Israel in Lebanon the Foreign Policy Logics of Jewish Statehood

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Israel in Lebanon the Foreign Policy Logics of Jewish Statehood FOUNDER/EDITOR Maha Yahya BOARD OF ADVISORS Philip Khoury, MIT, Chair Lila Abu Lughod, Columbia University Nezar al Sayyad, UC Berkeley Sibel Bozdogan, BAC Leila Fawaz, Tufts University Michael J. Fischer, MIT Timothy Mitchell, NYU A.R. Norton, Boston University http://web.mit.edu/cis/www/mitejmes/ Roger Owen, Harvard University Ilan Pappe, Haifa University Elisabeth Picard, Aix en Provence William Quandt, UVA Nasser Rabbat, MIT Edward Said (1935 -2003) Ghassan Salame, Institut d'Etudes Politiques Ella Shohat, NYU Susan Slyomovics, MIT Lawrence Vale, MIT BOARD OF EDITORS Amer Bisat, Rubicon Amal Ghazal, Dalhousie University Nadia Abu el Haj, Barnard Jens Hanssen, University of Toronto Bernard Haykel, New York University Paul Kingston, University of Toronto Sherif Lotfi, Ernst & Young Joseph Massad, Columbia University James MacDougall, Princeton University Panayiota Pyla, U of Illinois Champagne Oren Yiftachel, Ben Gurion REVIEW EDITORS OTTOMAN HISTORY James Grehan, Portland State University ART AND CULTURE Kirstin Scheid, American University of Beirut CONTEMPORARY HISTORY/POLITICS Michael Gasper, Yale University ARCHITECTURE CULTURE Brian Mclaren University of Washington GRAPHIC DESIGNER: Rana Yahya THE SIXTH WAR ISRAEL‟S INVASION OF LEBANON GUEST EDITORS Reinoud Leenders Amal Ghazal Jens Hanssen INTRODUCTION 6 ISRAEL‟S 2006 WAR ON LEBANON: REFLECTIONS ON THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF FORCE Karim Makdisi 9 WILL WE WIN? CONVERGENCE AND ISRAEL‟S LATEST LEBANON WAR Robert Blecher 27 HOW THE REBEL REGAINED HIS CAUSE HIZBULLAH & THE SIXTH ARAB-ISRAELI WAR Reinoud Leenders 38 THE REFUGEES WHO GIVE REFUGE Laleh Khalili 57 HIZBULLAH AND THE IDF: ACCEPTING NEW REALITIES ALONG THE BLUE LINE Nicholas Blanford 68 THE PEACEKEEPING CHALLENGE IN LEBANON Augustus Richard Norton 76 POLITICS AND BUSINESS, STATE AND CITIZENRY: PRELIMINARY THOUGHTS ON THE RESPONSE TO LEBANON‟S HUMANITARIAN CRISIS Jim Quilty 80 THE OUTLOOK FOR ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION IN LEBANON AFTER THE 2006 WAR Bassam Fattouh and Joachim Kolb 96 DECONSTRUCTING A “HIZBULLAH STRONGHOLD” Lara Deeb 115 http://web.mit.edu/cis/www/mitejmes/ 4 MEDIA IS THE CONTINUATION OF WAR WITH OTHER MEANS: THE NEW YORK TIM ES‟ CO VERAGEHE O F T ISRAELI WAR ON LEBANON Yasser Munif 126 GREAT EXPECTATIONS, LIMITED MEANS: FRANCE AND THE 2006 ISRAELI-LEBANESE WAR Elizabeth Picard 141 ISRAEL IN LEBANON: THE FOREIGN POLICY LOGICS OF JEWISH STATEHOOD Virginia Tilley 152 SIZE DOES NOT MATTER: THE SHEBAA FARMS IN HISTORY AND CONTEMPORARY POLITICS Asher Kaufman 163 EXPORTING DEATH AS DEMOCRACY: AN ESSAY ON U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN LEBANON Irene Gendzier 177 REVIEWS REVIEW ESSAYS Lebanon‟s Political Economy: After Syria, an Economic Ta‟if? Reviewed by Reinoud Leenders 188 Hizbullah: Iranian Surrogate or Independent Actor? Reviewed by Rola el-Husseini 204 Making Sense of Al Qaeda Review Essay by John A. McCurdy 210 BOOK REVIEWS David Cook Understanding Jihad Reviewed by Amir Asmar 220 Fawaz A. Gerges The Far Enemy: Why Jihad Went Global Reviewed by Mohamed Yousry 223 Vol. 6, Summer 2006, © 2006 The MIT Electronic Journal of Middle East Studies 5 Paul A. Silverstein Algeria in France. Transpolitics, Race, and Nation Reviewed by Margaret A. Majumdar 225 Lisa Pollard Nurturing the Nation: The Family Politics of Modernizing, Colonizing and Liberating Egypt, 1805-1923 Reviewed by Omnia El Shakry 227 http://web.mit.edu/cis/www/mitejmes/ 6 Reinoud Leenders* Amal Ghazal† Jens Hanssen‡ On 12 July 2006, Hizbullah fighters kidnapped two Israeli soldiers and Hizbullah leadership asked Israel for an exchange of prisoners. Instead of a proposal for negotiation – what Hizbullah leadership had expected – Israel delivered a morning raid on Hariri International Airport in Beirut the next day , followed in the afternoon by a raid on the Beirut-Damascus Highway. The raids, while initially partially damaging their targets, were equally symbolic: Israel had started a full-scale war on Lebanon, its infrastructure and its complex web of national and regional relationships and networks. The war lasted for 34 days, leaving behind not another ―New Middle East‖, as the American administration had hoped, but an even more volatile Middle East. Between the declarations of a ―Truthful Promise‖ of 12 July and that of ―Divine Victory‖ on 22 September, the war bore no ―birth pangs‖ but ―bangs‖ of persistent and interconnected conflicts. Thus, our choice of ―The Sixth War‖ as title for this emergency issue is not a mere imitation of al-Jazeera‘s description of the latest war between Israel and Lebanon. The editors of this issue are convinced that, in both context and intensity, what happened between 12 July and 14 August 2006 (the formal end to hostilities) and 7 September (the end of Israel‘s military blockade of Lebanon) should appropriately be analyzed and understood as a sequence to and a consequence of previous wars between Israel and its neighboring countries. Like