néopunique de Tarhuna en Tripolitaine romaine », Mélanges M. Le Glay, 1994, p. 27 sv.; M. Fantar, Carthage, approche d’une civilisation, 1993, p. 264. 12 A. Merlin, « Le sanctuaire de Ba’al et de Tanit près de Siagu », Notes et docu- ments, 4, 1910, p. 22-24. 13 Cat., n° 171-175. Voir également G. Charles-Picard, RAA, 1954, p. 105; M. Le Glay, Sat. Afr., Hist., 1966, p. 216; M. Benabou, Résistance africaine, 1976, p. 363..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Asherah in the Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic Literature Author(S): John Day Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol
    Asherah in the Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic Literature Author(s): John Day Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 105, No. 3 (Sep., 1986), pp. 385-408 Published by: The Society of Biblical Literature Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3260509 . Accessed: 11/05/2013 22:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society of Biblical Literature is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Biblical Literature. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 143.207.2.50 on Sat, 11 May 2013 22:44:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JBL 105/3 (1986) 385-408 ASHERAH IN THE HEBREW BIBLE AND NORTHWEST SEMITIC LITERATURE* JOHN DAY Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford University, England, OX2 6QA The late lamented Mitchell Dahood was noted for the use he made of the Ugaritic and other Northwest Semitic texts in the interpretation of the Hebrew Bible. Although many of his views are open to question, it is indisputable that the Ugaritic and other Northwest Semitic texts have revolutionized our understanding of the Bible. One matter in which this is certainly the case is the subject of this paper, Asherah.' Until the discovery of the Ugaritic texts in 1929 and subsequent years it was common for scholars to deny the very existence of the goddess Asherah, whether in or outside the Bible, and many of those who did accept her existence wrongly equated her with Astarte.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    Nisan / The Levantine Review Volume 4 Number 2 (Winter 2015) Identity and Peoples in History Speculating on Ancient Mediterranean Mysteries Mordechai Nisan* We are familiar with a philo-Semitic disposition characterizing a number of communities, including Phoenicians/Lebanese, Kabyles/Berbers, and Ismailis/Druze, raising the question of a historical foundation binding them all together. The ethnic threads began in the Galilee and Mount Lebanon and later conceivably wound themselves back there in the persona of Al-Muwahiddun [Unitarian] Druze. While DNA testing is a fascinating methodology to verify the similarity or identity of a shared gene pool among ostensibly disparate peoples, we will primarily pursue our inquiry using conventional historical materials, without however—at the end—avoiding the clues offered by modern science. Our thesis seeks to substantiate an intuition, a reading of the contours of tales emanating from the eastern Mediterranean basin, the Levantine area, to Africa and Egypt, and returning to Israel and Lebanon. The story unfolds with ancient biblical tribes of Israel in the north of their country mixing with, or becoming Lebanese Phoenicians, travelling to North Africa—Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya in particular— assimilating among Kabyle Berbers, later fusing with Shi’a Ismailis in the Maghreb, who would then migrate to Egypt, and during the Fatimid period evolve as the Druze. The latter would later flee Egypt and return to Lebanon—the place where their (biological) ancestors had once dwelt. The original core group was composed of Hebrews/Jews, toward whom various communities evince affinity and identity today with the Jewish people and the state of Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Apologetics of Tertullian by John
    Identity and Religion in Roman North Africa: the apologetics of Tertullian by John Elmer P. Abad A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy Graduate Department of Classics University of Toronto @ copyright by John Elmer Abad (2018) John Elmer Abad Doctor of Philosophy Department of Classics University of Toronto 2018 Abstract This dissertation examines the strategies employed by Tertullian in the construction and articulation of Christian identity in the pluralistic Roman North African society. The focus will be the apologetic works of Tertullian, the Ad Martyras, the Ad Nationes and the Apologeticum written around 197 A.D. Popular biases against Christians, the Romanizing tendencies of local elites in North Africa, the marginalization of sub-elites, the influence of cultural and intellectual revolution known as the Second Sophistic Movement, and the political ideologies and propaganda of emperor Septimius Severus – all these influenced Tertullian’s attempt to construct and articulate a Christian identity capable of engaging the ever changing socio- political landscape of North African at the dawn of the third century A.D. I shall examine select areas in antiquity where identities were explored, contested and projected namely, socio- cultural, religious, and political. I have identified four spheres which I refer to as “sites” of identity construction, namely paideia, the individual, community and “religion”. Chapter One provides a brief survey of the various contexts of Tertullian’s literary production. It includes a short description of the socio-political landscape during the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus, a brief history of Christianity in Roman North Africa, an introduction to the person of Tertullian, and his place within the “apologetic” tradition.
