Articulating Inequality in the Candlelight Protests of 2016–2017
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U.S.-South Korea Relations
U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance Jonathan R. Corrado Research Associate May 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries’ economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship. Coordination of North Korea Policy Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the relationship. The Trump Administration appears to have raised North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs to a top U.S. -
Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer
Situations 11.1 (2018): 19–38 ISSN: 2288–7822 Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer Kee-Yoon Nahm (Illinois State University) Abstract This article examines the politics of public mourning after the death of South Korean celebrity Shin Hae-Chul and the Sewol Ferry disaster. I argue that grief became the impetus for meaningful political change, especially President Park Geun-hye’s removal, when it branched out into a wider affective range in digital culture. I focus on Hell Joseon, a hotly debated internet meme at the time of Shin’s fatal medical accident, and an episode of the television game show Hidden Singer memorializing Shin to identify alternative strategies of politicizing grief that thwart the government’s efforts to silence critical voices. Keywords: Hell Joseon, Shin Hae-Chul, Hidden Singer, Sewol Ferry disaster, mourning, grief, digital culture, Korean media 20 Kee-Yoon Nahm Introduction A few weeks after former President Park Geun-Hye was removed from office following her historic impeachment trial, the New York Times ran an article about the catastrophic sinking of the Sewol Ferry, noting that “the government’s botched rescue operation was a central grievance voiced against the president” in widespread public demonstrations dubbed the “candlelight protests.”1 While the protesters who gathered at Gwanghwamun Square and other public spaces certainly condemned Park and her inept administration, the expression of these grievances was also accompanied by a pervasive sense of grief. Tens of thousands of people visited the temporary memorial altar to the dead passengers— mostly high school students—in their hometown of Ansan while others tied yellow ribbons to fences at Mokpo Harbor, wishing for the safe return of the missing. -
The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory
1 1948 as Division or Foundation? The New Right Movement and South Korean Cultural Memory A Mnemohistorical Approach Patrick Vierthaler Kyoto University Introduction Since the 1990s, and especially the mid-2000s, South Korea has witnessed intense struggles over the memory of its modern and contemporary history, manifesting most notably in disputes over the responsibility for colonial era crimes, the debate on pro-Japanese collaborators (or so- called ch’in’ilp’a), the commemoration of Park Chung-hee and Syngman Rhee, the contents of high school history textbooks, and the nature and narrative of national memorial days. One of these disputes is over the establishment (= “foundation”) of the South Korean state and how to commemorate it. Where do these struggles originate? Why did they intensify in the early and mid-2000s? And, crucially, how can these struggles over “history” be explained and analyzed methodologically? In this essay, I approach these disputes from a mnemohistorical perspective, utilizing the concept of Cultural memory. 1. Theoretical Concepts — Struggles over History as Struggles over Cultural Memory No society can be said to possess a unified and static historical memory. Rather, different memory communities co-exist within each society, with individuals often belonging to multiple memory communities at the same time. Peter Burke (1997: 56) terms these “different memory communities within a given society”, i.e. communities affected by the social organisation of transmission and the different media employed. Understanding -
Building the Nation: the Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion
religions Article Building the Nation: The Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion Andrew Eungi Kim 1 and Daniel Connolly 2,* 1 Division of International Studies, Korea University, Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, Korea; [email protected] 2 Division of International Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul 02450, Korea * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion. -
South Korea | Freedom House: Freedom in the World 2019
South Korea | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/south-korea A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 11 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The 1988 constitution vests executive power in a directly elected president, who is limited to a single five-year term. Executive elections in South Korea are largely free and fair. Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party won a May 2017 snap presidential election following the impeachment of former president Park. He took 41 percent of the vote, followed by Hong Jun-pyo of the conservative Liberty Korea Party with 24 percent and Ahn Cheol-soo of the centrist People’s Party with 21 percent. About 77 percent of registered voters turned out for the election. In the June 2018 local elections, the Minjoo Party won 14 of 17 metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial offices, with two of the others going to the Liberty Korea Party and one to an independent. Turnout for the local elections was 60.2 percent, marking the first time the voting rate had surpassed 60 percent for local elections since 1995. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The unicameral National Assembly is composed of 300 members serving four-year terms, with 253 elected in single-member constituencies and 47 through national party lists. The contests are typically free of major irregularities. In the 2016 elections, the Minjoo Party won 123 seats, while the Saenuri Party (which later became the Liberty Korea Party) won 122. -
Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years. -
Will the Chaebol Reform Process Move Forward Under the Moon Jae-In Administration? —Future Directions and Challenges—
Will the Chaebol Reform Process Move Forward under the Moon Jae-in Administration? —Future Directions and Challenges— By Hidehiko Mukoyama Senior Economist Economics Department Japan Research Institute Summary 1. Collusive links between politics and business were a major focus during South Korea’s 2017 presidential election. In an address to the national after his election victory, President Moon Jae-in promised to carry out reforms targeting the chaebol (industrial conglomerates) and eliminate collusion between politicians and business people. The purpose of this article is to clarify how the chaebol reform process is likely to proceed, what the focal points will be, and the issues that could arise. 2. The economic policy of the Moon Jae-in administration is based on the four pillars of income-driven growth, the establishment of an economy that will generate jobs, fair competition (including chaebol reform), and growth through innovation. Immediately after taking power, President Moon Jae-in announced policies targeted toward income-driven growth. Efforts to achieve growth through innovation began in the fall of 2017. The chaebol reform process has not yet begun. 3. Chaebol reform is necessary for several reasons. First, the concentration of economic power in the hands of the chaebol is producing harmful effects, including growing economic disparity, and a lack of jobs for young workers. Second, there have been numerous fraud cases relating to the inheritance of management rights by members of the chaebol families. Third, the chaebol have repeatedly colluded with politicians. 4. One reason for repeated cases of business-political collusion is the enormous amount of au- thority wielded by the South Korean president. -
What Is Putinism? M
October 2017, Volume 28, Number 4 $14.00 What Is Putinism? M. Steven Fish Vladimir Kara-Murza Leon Aron Lilia Shevtsova Vladislav Inozemtsev Graeme Robertson and Samuel Greene Eroding Norms and Democratic Deconsolidation Paul Howe Iran’s 2017 Election: Two Views Abbas Milani Ladan Boroumand Marc F. Plattner on Democracy’s Fading Allure Gi-Wook Shin & Rennie Moon on South Korea’s Impeachment Drama Michael C. Davis on Constitutionalism in Asia Ken Menkhaus on Somalia’s Elections Staffan Lindberg et al. on Measuring Democratic Backsliding Social Media and Democracy Joshua Tucker, Yannis Theocharis, Margaret Roberts, and Pablo Barberá SOUTH KOREA AFTER IMPEACHMENT Gi-Wook Shin and Rennie J. Moon Gi-Wook Shin is professor of sociology and director of the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center at Stanford University. Rennie J. Moon is associate professor of research methods at Un- derwood International College of Yonsei University and the 2016–17 Koret Fellow at the Shorenstein Center. In just over a year, between April 2016 and May 2017, a series of dra- matic events roiled the domestic politics of South Korea (hereinafter Korea). Things began normally enough: An election to fill all 300 seats in the unicameral National Assembly went forward as scheduled on 13 April 2016. A presidential balloting was set to follow in due course near the close of 2017 as the incumbent, Park Geun Hye of the right-of-center Saenuri (New Frontier) Party,1 finished the single five-year term that the constitution allows. In late October 2016, however, a lightning bolt of scandal electri- fied the scene. -
Redeploying US Nuclear Weapons to South Korea
Redeploying U.S. Nuclear Weapons to South Korea: Background and Implications in Brief Amy F. Woolf Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs September 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44950 Redeploying U.S. Nuclear Weapons to South Korea: Background and Implications in Brief Summary Recent advances in North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs have led to discussions, both within South Korea and, reportedly, between the United States and South Korean officials, about the possible redeployment of U.S. nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula. The United States deployed nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula between 1958 and 1991. Although it removed the weapons as a part of a post-Cold War change in its nuclear posture, the United States remains committed to defending South Korea under the 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty and to employing nuclear weapons, if necessary, in that defense. The only warheads remaining in the U.S. stockpile that could be deployed on the Korean Peninsula are B61 bombs. Before redeploying these to South Korea, where they would remain under U.S. control, the United States would have to recreate the infrastructure needed to house the bombs and would also have to train and certify the personnel responsible for maintaining the weapons and operating the aircraft for the nuclear mission. Some who support the redeployment of U.S. nuclear weapons argue that their presence on the peninsula would send a powerful deterrent message to the North and demonstrate a strong commitment to the South. Their presence would allow for a more rapid nuclear response to a North Korean attack. -