most of Israel‘s previous wars, this was a war of choice passed off as a struggle for existence. The G8 meeting in St. Petersberg, which coincided with the outbreak of the war, appeased Israel and offered a diplomatic carte blanche on virtually all its military operations. While there has been no shortage of media commentary and analytical essays that have tried to make sense of this war, we believe that this MIT-EJMES emergency issue was needed for two main reasons. First, it overcomes the superficiality and short-attention span that has characterized much of the war‘s print and television coverage in the media. There have been free-lance journalists who braved Israeli aerial bombardments to break the silence on the dozens of ‗Guernicas‘ across southern Lebanon. Where their stories made it into mainstream media they were mere fig leaves to embellish the bare, one-sided structure of news. Likewise, anti-American and anti-Israeli polemics simplify the complexity of the origins, causes and consequences of this war, let alone its day-to-day operational aspects. Second, during the course of the war and thereafter, it became clear to us that the actions, statements and decisions made by various parties involved or engaged in the war were going to have long-lasting implications on several countries of the Middle East, on the United States‘ image in the Arab and Muslim world and future dynamics of the ―War on Terror‖. Putting those actions, statements and decisions under the microscope of independent professional analysts – long-term resident journalists, historians, political scientists and social anthropologists of * Reinoud Leenders is Assistant Professor in Political Science at the University of Amsterdam and was formerly a Middle East analyst for the International Crisis Group based in Beirut. † Amal Ghazal is Assistant Professor of history at Dalhousie University. ‡ Jens Hanssen is Assistant Professor of history at the Unversity of Toronto. Vol. 6, Summer 2006, © 2006 The MIT Electronic Journal of Middle East Studies 7 Lebanon and the Middle East – avoids the multiple refractions in imperial policy- making and media coverage. Our emergency issue aims at putting together a range of analytical essays, grounded in thorough empirical and conceptually sound research and tackling different facets of the war, in one volume made universally accessible online to interested readership around the world. A number of journalists and scholars, young and of older generations alike, based in the region and abroad, trained in various academic disciplines and Middle Eastern languages, were invited to draw on their intimate knowledge and research experience to present their analyses of the ―Sixth W ar‖. As Karim Makdisi dem onstrates in this volum e, Israel‘s casus belli was an extremely weak one indeed, and strongly suggests other motives originating in both Israeli and U.S. government designs for the Middle East region that has pushed the latter into turmoil. In a subsequent article, Robert Blecher sheds light on some of these policies and rationales by reading Israeli perspectives. Reinoud Leenders explores in his contribution the circum stances that helped fram e H izbullah‘s thinking and actions, while investigating how the war affected the ways in which Hizbullah views and presents itself in relation to Lebanon and the region at large. The outbreak of this war is closely tied to the still unresolved Israeli- Palestinian conflict, and the long-term effects of continuous Israeli expulsion of Palestinians from their land. Laleh Khalili focuses on the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and the degree to which the latest war and its underlying conflicts brought Lebanese Shiites and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon closer together. At a time when over a quarter of the Lebanese population became internally displaced by Israeli aerial bom bardm ent the striking im age of ―refugees granting refuge‖ conjures up both the tragic longevity of Arab suffering and the remarkable humanity within it. Nicholas Blanford and Richard Norton each separately analyze the military and strategic dimensions of the veracious clash between Israeli armed forces and H izbullah‘s fighters. T he tw o parties‘ confrontation caused a shocking level of human suffering, which, in turn, prompted a humanitarian response in Lebanon, analyzed by Jim Quilty. Now the dust has settled of at least this phase of the war, Lebanon is once again left counting its losses and initiating efforts toward ―post-w ar‖ recoveryrom f a conflict that, given its enduring root causes, is likely to flare up again. Bassam Fattouh and Joachim Kolb examine the costs of the war for Lebanon and the vast challenges facing reconstruction, primarily in terms of this country‘s shattered econom. yIn her article, Lara Deeb critically explores the Israeli justification for its assault and its pick of ―strategic‖ targets in Lebanon; m ostly of a pure civilian nature and often entirely unrelated to H izbullah‘s m ilitary operations. Subsequent articles focus on third parties or ―external‖ actors, w ho, in fact, more often than not constitute an intrinsic part of the conflict.