    [Show full text]
  • Hannibal's Gaze and Ekphrasis in the Punica Of
    VISIONS OF GRANDEUR: HANNIBAL’S GAZE AND EKPHRASIS IN THE PUNICA OF SILIUS ITALICUS by SEAN MATHIS (Under the Direction of Mario Erasmo) ABSTRACT This is a thesis about Silius Italicus, a Latin poet, who wrote his epic poem, the Punica, during the reign of the emperor Domitian. Silius wrote his epic poem in the period after Vergil’s Aeneid, and, like his literary contemporaries, was forced to contend with his poetic forebears in order to insert his own poem into the Latin epic tradition. Thus, the poet looks back to Vergil, his principal poetic predecessor, through his use of allusion, metaphor, and other poetic imagery. The poem is also historical in nature, covering the period leading up to the Second Punic War, and Silius necessarily looks back to his historical predecessors, notably the Latin historian Livy. Silius creates, within the Punica, an interesting allusive technique that allows for a literary dialogue between the historical and epic genres, thus guaranteeing his position as a successor to both Vergil and Livy. INDEX WORDS: Silius Italicus, Punica, Second Punic War, Ekphrasis, Silver Age Latin, Silver Epic, Imperial Epic, Hannibal, Saguntum, Allusion, Successors of Vergil VISIONS OF GRANDEUR: HANNIBAL’S GAZE AND EKPHRASIS IN THE PUNICA OF SILIUS ITALICUS by SEAN MATHIS A.B., Baylor University, 2002 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2004 © 2004 Sean Mathis All Rights Reserved VISIONS OF GRANDEUR: HANNIBAL’S GAZE AND EKPHRASIS IN THE PUNICA OF SILIUS ITALICUS by SEAN MATHIS Major Professor: Mario Erasmo Committee: Robert Curtis Keith Dix Electronic Version Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia May 2004 DEDICATION This being my first publication to have the honor of being bound in a hard cover, I dedicate it to you, my loving wife, Amanda.
    [Show full text]
  • Stone-Worship
    STONE-WORSHIP. BY THE EDITOR. STONES are the oldest monuments of religious worship. We cannot say that primitive man worshipped stones, but we know that he regarded some stones with awe as marking the place of theophanies or revelations. Pillars were erected to serve as bethels, or houses of God, and stones were piled up in heaps or put up in the form of trilithons, sometimes circles of trilithons, to serve as monuments or memorials. Stone-worship is common still among some tribes of the Amer- ican Indians, and we know that in spite of the crudity of their views their sentiments are marked by a deep-seated religious awe. Those who try to trace the psychology of it, discover at the bottom of this primitive form of worship the groping after a purer and more spiritual faith, for which the untrained mind of the savage is not yet capable of finding a proper expression. Pillars, stone piles and cromlechs serve idolatrous purposes among the tribes of the islands of the South Sea and also on the Dark Continent; and if we consider that the most ancient pre- historic monuments in European countries are an unequivocal evi- dence that the Teutons, the Celts, the Slavs, the Mongolians, and also the Semites must, at some time or another, have practiced stone-worship, we come to the conclusion that at a certain phase of man's religious development it must have been all but universal all over the world. We find traces of it preserved in that greatest store-house of religious documents, the Bible.
