Dr. Angela Misra
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Libya: Extremism & Counter-Extremism Overview
Libya: Extremism & Counter-Extremism On July 14, 2020, Libya’s eastern-based parliament approved a motion that would allow Egypt to militarily intervene in the Libyan war to counter Turkish support of the Government of National Accord (GNA). Accordingly, Egypt’s military has claimed to have carried out exercises involving navy, air force, and Special Forces near the Libyan border in anticipation of drastic changes in the region. On June 30, 2020, France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, accused Turkey of importing large numbers of jihadists into Libya. In recent weeks, Turkey has significantly intervened in Libya, providing air support, weapons, and fighters to the internationally recognized GNA to repel the opposing Libyan National Army (LNA). Macron did not provide clear evidence regarding the nature of the deployed fighters but claimed that Turkey was “massively importing” fighters from Syria. Although the GNA seized back the capital from the LNA on June 3, 2020, Libya is still split between the two factions—the LNA maintains control of the east, and the LNA controls the western area of the country. (Sources: Al Jazeera [1], Arab News [2], Reuters [3], Al Jazeera [4], Guardian [5], Reuters [6]) Fighting between the rival factions has been ongoing since April 2019, and escalated in early 2020 after Haftar’s declaration of a “final” and decisive battle for Tripoli on December 12, 2019. A couple of weeks later, on January 2, 2020, Turkish lawmakers authorized the deployment of troops into Libya, however, Turkish and Russian forces called for a truce on January 12. As of June 2020, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Maria Zakharova, has claimed that the situation in Libya continues to deteriorate despite the attempted Russian-Turkish ceasefire. -
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
1. the Big Picture Political Security
Libya Weekly Political Security Update Bell Whispering Bell March 17, 2020 1. The Big Picture Oil crisis to take centre stage amid COVID-19 concerns While ,fighting remains limited to bouts of violence More importantly, the LNA is expected to exploit the and intermittent skirmishes between Libyan situation to strengthen its case for accessing oil & National Army (LNA) and Government of National gas revenues. Of note, the blockade on exports Accord (GNA) forces, reinforcements continue to orchestrated by pro-LNA tribes continues to deepen underline the prospect of an escalation in Libya’s with losses now estimated at 3 billion USD west, especially along the Sirte-Weshka-Abugrein according to the National Oil Corporation (NOC). engagement axes. Reports of large GNA-aligned The oil crisis was the centre of Haftar’s Paris and CONTENTS Misrata military reinforcements were spotted Berlin visits. France’s diplomacy made it clear this arriving in Abugrein to join the GNA’s Sirte-Jufra week that Haftar forms an integral part of Libya’s Ops Room on 09 March. In response, the LNA’s future. Haftar met with French President Emmanuel 1 general command mobilised additional resources Macron and expressed commitment to abide by a THE BIG PICTURE towards Weshka - Abugrein on 10 March. ceasefire if GNA forces comply. Haftar’s Paris visit Oil crisis to take centre stage was low-profile and no official communique was amid COVID-19 concerns The LNA led by Khalifa Haftar continues to claim it released, leading French media to underline the is monitoring GNA preparations for a broader Elysee’s low confidence in a resolution. -
Looking Into Iraq
Chaillot Paper July 2005 n°79 Looking into Iraq Martin van Bruinessen, Jean-François Daguzan, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Walter Posch and Álvaro de Vasconcelos Edited by Walter Posch cc79-cover.qxp 28/07/2005 15:27 Page 2 Chaillot Paper Chaillot n° 79 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) beca- Looking into Iraq me an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the ISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a semi- nar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered Edited by Walter Posch Edited by Walter by the ISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/ESDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s Website: www.iss-eu.org cc79-Text.qxp 28/07/2005 15:36 Page 1 Chaillot Paper July 2005 n°79 Looking into Iraq Martin van Bruinessen, Jean-François Daguzan, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Walter Posch and Álvaro de Vasconcelos Edited by Walter Posch Institute for Security Studies European Union Paris cc79-Text.qxp 28/07/2005 15:36 Page 2 Institute for Security Studies European Union 43 avenue du Président Wilson 75775 Paris cedex 16 tel.: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 30 fax: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org Director: Nicole Gnesotto © EU Institute for Security Studies 2005. -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking. -
The Sunni Tribes in Iraq: Between Local Power, the International Coalition 1 and the Islamic State by Hosham Dawod
Report September 2015 The Sunni tribes in Iraq: between local power, the international coalition 1 and the Islamic State By Hosham Dawod Executive summary Particularly in the Middle East there is increased interest in the social and political realities that the term “tribe” now refers to in societies experiencing internal conflict, with both local and global implications. Nearly everywhere the Arab Spring has ended in civil war, attempts at neo-authoritarianism or, more visibly, a spiralling increase in Islamic State-type radical jihadism. In the face of the weakness and even collapse of states, the international powers’ flexibility has been reduced and recourse to tribal support has become increasingly common. The following analysis looks briefly at the phenomenon of the Sunni tribes in Iraq – a country that is experiencing a political break-up, a weakening of the state, radical jihadism, a sectarian war, and regional and international intervention. In the Arab Muslim world the tribe is back at the centre of do not necessarily trigger or accelerate the disappearance political, military and – more generally speaking – security of a range of sociohistorical phenomena (local communi- considerations. There is now no secret about the interest ties, infra-ethnic identities, tribes, etc.). On the contrary, that the U.S. army, after getting bogged down in Iraq, has we see in various places a significant dynamic resulting in taken in the tribal question in that country since 2004, i.e. a resurgence of these phenomena – to the extent that they a year after invading it. This interest was manifest espe- are situated at the heart of conflict resolution. -
Table of Contents