Recommended publications
  • Confronting Assad's Anti-Semitism in Germany | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum New Forms of Old Hate: Confronting Assad’s Anti-Semitism in Germany by Rawan Osman Feb 6, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Rawan Osman Rawan Osman was born in Damascus and raised in Lebanon. After high school, Osman moved back to Syria and in 2011, during the beginning of the unrest, left for France. In 2018, Osman moved to Strasbourg and started working on her first book, "The Israelis, Friends or Foes." Brief Analysis ith this year’s International Holocaust Remembrance Day recognizing the 75th anniversary of the freeing W of Auschwitz, it is also important for the German public to address the potential implications of a new wave of anti-Semitism within its borders. Germany’s notable acceptance of over one million refugees from Syria, where anti-Semitic propaganda has been a key feature of the Assad family’s overall messaging, has both triggered both a rise in Germany’s far-right and brought Germany’s Jewish populations into contact with a new type of anti- Semitism developed as one method of control in the Assad dictatorship. The uncritically anti-Israel and anti-Semitic tropes that have been taught, promoted, or tolerated in Syria pose a new set of challenges to German authorities who are still wrestling with their country’s past. Germany, because of its history, has accepted upon itself a greater responsibility than other European countries to take in refugees. Now it must take on another major responsibility: effectively educating these communities about the Holocaust and the insidious nature of anti-Semitism.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran and Israel's National Security in the Aftermath of 2003 Regime Change in Iraq
    Durham E-Theses IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I How to cite: ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I (2012) IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4445/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 . IRAN AND ISRAEL’S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ BY: IBRAHIM A. ALOTHAIMIN A thesis submitted to Durham University in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DURHAM UNIVERSITY GOVERNMENT AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS March 2012 1 2 Abstract Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran has continued to pose a serious security threat to Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino
    Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino, Dean, DeRoche, Garfield, Hildenbrand, Horn, Rick Jones, LaJoy, Palmer, Pastor, Proos, Scott, Stahl and Wojno offered the following resolution: House Resolution No. 159. A resolution to urge the President of the United States, the United States Congress and the United States Department of State to consult with appropriate officials in Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority regarding the status of missing Israeli soldiers and demand the immediate and unconditional release of three Israeli soldiers currently believed to be held by Hamas and Hezbollah. Whereas, The United States Congress expressed its concern for Israeli soldiers missing in Lebanon and the Hezbollah-controlled territory of Lebanon in Public Law 106-89 (113 Stat. 1305; November 8, 1999) which required the Secretary of State to probe into the disappearance of Israeli soldiers with appropriate government officials of Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, and other governments in the region, and to submit to the Congress reports on those efforts and any subsequent discovery of relevant information; and Whereas, Israel completed its withdrawal from southern Lebanon on May 24, 2000. On June 18, 2000, the United Nations Security Council welcomed and endorsed United Nations Secretary- General Kofi Annan's report that Israel had withdrawn completely from Lebanon under the terms of United Nations Security Council Resolution 425 (1978). Nearly five years later, Israel completed its withdrawal from Gaza on September 12, 2005; and Whereas, On June 25, 2006, Hamas and allied terrorists crossed into Israel to attack a military post, killing two soldiers and wounding a third, Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—House H7762
    H7762 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE July 12, 2007 we will proceed with next week’s work and Defense; Commander, Multi-Na- ried Karnit when he was captured, and next week. tional Forces—Iraq; the United States his wife had to spend their 1-year anni- f Ambassador to Iraq; and the Com- versary alone, wondering where her mander of United States Central Com- husband was and what condition he was HOUR OF MEETING ON TOMORROW mand. in. His family and friends wrote: AND ADJOURNMENT FROM FRI- GEORGE W. BUSH. ‘‘He’s a loving, caring person, always DAY, JULY 13, 2007 TO MONDAY, THE WHITE HOUSE, July 12, 2007. ready to offer a helping hand in any JULY 16, 2007 f situation. He is a man of principles and Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I ask values, knowledgeable in many varied unanimous consent that when the SPECIAL ORDERS subjects.’’ House adjourns today, it adjourn to The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under Unfortunately, Eldad and Udi are not meet at 4 p.m. tomorrow, and further, the Speaker’s announced policy of Jan- alone among Israel’s missing soldiers. when the House adjourns on that day, uary 18, 2007, and under a previous Three weeks before their capture, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on order of the House, the following Mem- Hamas kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Monday, July 16, 2007, for morning- bers will be recognized for 5 minutes Shalit. The Shalit family has also met hour debate. each. with many communities across the The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. f United States, urging people to remem- ELLISON).