    [Show full text]
  • I. Introduction. North Syrian God. B. May Sometimes Hold a Stafflike Object), the Is a Local God from North Syria Who Was Other Holds a Scepter
    Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 1/3 Last Revision: 9 June 2008 Baal Hammon crowned with palm leaves. One hand is raised in a gesture of blessing (and possibly I. Introduction. North Syrian god. B. may sometimes hold a stafflike object), the is a local god from North Syria who was other holds a scepter. His dress extends to worshipped primarily in Carthage and other the feet and is wide–sleeved (LE GLAY Punic places in North Africa, Malta, Sicily, 1986: 72–74; XELLA 1991: 112). and Sardinia, where he was assimilated to 1. SEATED Chronos, Saturn, and Pluto. Most of the 1.1. On a sphinx. B. may be Punic votives to B. were found in funerary represented as seated on a winged →sphinx areas, the so–called tophets (on the alleged (1–4*; see in addition WALTERS 1926: pl. child sacrifices to B. in the tophets see KEEL 6:283; FURTWÄNGLER 1900: pls. 7:12; 2007: §§ 586–591). The meaning of his 15:2). In most cases the scepter he holds name “Lord of the Amanus” indicates that ends in what is considered an ear of grain B. is a title, which perhaps replaced a proper (on 3 B. holds a was scepter; however, in name. B. is first attested in a Phoenician front of the sphinx a linear object is inscription (KAI no. 24, l. 16) from Zincir- depicted which has a similar terminal as the li/Sam˒al (9th/8th cent.). Several scholars scepter usually held by B.). A winged solar have tried to establish a relationship disc (→Winged disk) may hover above the between B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Triumph of Venus and Jupiter Over Their Punic Counterparts in Plautus’ Poenulus
    The Triumph of Venus and Jupiter over their Punic Counterparts in Plautus’ Poenulus This paper argues that the presence of the gods Venus and Jupiter in Plautus’ Poenulus demonstrates the superiority of the Roman deities over their Punic counterparts. Venus and Jupiter are the tutelary divinities of the play, with Venus presiding until the arrival of Hanno in line 930, when Jupiter takes over. Although John Henderson (1999) has noted the connection between the play and Venus Erycina, the Punic goddess Astarte worshipped at Eryx in Sicily, his aim is to suggest that the Forum, with the temple of Venus on the Capitoline above, would have been a fitting backdrop for the play’s performance. Henderson does not consider the role of Venus in the play itself, or how her presence would have impacted Plautus’ audience. Moreover, aside from Henderson’s passing remark that the play (if put on in the Forum) also would have been staged under the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter, no scholar has attempted to investigate the role of Jupiter in relation to the Poenulus. This paper suggests that we can better understand the dramatic purpose of Plautus’ leading divinities through an examination of contemporary history and Roman perceptions of and attitudes toward Carthaginian religion. Venus was not originally one of the great traditional deities of Rome, and the first temple to the goddess in the city was vowed only in 295 BCE. After the Romans’ crushing defeat at Lake Trasimine in 217 BCE, Fabius Maximus pledged to build a temple to Venus Erycina on the Capitoline.
    [Show full text]
  • Without Children Or Sacrifice: the Pozo Moro Relief
    doi: 10.2143/ANES.51.0.3038722 ANES 51 (2014) 263-277 ‘Child Sacrifice’ without Children or Sacrifice: The Pozo Moro Relief Joseph AZIZE Abstract In this study I consider a fifth-century BCE relief from Pozo Moro, Spain, which is often thought to depict Phoenician ‘child sacrifice’ (Fig. 1). First, I briefly discuss the excavations at Pozo Moro. Second, I contend that nothing depicted in the relief can reasonably be interpreted as a sacrifice and, furthermore, that there are no children in it. Third, I suggest that in fact it represents a parody of the Phoenician “presentation” scene exemplified on the Ahirom (also spelled Ahiram) sarcophagus from Byblos and sundry other artefacts. Finally, I note that it might be a forerunner of the artistic style known as the “grotesque”, a style which was previously thought to have originated in Hellenistic studios. Thus, one more piece in the chain of evidence for a regular practice of child sacrifice among the Phoenicians and Carthaginians disappears.* Introduction In a fairly recent article, I argued that, properly understood, the evidence establishes that the ancient Phoenicians and Carthaginians did not regularly sacrifice children, but rather offered animal sacrifices for the conception and for the wellbeing of their children, as depicted in the Krt poem from Ugarit, a related civilisation.1 The phenomenon of regular child sacrifice is not to be confused with the exceptional practice of sacrificing a noble youth during times of crisis, as found in 2 Kings 3:27.2 This study will not repeat those conclusions, but will consider an interesting banquet scene upon a relief from Pozo Moro which is often used as further evidence for the alleged practice of child sacrifice, although some scholars gainsay this view.
    [Show full text]
  • Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 1/4 Last Revision: 26 April 2007
    Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 1/4 Last Revision: 26 April 2007 Melqart Hellenization of the Phoenician religion and the strong assimilation between M. and I. Introduction. Phoenician/Punic god. →Heracles, an iconography which is M., whose name means “king of the city” attested to in Palestine/Israel and may, in (milk qart), was the patron god of the some cases, refer to the Tyrian god. From Phoenician city of Tyre and one of the the 6th-5th cent., and more intensively after major gods of the Phoenician and Punic Alexander’s conquest, Greek iconography pantheons. He was also known as Baal Ṣur was adopted in Phoenician art. The strong (“Lord of Tyre”) and identified with identification between M. and Heracles →Heracles since at least the 6th or even 8th imponed a Greek iconographical language cent., according to iconographic evidence and completely concealed Phoenician from the Levantine coast and Cyprus. customs. This situation is aggravated by the Because M. was originally conceived as a fact that excavations in Tyre have thus far king and thus a mortal human being, he was only reached Hellenistic and Roman levels, probably a kind of “heroic figure” according but not the earlier Phoenician ones. On the to Greek categories, while Heracles was the religious level, the two cults and figures paradigm of the Greek hero who passed were fused together (best observed in through apotheosis after his death. Cyprus or Gades [Spain]) resulting in the Different literary sources link M.’s Heraclean iconography alluding to both origin with the foundation of Tyre gods.
