Observations fr om Within, Observations fr om Without

The Dutch in Anthropological Perspective

Rob van Ginkel

van Ginkel, Hob 1998: Observations fr om Within, Observations from Without. The Dutch in Anthropological Perspective. - Ethnologia Europaea 28: 67-90.

Prior to the 1950s, the ethnography of the Netherlands was virtually a terra incogn ita.. Dutch anthropologists usually conducted research in the tropics anti filreign eth nographers did not do fieldworkin the country either. It was only in the 19!i0s and 1960s that native and fo reign anthropologists hesitatingly began to carry out research pertaining to Dutch society and culture. The 1970s were a take­ off period, in which the number of anthropological publications on the Dutch stea

Dr Rob van Ginkel, Department of Anthropology, University of Amsterdam, Oudezi,jdsAchterb urgwal 185, NL -1012 DK Amsterdam, The Ne therlands. E-mail: vanginkel@pscw. uva.nl

the newly independent states and thereupon Introduction many had to find new fieldwork locations, and Obviously, there is no such thing as the anthro­ usually these were fo und closer to home. Sec­ pology of the Netherlands. In regard of theory, ondly, less fu nding became available for eth­ methodology, and subject matters, the range of nography in the tropics, while at the same time, approaches is simply too diverse. Moreover, government and non-governmental organiza­ there is no strong tradition of"anthropology at tions increasingly financedapplied and policy home"or "endogenous ethnography" in the Neth­ research at home, for example regarding ethnic erlands. It was only in the 1970s that a growing minorities, marginal groupings, crime and so number of Dutch and some foreign anthropolo­ fo rth. Thirdly, anthropologists in academe real­ gists began conducting research and publish­ ized that anthropology is the study of all human ing about various groups and segments ofDutch societies and cultures - including their own. society. Previously, Dutch anthropologists pre­ New education and research programs were dominantly did fieldworkin the tropics, and in initiated, attracting scores of students, many of the colonies of the East Indies, Surinam and whom fo und employment in applied and policy Papua New Guinea in particular. In the aca­ research (van Ginkel 1994b). demic division of labor, research into Dutch This paper will review the ethnographic lit­ society and culture was more or less the pre­ erature pertaining to the Netherlands. Gener­ serve of sociologists, social geographers, histo­ ally, three broad streams can be discerned: rians and folklorists. historical anthropology, the ethnography of the The repatriation of anthropology in the N eth­ social fr inge and the ethnography of ethnic erlands, which occurred later than in most minorities. The literature on ethnic minorities other European countries, can be attributed to is quite extensive, and will not be reviewed here several fa ctors. Firstly, decolonization process­ since it has already been the subject of other es all but barred access for anthropologists to review articles (see, for instance, van Niekerk