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions
    Durham E-Theses Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. SMAIRA, DIMA How to cite: SMAIRA, DIMA (2014) Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10810/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Changing Security: Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. Dima Smaira Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations. School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2014 i Abstract This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Senior Sunni Defections in Syria | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Alert Senior Sunni Defections in Syria by Andrew J. Tabler, Jeffrey White Jul 5, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew J. Tabler Andrew J. Tabler is the Martin J. Gross fellow in the Geduld Program on Arab Politics at The Washington Institute, where he focuses on Syria and U.S. policy in the Levant. Jeffrey White Jeffrey White is an adjunct defense fellow at The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of the Levant and Iran. Brief Analysis The reported defection of a senior Sunni commander and friend of Assad, if true, would be a blow to the regime and an opportunity for Washington. eports that Brig. Gen. Manaf Tlass, a Sunni commander in Syria's elite 105th Brigade, has defected to Turkey R could be a sign that Sunnis are beginning to break with the regime years after being co-opted by President Bashar al-Assad's father, Hafiz. Pro-regime websites have published articles critical of Tlass and his extended family, indicating a serious split. The son of former defense minister Mustafa Tlass, Manaf would be the most senior combat unit commander to have abandoned the regime, and his action highlights the mounting strains on the Syrian army. The 105th Brigade is a component of the Republican Guard Division, considered to be among the units most loyal to the regime. Tlass's forces have been heavily involved in violent actions against the armed and unarmed opposition in the Damascus area since the revolt began, though his effective degree of command over the unit is unclear.
    [Show full text]
  • Farouk Al-Shara
    Farouk al-Shara Siria, Vicepresidente de la República (2006-) y ministro de Exteriores (1984-2006) Duración del mandato: 21 de Febrero de 2006 - En funciones Nacimiento: Damasco, 10 de Diciembre de 1938 Partido político: Partido del Renacimiento Árabe Socialista (Baaz) Profesión : Funcionario y diplomático Resumen http://www.cidob.org 1 of 3 Biografía El veterano Farouk al-Shara, vicepresidente primero de Siria y antiguo ministro de Exteriores, es seguramente el rostro más conocido de la dictadura del partido Baaz fuera de los dos cabezas de la familia que la ha ejercido con puño de hierro en los últimos 43 años, Hafez al-Assad y su hijo Bashar. Muy activo en las palestras diplomáticas, donde defendió con ardor y lealtad las complicadas posiciones de Damasco, Shara viene mostrado sin embargo una actitud moderada y antibelicista, que alienta dudas sobre su grado de compromiso con el régimen, a lo largo del alzamiento popular y la guerra civil que desangran Siria desde 2011. Este notable damasceno de familia sunní recibió una educación anglófona en la Universidad de Damasco y la Universidad de Londres, donde estudió Derecho. Baazista de primera hora, con 25 años ingresó en el Comité Central del partido de ideología socialista y nacionalista panárabe; fue en 1963, justo el año en que el Baaz se hizo con el poder por la vía de un golpe de Estado militar- revolucionario. Un largo ejercicio como encargado de la oficina de la aerolínea nacional en el Reino Unido precedió su ingreso en el cuerpo diplomático en 1977, cuando fue destinado como embajador a Italia.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis: 'Disproportion Has Always Been the Name of the Game' | Jerusalem Post Page 1 of 2
    Analysis: 'Disproportion has always been the name of the game' | Jerusalem Post Page 1 of 2 Want To Quit Your Job? The Jerusalem Post Mobile Graphic Designer Support Israel Earn 3K-5K Per Week-From Home Breaking news from Israel Stay up Adobe Photoshop CS Quark XPress Help Yad Ezra VeShulamit. Feeding Let Me Show You How to date Kамтес 1-800-22-22-28 Israel's Hungry Children & Families www.1kdailyjob.com mobile.jpost.com www.kamtec.com www.yad-ezra.org Analysis: 'Disproportion has always been the name of the game' Jun. 18, 2008 abe selig , THE JERUSALEM POST Trading Lebanese terrorist Samir Kuntar for captured IDF reservists Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev is important even if the two soldiers are no longer alive, Yoram Schweitzer of the Institute for National Security Studies said on Wednesday, as the deal was apparently moving