    [Show full text]
  • Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan.Pdf
    JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT SUPPLEMENT SERIES 265 Editors David J.A. Clines Philip R. Davies Executive Editor John Jarick Editorial Board Richard J. Coggins, Alan Cooper, J. Cheryl Exum, John Goldingay, Robert P. Gordon, Norman K. Gottwald, Andrew D.H. Mayes, Carol Meyers, Patrick D. Miller Sheffield Academic Press A Continuum imprint This page intentionally left blank Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan John Day Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 265 Copyright © 2000, 2002 Sheffield Academic Press A Continuum imprint Published by Sheffield Academic Press Ltd The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX 370 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6550 www.continuumbooks.com All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Typeset by Sheffield Academic Press Printed on acid-free paper in Great Britain by Bookcraft Ltd, Midsomer Norton, Bath ISBN 1-85075-986-3 hbk 0-82646-830-6 pbk CONTENTS Preface 7 Abbreviations 8 Chapter 1 YAHWEHANDEL 13 Chapter 2 YAHWEH AND ASHERAH 42 Chapter 3 YAHWEH VERSUS BAAL 68 Chapter 4 YAHWEH'S APPROPRIATION OF BAAL IMAGERY 91 Chapter 5 YAHWEH AND THE GODDESSES ASTARTE AND ANAT (AND THE QUEEN OF HEAVEN) 128 Chapter 6 YAHWEH AND
    [Show full text]
  • An Archaeological History of Carthaginian Imperialism
    An Archaeological History of Carthaginian Imperialism Nathan Pilkington Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 ©2013 Nathan Pilkington All rights reserved ABSTRACT An Archaeological History of Carthaginian Imperialism Nathan Pilkington Carthage is the least understood imperial actor in the ancient western Mediterranean. The present lack of understanding is primarily a result of the paucity of evidence available for historical study. No continuous Carthaginian literary or historical narrative survives. Due to the thorough nature of Roman destruction and subsequent re-use of the site, archaeological excavations at Carthage have recovered only limited portions of the built environment, material culture and just 6000 Carthaginian inscriptions. As a result of these limitations, over the past century and half, historical study of Carthage during the 6th- 4th centuries BCE traditionally begins with the evidence preserved in the Greco-Roman sources. If Greco-Roman sources are taken as direct evidence of Carthaginian history, these sources document an increase in Carthaginian military activity within the western Mediterranean during the 6th and 5th centuries BCE. Scholars have proposed three different dates for the creation of the Carthaginian Empire from this evidence: c. 650, c.550 or c. 480 BCE. Scholars have generally chosen one of these dates by correlating textual narratives with ‘corroborating’ archaeological evidence. To give an example, certain scholars have argued that destruction layers visible at Phoenician sites in southwestern Sardinia c. 550-500 represent archaeological manifestations of the campaigns of Malchus and Mago’s sons recorded in the sources.
    [Show full text]
  • Cult and Belief in Punic and Roman Africa
    Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Cult and Belief in Punic and Roman Africa Version 1.2 September 2007 Brent D. Shaw Princeton University Abstract: This is a second attempt at a synthesis of the main problems for the forthcoming Cambridge History of Ancient Religions. The problems are complex and still threaten to overwhelm. This version remains a cri de coeur: any helpful comments and criticisms are encouraged. © Brent D. Shaw [email protected] 2 CULT AND BELIEF IN PUNIC AND ROMAN AFRICA The narrow and isolated belt of habitable lands—between Libya in the east and Morocco in the west—that lines the southern shores of the Mediterranean has always been an insular world. From their perspective, the Arab geographers logically named these lands the Jazirat al-Maghrib, meaning the ‘Island of the West.’ The different countries that make up north Africa today are thus collectively called ‘the Maghrib.’ The flow of sea currents and the predominant winds, the hard and rugged barrier formed by the uplifted coastal mountains, and a location between the world’s largest desert and its largest inland sea, combine to produce a peculiar mix of connectivity and isolation that has affected ideas as much as economies.1 While constantly moderating the exposure of its inhabitants to innovations created elsewhere in the Mediterranean, these same forces have also encouraged unusually strong and fast-paced developments of these outside ideas and practices once they have entered north Africa. One result in the realm of cult and belief of this double heritage of relative isolation and internalized intensity was the emergence of a bewildering variety, range, and local identity of ritual and practice among Africans in the long age before the arrival of Christianity.
    [Show full text]