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Young Lebanese-Canadian Women's Discursive Constructions Of “Haram, she’s obese!” Young Lebanese-Canadian Women’s Discursive Constructions of “Obesity” ber of stereotypes about Lebanese, Lebanese-Can- Zeina Abou-Rizk, PhD, teaches health- and gender-re- adian, and Canadian women. lated courses at the University of Ottawa and Carleton University. She is also an independent researcher whose Résumé interests revolve around culture and health, construc- Selon un point de vue féministe poststructural et post- tions of obesity and health, as well as cosmetic surgery colonial, nous explorons comment les jeunes femmes practices among Lebanese women. libano-canadiennes perçoivent l’obésité dans le contexte du battage médiatique actuel et dramatique à ce sujet et Geneviève Rail, PhD, is Professor of Critical Studies of de son impact sur la santé des gens et des populations. Health at the Simone de Beauvoir Institute (Concordia Des conversations axées sur les participantes ont eu lieu University). She is currently conducting CIHR-funded avec vingt jeunes femmes libano-canadiennes âgées de projects involving women from varying sexuality, race, dix-huit à vingt-cinq ans. En examinant les discours ethnicity, ability, and socioeconomic milieus. Interested que les participantes ont adoptés, négociés ou évités in their discursive constructions and embodied experi- pendant les discussions sur l’obésité, nous avons conclu ences of the body and health, she investigates discours- que les jeunes femmes perçoivent l’obésité comme un es and issues related to fatness, HPV vaccination, and problème de santé et une maladie, un manque de disci- breast and gynaecological cancer care for LBQ women pline et une caractéristique physique « anormale ». Elles and trans persons. ont aussi exprimé des sentiments de dégoût ou de pitié envers les femmes « obèses » en utilisant le terme arabe Abstract « haram » (qui signifie « quelle honte » ou « pauvre elle Using feminist poststructuralist and postcolonial lens- »). Bien qu’elles aient insisté sur le fait que la culture li- es, we explore how young Lebanese-Canadian women banaise ou libano-canadienne valorise l’apparence phy- construct “obesity” within the context of the current sique « non obèse », elles ont aussi tenté de s’éloigner and dramatic hype about “obesity” and its impacts des points de vue « libanais » et, ce faisant, ont reproduit on the health of individuals and populations. Partici- certains stéréotypes au sujet des femmes libanaises, li- pant-centered conversations were held with twenty bano-canadiennes et canadiennes. young Lebanese-Canadian women between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five. In examining what dis- courses the participants adopted, negotiated, and/or resisted when discussing “obesity,” we found that the young women constructed it as a problematic health issue and a disease, as a matter of lack of discipline, and as an “abnormal” physical attribute. They also ex- pressed feelings of disgust and/or pity toward “obese” women by using the Arabic term “haram” (what a shame or poor her). While the participants empha- sized that Lebanese and Lebanese-Canadian cultures prize physical appearance and “not being fat,” they also attempted to dissociate themselves from “Lebanese” ways of thinking and, in doing so, reproduced a num- Atlantis 37.1, 2015 129 www.msvu.ca/atlantis Introduction While there is a burgeoning literature critical of The tremendous increase in media attention the dominant obesity discourse, the ways in which this on “obesity” as well as the growing attempts to eradi- discourse is taken up by “ordinary” young women (i.e., cate this so-called “disease” mirror the “moral panic” of varying weights and shapes and from a variety of (Boero 2009) about fatness that has emerged in the last sociocultural locations) is still unknown. What we do few years. Despite the problems associated with the know is that sexist, heterosexist, classist, and racist as- pathologization and medicalization of fatness (Murray sumptions structure this discourse. While young adult 2007; Oliver 2006), a considerable number of epidemi- women are increasingly being identified as an “at-risk” ological studies have focused on “obesity” rates around population in relation to “obesity” (WHO 2015), they the world (see an overview in Gard 2010). Much dis- also continue to suffer disproportionately from eating cussed in the media and among educators, health disorders (see a review in Grogan 2008). In particular, and fitness practitioners, and public health officials, studies that have examined the “effects” of the dom- these findings have sparked growing anxieties about inant obesity discourse on body-related issues among “obesity” (Boero 2007; Gard 2009; Saguy and Almel- anorexic women (Evans 2006; Rich and Evans 