through its final stages. "Disproportion has always been the name of the game," Schweitzer said, alluding to the possibility that the government wasn't negotiating with Hizbullah for the soldiers themselves, but for their remains. He is a senior research fellow and director of the Program on Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict at the institute. But the prospect of such a deal raises questions as to how the Israeli public will respond if the two IDF soldiers are dead, adding a heartrending tone to this final chapter of the Second Lebanon War, which was waged to bring them home in the first place. "Even if they are dead, which I hope they're not," Schweitzer continued, "we will give two families knowledge of the fate of their loved ones, and I wouldn't underestimate that fact.
    [Show full text]
  • The Factory: a Glimpse Into Syria's War Economy
    REPORT SYRIA The Factory: A Glimpse into Syria’s War Economy FEBRUARY 21, 2018 — ARON LUND PAGE 1 After the October 2017 fall of Raqqa to U.S.-backed Kurdish and Arab guerrillas, the extremist group known as the Islamic State is finally crumbling. But victory came a cost: Raqqa lies in ruins, and so does much of northern Syria.1 At least one of the tools for reconstruction is within reach. An hour and a half ’s drive from Raqqa lies one of the largest and most modern cement plants in the entire Middle East, opened less than a year before the war by the multinational construction giant LafargeHolcim. If production were to be resumed, the factory would be perfectly positioned to help rebuild bombed-out cities like Raqqa and Aleppo. However, although the factory may well hold one of the keys to Syria’s future, it also has an unseemly past. In December 2017, French prosecutors charged LafargeHolcim’s former CEO with terrorism financing, having learned that its forerunner Lafarge2 was reported to have paid millions of dollars to Syrian armed groups, including the terrorist- designated Islamic State.3 The strange story of how the world’s most hated extremist group allegedly ended up receiving payments from the world’s largest cement company is worth a closer look, not just for what it tells us about the way money fuels conflict, but also for what it can teach us about Syria’s war economy—a vast ecosystem of illicit profiteering, where the worst of enemies are also partners in business.
    [Show full text]
  • Work in the Syrian Army
    Restructuring the army in the new Syria Major General Muhammad Al-Haj Ali Author: political research Brigadier Khaled Ibrahim Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies is an independent nonprofit research institution, focusing on the production of political, societal and intellectual studies and research related particularly to the Syrian issue, and the possible outcomes of ongoing conflict in Syria. The center is concerned with bolstering civil society and democratic. awareness. Harmoon Center also works on Arab issues and related conflicts, as well as Arab regional and international . relations The Center undertakes practical projects and activities, promotes initiatives for building Syria’s future on the foundations and values of democracy, freedom, equality, human rights, and equal citizenship rights. Harmoon Center strives to be platform for constructive dialogue and an arena . for exchanging ideas Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Restructuring the army in the new Syria Major General Muhammad Al-Haj Ali, Principal Researcher Brigadier General Khaled Ibrahim, Research Assistant Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................... 6 First: The impact of war on the Syrian Army .................................................................7 The impact on the Syrian army prior to the Baath takeover of power ................................
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Conceptualising Suicide Bombings and Rethinking International Relations Theory: The Case of Hamas, 1987-2006 Rashmi Singh A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2008 UMI Number: U615475 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615475 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ■ rc s g e s F g ^ l \ 12 ^ 0 % im 'zoT - Battles “They'll wake up in the morning And they will fight. That which you saw last night was my dream The other will answer: no, it was my dream They will gently retrieve two pistols From the sides of the same pillow And at the same moment They will fire” - Salvos of Mercy From a selection of poems by Ibrahim Nasrallah Translated by Ibrahim Muhawi Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it).
    [Show full text]
  • Camp David's Shadow
    Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination.
    [Show full text]