IRAQI INSURGENT MEDIA: THE WAR OF IMAGES AND IDEAS Table of Contents 1 Key Findings ................................................................................................................. 3 2 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 4 2.1 Two Days in Iraq ....................................................................................... 4 2.2 The War of Ideas ....................................................................................... 6 3 Products ....................................................................................................................... 7 3.1 Texts ....................................................................................................... 7 3.1.1 Statements...................................................................................... 8 3.1.2 Periodicals .................................................................................... 19 3.1.3 Books ........................................................................................... 24 3.2 Audiovisual ............................................................................................ 25 3.2.1 Videotaped Attacks ........................................................................ 25 3.2.2 Films ............................................................................................ 28 3.2.3 Recorded Statements ..................................................................... 30 3.2.4 Songs .......................................................................................... -
Iraq: Falluja’S Faustian Bargain
Iraq: Falluja’s Faustian Bargain Middle East Report N°150 | 28 April 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Round Two in Falluja: Sectarian Polarisation ................................................................. 5 III. The View from Falluja ...................................................................................................... 9 A. Past as Prologue ......................................................................................................... 9 B. A Tenuous Unity ........................................................................................................ 10 C. Catch-22 ..................................................................................................................... 13 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 16 APPENDICES A. Map of Iraq ...................................................................................................................... -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
The Iraqi Insurgency Actors, Strategies, and Structures
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg The Iraqi Insurgency Actors, Strategies, and Structures RP 13 December 2006 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2006 SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Darren Hall (English version of SWP-Studie 27/06) The translation and publication of this research paper was made possible through the generous sup- port of E.ON AG, Düsseldorf, and the collaboration of the Forum Ebenhausen Table of Contents 5 Problems and Findings 7 Phases of the Insurgency in Iraq 8 The Insurgent Organizations 8 National Islamists 8 The Islamic Army in Iraq 10 The 1920 Revolution Brigades 10 Jihadists 10 Ansar al-Sunna (Ansar al-Islam) 11 al-Qaida in Iraq 14 Goals and Strategies 14 Goals and Visions of Political Order 15 Strategies and Their Implementation 17 Conflicts between National Islamists and Jihadists 19 Characteristics and Structures 19 Decentralization 20 Areas of Operation 22 Financial Sources 23 The Number of Fighters 24 Motives and Origins of the Insurgents 24 Who Are the Indigenous Fighters? 25 Who Are the Foreign Fighters? 28 Dividing the Insurgency? 29 Conclusion: From Insurgency to Civil War? Problems and Findings The Iraqi Insurgency: Actors, Strategies, and Structures Four years after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, Sunni groups continue to fight an insurgency against the occupation forces, and the violence that erupted in summer 2003 has yet to let up. -
Iraq in Crisis
Burke Chair in Strategy Iraq in Crisis By Anthony H. Cordesman and Sam Khazai January 24, 2014 Request for comments: This report is a draft that will be turned into an electronic book. Comments and suggested changes would be greatly appreciated. Please send any comments to Anthony H. Cordsman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, at [email protected]. ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Iraq in Crisis: Cordesman and Khazai January 24, 2014 Update ii Acknowledgements This analysis was written with the assistance of Burke Chair researcher Daniel Dewitt. Iraq in Crisis: Cordesman and Khazai January 24, 2014 Update iii Executive Summary As events in late December 2013 and early 2014 have made brutally clear, Iraq is a nation in crisis bordering on civil war. It is burdened by a long history of war, internal power struggles, and failed governance. Is also a nation whose failed leadership is now creating a steady increase in the sectarian divisions between Shi’ite and Sunni, and the ethnic divisions between Arab and Kurd. Iraq suffers badly from the legacy of mistakes the US made during and after its invasion in 2003. It suffers from threat posed by the reemergence of violent Sunni extremist movements like Al Qaeda and equally violent Shi’ite militias. It suffers from pressure from Iran and near isolation by several key Arab states. It has increasingly become the victim of the forces unleashed by the Syrian civil war. The country’s main threats, however, result from self-inflicted wounds caused by its political leaders. -
The Jihad and Reform Front” Condemns
November 2008 “The Jihad and Reform Front” condemns the American attack in Syria On October 27, 2008, the “Jihad and Reform Front” (Jabhat Al-Jihad W-Al- Taghyir)1 posted a message on its website2 condemning the American attack in Syria on October 26.3 The message read as follows: Regarding the American aggression on our neighbour Syria, In the name of Allah, the most gracious, the most merciful, "And when he turns away, his effort in the land is to make mischief therein and to destroy the crops and the cattle, and Allah likes not mischief" (Al-Baqarah, 205) In a heinous crime based on a flagrant lie visible to all, that is added to the American government’s black list already replete with lies, American occupation helicopters carried out an act of aggression against the Arabic neighbour and sister Syria, an attack which brought on the death of eight civilians and the injuring of others. We in the “Jihad and Reform Front” condemn and denounce this criminal act of aggression, and view it to be a result of the hysteria and frustration felt by the American government and its troops in Iraq, especially following the public’s outraged response to the security agreement4 about to be signed with the “Green Zone”5 Government… It seems that the occupation troops – laden heavy with the burden of hundreds of thousands Iraqis, who 1 The “Jihad and Reform Front” is a Sunni umbrella-organization of Jihadi groups operating in Iraq, founded in May 2007. For additional information about the organization, see: http://memri.org/bin/articles.cgi?Page=archives&Area=sd&ID=SP157107 2 http://www.jhadfront.com, and also http://jrfront.info/english 3 http://www.jhadfront.com/index.php?p=378 4 A security agreement between Iraq and the United States, extending the presence of American forces in the country 5 The Green Zone is an area in central Baghdad that was the center of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) and remains the center of international presence in the city 1 1 P.O.