67 199:3). Hi::;torical ethnography usually takes a tried to discern Franconian, Saxon and fi'risian diachronic or proce::;::;ual pen;peciive, covering clements and character traits in the Dutch developments over a relatively long span of populace. Under Stcinmct7.'s successor, Henri time. The ethnography of marginal groupings Nicolaas ter Ve cn, and his students, sociogra­ generally concentrates on specific social catego­ phy became a form or applied social science. ries and either misses a historical dimension or Their studies were often concerned with the takes a short-term (post-World War II) perspec­ consequences of the enclosure of the Zuyder tive. Before presenting the main findings of Sea, land reclamations, and the coping str·ate­ anthropologists belonging to these two 'schools', gies and social organization of the settlers in I will brieflydwell on the scanty ethnographic the reclaimed polders . However, by the mid- literature produced before the 1970s. 1 1 950s the heyday ofsociography was over. Mod­ ern sociologists criticized its empiricism and this new generation fo und inspiration in Amer­ Predecessors and Early Ethnographers ican fu nctional sociology and its theories ofihe Of course, there arc authors who can be consid­ middle range. Sociography fe ll apart into th ree ered anthropologists or ethnographers auant­ separate disciplines: sociology, social geogra­ la-lettre. For instance, in his seminal book The phy and anthropology. Em harassment of Riches (1.987: 9), the histori­ In the meanwhile, cultural anthropologists an Simon Schama states thai 18th century had for the first time shown an interest in the writers of natural history - among whom Jo­ Netherlands. It was Ruth Benedict who con­ hannes le Francq van Berkhey and Cornelis ducted a war-time study of Dutch culture "at a van Alkemade - can be regarded as such and distance" (van Ginkel 1992b, 1993a). This work, Martinus Stuart's work can also be mentioned written in 1944 in assignment and under the in this respect (Ensel 1994). These scholars aegis ofthe Officeof War Information in Wash­ devoted much attention to the habits, customs ington, remained unpublished. It was Bene­ and the 'national character' or regional cultures dict's task to produce a document for the Amer­ of Dutch people. The same goes for the myriad ican army in which she had to outline the Dutch accounts of travellers who visited the Nether­ national character. This document had to in­ lands (cf. van Ginkel 1997a). In the late nine­ struct the American soldiers how to behave teenth and early twentieth centuries, another when liberating the Dutch population fr om the category of writers should be mentioned: phys­ German occupation army. Benedict interviewed ical anthropologists and craniologists (for early Dutch war refugees and immigrants and con­ overviews, see Davis 1865; Mayet 1902). How­ sulted various written documents, but was of ever, fo r obvious reasons their biologistic work course unable to conduct fieldworkin the coun­ has been discredited fo llowing World War II. try. It was not until the 1930s that social scien­ Nor did the firstDutch cultural anthropolo­ tists applied what is nowadays believed to be gist to write on his compatriots conduct field­ the hallmark of ethnography: fieldwork and work. H.Th. Fischer (1947) based his article on participant observation. Generally their field­ the Dutch kinship system entirely on the avail­ work was brief and only used as an additional able literature. In this post-war period, it was research method. Sebald Rudolf Steinmetz - a still no general practice among Dutch anthro­ jurist who turned sociologist, geographer and pologists to enter the field and conduct partici­ ethnologist - was the fo unding father of this pant observation. school, known as 'sociography'. Sociographers It was only in the early 1950s that the Dutch/ conducted community studies and attempted to American married couple John and Dorothy quantify the data they gathered in neat descrip­ Keur did extended anthropological fieldwork in tive statistics. They also devoted attention, a Dutch hamlet, Anderen, located in the prov­ among many other things, to the mentality of ince of Drenthe. Their ethnography, entitled the people they studied which they usually The Deeply Rooted (1955), in many respects linked to racial characteristics. That is, they resembles the work of Dutch sociographers. It

68 is rather descriptive und coven;a wide range of impressionistic, covering such subjects a�; the topic�; d uminuting �;ociul lilc in the village. But kinship system, social relationships, communi­ unlike socio�-,Staphorst, a relatively closed communi­ rips (1978) with a dissertation on the relation­ ty which then still maintained its traditional ships between and within various religious customs and costumes. Her monograph, enti­ groupings in the dairy-farming community of tled Staphorster volk (Staphorst People), is an Ottoland and their respective worldviews. Both example of a holistic community study about books are in a way examples of political anthro­ "real people", but lacks a clear research ques­ pology and concern shifting power balances. tion or problem and is mainly descriptive and Brunt describes the confrontations between