2005a; ing 2008) and the production of what some scholars Malson 2008) have suggested that this discourse pro- have identified as a dominant obesity discourse (Cam- motes a thin body ideal, which sometimes results in pos 2004; Gard and Wright 2005; Evans et al. 2008; young women adopting unhealthy and disordered eat- Oliver 2005; Rail 2012). Critical obesity scholars have ing and exercise patterns. Empirical studies of women challenged the use of the term “epidemic” (Boero labelled as “overweight” or “obese” (Annis, Cash, and 2007; Campos et al. 2006; Gard 2004), the notion of Hrabosky 2004; Darby et al. 2007; Friedman et al. 2005) “obesity” as a disease (Gaesser 2003a; Jutel 2009; Oli- have reported that they experience body dissatisfaction ver 2006; Murray 2009), the health problems attribut- and weight preoccupation as well as increased binge eating, lower self-esteem, fewer social networks, less ed to “obesity” (Gaesser 2003b, 2003c; Mark 2005), the social capital, and less satisfaction with life. As such, attribution of deaths to “obesity” (Farrell et al. 2002; women with diverse body sizes continue to be targeted Mark 2005), and the identification of “obesity” as a by the intertwined discourses of thinness, beauty, fem- public health priority (Campos et al. 2006; Gard 2007, ininity, and fatness, which as various feminist scholars 2010). Other researchers have disputed the conven- have argued, contribute to the internalization of bodily tional methods used to diagnose, measure, and treat pressures and the adoption of self-disciplining prac- “obesity” (Herrick 2007; Holm 2007; Jutel 2009) and tices (Bartky 1990; Orbach 1988; Bordo 1993). Susan have challenged the pathologization and medicaliza- Bordo (1993), for example, has argued that the disci- tion of “obese” bodies (Jutel 2009; Murray 2007, 2009; plining and normalization of the female body consti- Oliver 2006). In much of this work, scholars maintain tutes a strategy of social control and gender oppression that the dominant obesity discourse offers a mechan- designed to counter-attack shifts in power relations be- istic view of the body and focuses on the assumed re- tween men and women: lationship between inactivity, poor diet, “obesity,” and health; in the same breath, it frames “obesity” in moral …preoccupation with fat, diet, and slenderness are not and economic terms. “Obese” and “at-risk” bodies are abnormal. Indeed, such preoccupation may function as constructed as lazy and expensive bodies that must be one of the most powerful normalizing mechanisms of the controlled and subjected to expert intervention (Rail century, insuring the production of self-monitoring and 2012). Finally, the dominant obesity discourse insists self-disciplining ‘docile bodies’ sensitive to any departure that individuals are primarily responsible for the regu- from social norms and habituated to self-improvement and lation of their weight and health through the adoption self-transformation in the service of those norms. (186) of “good” lifestyle habits (Aphramor and Gingras 2008; Coveney 2006; Gard and Wright 2005; Murray 2009; It is not surprising, then, that fat bodies are constructed Whitehead and Kurz 2008), which does not take into as lazy, unproductive, and indicative of a lack of con- account structural and environmental determinants of trol and discipline. Fat is, in other words, constructed weight and health. as the enemy that should be destroyed and eliminated Atlantis 37.1, 2015 130 www.msvu.ca/atlantis with diet aids, extensive exercise, and cosmetic surgery we explore how the intersections of gender, culture, mi- (Bordo 1993). gration experiences, and geographical locations shaped With respect to class, a number of studies twenty young Lebanese-Canadian women’s discursive indicate that low-income individuals are at a high- constructions of “obesity.” By doing so, we aim to ad- er risk of “obesity” (Braunschweig et al. 2005; Gibson dress some of the gaps in the current obesity literature. 2003; Mobley et al. 2006) due to multiple factors, such as “obesogenic environments” (Boehmer et al. 2006; Methodological and Theoretical Considerations Brownell and Horgen 2003; Dalton 2004; Nestle 2002; In 2008 and 2009, the first author conducted Tartamella, Herscher, and Woolston 2005). However, participant-centered conversations on issues related given that the dominant obesity discourse portrays the to fatness with twenty Lebanese-Canadian women be- maintenance of body weight as a personal respons- tween the ages of eighteen and twenty-five years. This ibility, low-income individuals are blamed for their group of participants was relatively homogenous, as the excess weight. Some studies also suggest that ethnic majority of them were able-bodied, heterosexual, mid- minorities are more susceptible to excess weight
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