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Japan Vs Russia

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Japan Vs Russia Joint Crisis Committee Background Guide CAHSMUN XVII Letter from the Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to this year’s Joint Crisis Committee (JCC) on the Supremacy for the Far East, 1894. My name is William Tsai and I have the distinct honour of serving as the Crisis Director of the JCC. This is a crisis committee in which delegates will represent the ministers and military leaders of the Russian Empire and the Empire of Japan. Crisis committees provide an excellent means for delegates to experience not only the many facets needed to manage a government efficiently and effectively, but also the struggles in decision-making that confronted these historical figures. Unlike other Model UN committees, crisis committees allow delegates to see the positive and negative consequences of their decisions and challenge them to engage in personal diplomacy, balancing individual agendas with collective compromise. Within this committee, you and your fellow delegates must decide the future of East Asia, fight for political dominance, and make compelling arguments for your plans. I encourage you to research your role thoroughly and brainstorm possible solutions that suit your character’s ideology and ideals. Be prepared to play your role and make snap judgments on whatever topics crop up during the committee. As for your other amazing Staff members, the Japanese bloc includes Derek Wu as the Bloc Director, with Armaan Jaffer and Victoria Munro as your Chair and Assistant Director respectively. On the other hand, the Russian bloc comprises Tyler Rosenzweig as the Bloc Director with Mia Tsao as the Chair and Lauren Thomas as the Assistant Director. I, along with the other Staff members, hope you all have a wonderful experience at CAHSMUN 2021. If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact us at [email protected] Sincerely, William Tsai JCC Director—CAHSMUN 2021 Committee Description The Joint Crisis Committee (JCC) stands as one of the most diverse, challenging, and rewarding Model UN experiences. Every decision, delegate, and directive affects not only one committee environment, but two. These two opposing blocs, representing the cabinets of the Empire of Japan and the Russian Empire at the turn of the 20th century, will have to face the same historical challenges, disagreements, and pitfalls that these nations faced more than two hundred years prior. The JCC will be made up of two separate committees whose directives and decisions affect the shared world. For delegates new to crisis committees, directives serve as your delegation’s way of interacting with the crisis itself. Updates, either in response to your directives or notifying you of new information, will be given to each bloc regularly. These updates will only contain information that the cabinet itself is realistically aware of. Due to the regularity of these updates and how they may change the crisis entirely, directives need to be written swiftly in response to these updates, but not without a clear intention, an understanding of the potential consequences, and other opinions from your bloc. Directives can either be private, which utilize your delegation’s powers as stated later in the backgrounder and remain confidential from the rest of your bloc, or public, which use the entirety of your bloc’s shared power as a cabinet and require a public vote to put into place. However, private directives are not always employed for subversive purposes; it may be much more efficient to immediately submit a private directive in lieu of waiting for a public one to be properly read out and voted upon. Instead of representing a country, you will be representing a historical figure, with their own motivations, beliefs, and ideology. Adhering to your character’s interests, even when they contradict those of your fellow committee members, will be vital in creating a dynamic and intriguing committee environment. As such, I implore you to not only research the historical context behind this topic, but also your character as well. As a reminder, neither you nor your delegation should be affected by real-life historical events after the initiating crisis. The world in which this committee occurs will be constantly changing due to the actions of both blocs, and strictly adhering to the historical events of the past will be nearly impossible. Any historical event, treaty, or idea that occured after July 23, 1894, cannot be referenced or used as justification for a delegation’s actions. Although not historically accurate, the Emperors of each bloc, represented by your Bloc Directors, will remain relatively neutral throughout the proceedings; nevertheless, they reserve the right to veto any extreme or unrealistic directives. You may, however, still backstab, overthrow, or execute any of your colleagues if you deem it necessary. This JCC may differ from previous iterations of this committee in that the two blocs do not begin in direct opposition of one another. Instead, imperialist competition over colonial concessions