'Hell Joseon' Is More Like It As Economy Flounders
LUND UNIVERSITY • CENTRE FOR EAST AND SOUTH-EAST ASIAN STUDIES ‘Hell Joseon’ - Tales from a South Korean Youth Trapped Between Past and Present Author: Johan Cornelis Schoonhoven Supervisor: Erik Mobrand Master’s Programme in Asian Studies Spring semester 2017 Abstract This thesis takes its outset in the newly coined expression ‘Hell Joseon’ used by the youth in South Korea. ‘Hell Joseon’ is a comparison between today’s society and the pre-modern Joseon Dynasty. By asking “what are the main characteristics of life in ‘Hell Joseon’ from a youth perspective?”, I arrive at the following conclusion. Life in ‘Hell Joseon’ is highly characterized by discrepancies between rich and poor, old and young, men and women, global and local. This is a peculiar result of Korea’s double-compressed modernity which derives from a colonial legacy, top-down modernization in the post-war era and condensed transition to a neoliberal world economy, also known as the second modernity. Therefore, traditional and (post)modern elements coexist in Korea’s society, and is partly the reason why the youth are now drawing references to the pre-modern Joseon Dynasty. Life in ‘Hell Joseon’ thus implies frustrations over high unemployment rates, a new ‘spoon class’ class division, lack of social mobility, an education fever and a downright “gender war”. More than that, it shows traces of apathy in the fact that the young generation is giving up marriage, children, jobs, hope, housing etc., but also traces of transformation since the ‘Hell Joseon’ discourse have made the youth take it to the streets, last seen in the mass demonstrations against now impeached President Park Geun-hye. -
South Korea: the Next Strategic Surprise?
South Korea: The next strategic surprise? Dr Jeffrey Robertson Yonsei University East Asia Security Centre 东亚安全中心 Peer-reviewed Conference Paper 2019 U.S. Naval War College and East Asia Security Centre Conference Between Scylla and Charybdis: Is there a Middle Path for Middle Powers in the Indo-Pacific Region? https://easc.scholasticahq.com/ Published Version August 2020 For information about this paper or the East Asia Security Centre’s Peer-reviewed publishing site please contact the Editor-in-Chief Jonathan H. Ping East Asia Security Centre Abstract: South Korea’s foreign policy has traditionally exhibited a high degree of path dependence, marked by firm resolve, restraint, and close coordination with the United States. However, analytical expectations regarding South Korea’s foreign policy indicate the potential for strategic surprise that could result from the failure to recognize, or a willingness to ignore, the potential for change. This article demonstrates that domestic and external conditions provide a strong rationale for change. It further demonstrates that alternative policy options, which would fundamentally change South Korea’s foreign policy, and require decision makers to reassess basic assumptions, are currently under debate and/or being signaled. Analysts should not expect Seoul to follow the same well-worn foreign policy path forever. Foreign policy path dependence is coming to an end. It’s time now to prepare for radical change on the Korean peninsula. Keywords: Korea, United States, China, nuclear, foreign policy, middle power 2 South Korea: The next strategic surprise? Introduction On 8 March 2018, National Security Office Director, Chung Eui-yong, National Intelligence Service Director, Suh Hoon, and Ambassador Cho Yoon-je, announced to reporters gathered on the front lawn of the White House that President Trump had agreed to meet North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un. -
Liberal Democracy in South Korea Jung Pak and Paul Park
POLICY BRIEF Liberal democracy in South Korea Jung Pak and Paul Park Widespread protests leading to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye revealed both the strengths of South Korean democracy as well as its weakness. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY prospects for substantive progress in making the government more responsive to the people. Hundreds of thousands of South Koreans took to the streets in the fall of 2016 to demand the resignation of then-President Park Geun- FLAMES FROM THE CANDLELIGHT hye for corruption, captivating the world with From October 2016 to March 2017, hundreds of this extraordinary display of peaceful collective thousands of South Korean citizens from all parts of action. However, what came to be known as the the country gathered every weekend in the streets of “candlelight protests” belied the weaknesses of Seoul demanding the resignation of then-President democratic governance in South Korea, a country Park Geun-hye for charges of corruption. Holding a that jettisoned autocracy 30 years ago. The candle in one hand and a placard that read, “You candlelight movement was emblematic of a culture call THIS a country?,” schoolchildren, young adults, of protest in South Korean society and it reflects families, and the elderly stood together in the the weakness of its representative democracy cold weather to voice their resentment toward the and lingering suspicion of governments that are abuse of power shown by the nation’s top public linked to the country’s history of military regimes. official. Now often referred to as the “candlelight This paper identifies some key challenges to South protests,” this extraordinary display of collective Korea’s liberal democracy, including the structural action eventually resulted in a first-ever decision by limits of a top-down authority and the inextricable the South Korean Constitutional Court to remove a relationship between the state and corporations.