should naturally drive the rivalry between these two blocs. Delegates should always strive to forward their nation’s own goals rather than make unnecessary attempts to destroy the opposing bloc. This committee is as much about nation-building, industrialization, and diplomacy as it is about starting a naval arms race and war with the opposing bloc. Despite this, the committee is built upon out-competing the other bloc, either directly or indirectly. Overview: Supremacy for the Far East, 1894 It is July 23, 1894. Seoul has been captured by Japan and the First Sino-Japanese War has truly begun. In fact, the start of the 20th century marks an important turning point for the empires of Russia, Japan, and China. The Empire of Japan, seeking to wrest Joseon Korea from the Qing’s sphere of influence and into their own, has aggressively modernized in the last half- century.1 Meanwhile, the Russian Empire is preparing for the death of Tsar Alexander III, the ultra-conservative reactionary known for maintaining a stable, peaceful, and orderly Russia.2 As the former Asian hegemon—the Qing Dynasty—wanes in both power and prestige, its riches found in Manchuria, the Korean Peninsula, and in China’s northern coast seem ripe for the taking.3 These two competing empires, similar in goals yet dramatically different in status and prestige, seek to expand their imperialist ambitions throughout these lawless lands. As the first non-Western great power during the Age of Imperialism, the Empire of Japan found the roots of its success in the period of rapid modernization following the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Since then, the Japanese have modernized all facets of life, including its military, government, economy, and industry. However, to be truly recognized as one of the Great Powers in the Age of Imperialism, Japan requires colonies to fuel its ever-growing economy. Thus, Japan has now begun a war against the decaying Qing Dynasty over the suzerainty of Korea.4 Internally, Japan faces challenges with centralizing the nation, renegotiating the colonial treaties of its past, and balancing how independent its military is from the government. 1 www.jstor.org/stable/27919535 2 www.jstor.org/stable/44581433 3 https://www.mironline.ca/century-humiliation-understanding-chinese-mindset/. 4 www.jstor.org/stable/1875849 After a diplomatic victory that freed fellow Slavic nations in the Balkans, the industrializing Russian Empire now looks towards the East. So far, Russia has secured its de facto ownership over Manchurian resources and concessions through the Treaty of Aigun and Convention of Peking, signed in 1858 and 1860 respectively.5 Furthermore, in order to connect the industrializing West to its resource-rich East, Russia has begun the construction of the Trans- Siberian Railway. However, Tsar Alexander III now lies on his deathbed. Radicalism spreads within the cities, and some wonder whether the young Tsareveich Nicholas will command the same dominance as his authoritative father. Timeline 1689 - The border between Russia and the Qing Dynasty is drawn in the Treaty of Nerchinsk and, later, the Treaty of Kyakhta.6 1842 - The Treaty of Nanking ends the First Opium War and opens the Qing Dynasty to foreign trade, marking the beginning of European imperialism in China.7 1854 - United States Commodore Matthew Perry forces Japan to sign the Convention of Kanagawa, opening the country to foreign trade for the first time in 220 years.8 1856 - Russia faces defeat in the Crimean War, exposing its underdeveloped economy and society.9 1858 - The British and French force another Qing surrender in the Second Opium War with the Treaty of Tientsin, cementing European dominance over the Chinese.10 1860 - At the Convention of Peking, attended by the British, French, and Russian Empires, Britain ratifies the Treaty of Tientsin, France guarantees the rights of Christian missionaries in China, and Russia gains the territories of Outer Manchuria, reversing the Treaty of Kyakhta. With its new territory, Russia settles the port of Vladivostok, reasserting Russia's presence in the Far East.11 5 www.jstor.org/stable/2339062 6 www.jstor.org/stable/25642205 7 https://www.mironline.ca/century-humiliation-understanding-chinese-mindset/. 8 Ravina, Mark. To Stand with the Nations of the World: Japan’s Meiji Restoration in World History. Oxford University Press, 2017. 9 www.jstor.org/stable/4204004 10 www.jstor.org/stable/25642205 11 Ibid. 1864 - The Taiping Rebellion, the bloodiest civil war of all time, ends in the Qing Dynasty after 14 years. This revolt further weakens the Qing’s control over its subjects and East Asia.12 1868 - The Meiji Restoration brings an end to the Tokugawa Shogunate and creates a new centralized Empire of Japan.13 1875 - The Treaty of Saint Petersburg, signed between Russia and Japan, gives the island of Sakhalin to Russia and the Kuril Islands to Japan.14 1878 - Russia achieves both military and diplomatic victory in the Russo-Turkish War and at the subsequent Congress of Berlin, where the Great Powers outline the creation of the new Balkan states.
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