69 autochthon::; and urbanites against the back­ of Sociology. Besides their editorial involve­ ground ol' the local power structure and the ment in two books on anthropological rc::;eurch ways in which it changed as a consequence of methods (Brunt 1977; Bouw et al. 1982), and internal and external developments. With the one on urban anthropological studies in Dutch decrea::;ing importance of agriculture, the settings (Bovenkerk & Brunt 1982), Bovenkcrk autochthonous farmers' hegemonic power de­ (1978) edited a book on ethnic minorities and clined and new economic interest-groups filled racial discrimination in the N etherlands , which the power vacuum. The newcomers became was one of the first publications in this field and veritable competitors in the local political are­ stimulated research. For example, Bovenkerk na and new relationships developed. and several of his colleagues published on Ital­ Ve rrips also highlights local power strug­ ian ice-cream producers and vendors (Bovenkerk gles, particularly in the religious domain which et al. 1983), while a collection of essays on he links to processes of state formation and ethnic relations in the city of Utrecht appeared social differentiation. In this case, too, the local in 1985 (Bovenkerk et al. 1985). Other pioneers fa rmers' power in the village arena declined in in the field of ethnic minority studies were the process of modernization (for an English Andre Kobben and Jeremy Boissevain, and summary ofthis ethnography, see Verrips 1980). today quite a few anthropologists are involved Both community studies are based not only in this specialism. It is not in the least because upon participant observation, but also on inter­ ofthe widely available fu nding in the 1970s and views, and the use of written sources. Verrips 1980s that this subdiscipline has become rela­ and Brunt used concepts and theoretical prop­ tively popular. Of course, it also gave anthropol­ ositions which in the 1960s were developed by ogists an opportunity to study other cultures American and British anthropologists who were close to home. involved in peasant studies and the anthropol­ The number ofhistorical anthropologists also ogy of complex societies. expanded. Verrips' book was paradigmatic. It Following the Alblasserwaard-project, the became an example for those conducting ethno­ Netherlands was put more firmly on the eth­ historical community studies, and for scholarly nograpic map. It was no longer deemed excep­ work on relations and conflicts between mem­ tional to carry out research at home, at least not bers of local-level religious denominations, as in the anthropology departments of the univer­ well. Historical or processual anthropology was sities of Amsterdam and Utrecht. further stimulated through the publication of a In the second part of the 1970s, Brunt and social history joumal's special issue on "histor­ his colleague Frank Bovenkerk, both trained in icizing anthropology" (Tijdschrift uoor sociale Amsterdam but holding positions in Utrecht, geschiedenis, vol. 6, 1980). It contained several wrote and edited several books with a program­ contributions by anthropologists on Dutch soci­ matic character. In 1976, they published Binn­ ety and culture, including a programmatic es­ enstebuiten en ondersteboven: de antropologie say by Anton Blok (1980). Blok also published a van de industriele samenleuing (Inside Out and booklet entitled Antropologische perspectieuen Upside Down: The Anthropology of Industrial (AnthropologicalPerspectives, 1977), which can Society) (Bovenkerk & Brunt 1976). In their be regarded as an introduction into (historical) book they urged anthropologists to study mod­ anthropology. This subfieldof ethnohistory im­ em industrial society and in particular the plied more or less a retum to sociology, since it rafelrand, that is, social fr inge groupings. With was heavily influencedby the work of the Ger­ these fr inge groupings, they had in mind thieves, man sociologist Norbert Elias and his Dutch drug addicts and drug dealers, prostitutes, al­ compatriot Johan Goudsblom. This branch of coholics, murderers and other shady social cat­ research fo cuses on the sociogenesis of socio­ egories, but also mayors, taxi drivers and so cultural phenomena and on social linkages and fo rth. As we shall see shortly, their advice was the interactions between various levels of social heeded by several ethnographers. Bovenkerk integration. Thus, Dutch ethnography tumed and Brunt were inspired by the Chicago School away early from the static, slice-of-time and

70 insular descriptions of communities and social (forexample fa rmers, fishermen, bargees), brig­ categories which were typical of most contem­ andage, witchcraft, feasts, rituals and identi­ porary mainstream American and European ties. I will address these subjects separately. ethnographies. Jeremy Boissevain also encour­ aged his colleagues to look "beyond the commu­ Religion, Pillarization, and Morals nity" and devote attention to social processes, In the Netherlands, a large proportion of the while at the same time maintaining "real peo­ population is Protestant or Roman Catholic. ple" and their transactions in the picture (Bois­ There are various denominati ons ofProtestan t­ sevain 1977; Boissevain & Friedl 1977). ism, ranging fr om liberal He rvormd (which Thus, ethnohistorians studying Dutch socie­ used to be the state church) to orthodox Gere­ ty and culture devoted much attention to social formeerd, with several sub-denominations. processes, the embeddedness of social configu­ These religions were not only important in rations in larger entities and acting individu­ shaping worldviews, but also had a profound als. In doing so, they were in the vanguard of impact on social life, especially since the late developments in anthropology which began to 19th century. Many organizations (for example turn away from structural functionalism. How­ political parties, associations and unions) were ever, their work has had little impact in the affiliated to churches. This phenomenon is international anthropological arena, because known as verzuiling (pillarization). Anthropol­ most of it was published in Dutch. It is striking ogists in the Netherlands (along with sociolo­ that it was only in the late 1980s that an gists and historians) have developed a keen attempt was made to put the Netherlands on research interest in religion and pillarization the international ethnographic map. Sydel Sil­ (and post-World War II depillarization and verman had urged Jeremy Boissevain to do so deconfessionalization processes). Although so­ and as a result, a collection of essays entitled cial life in many respects became divided as a Dutch Dilemmas (Boissevain & Verrips 1989), consequence of pillarization, this was at the was published. As a whole, the contributions same time an integrative process, since it led to constitute a sample of the various types of endo­ denser social relations and networks within a ethnography in the Netherlands. pillar. One of the main objectives ofthe pillars' To day, historical anthropology and the eth­ leaders was to seek integration in the nation. nography of the social fringe are still the two As we have seen, some of the earliest exam­ most important fo ci in the anthropology of the ples of Dutch endo-ethnography cover these Netherlands. (At least, if we disregard ethnic subjects. Brunt ( 1972) maintains that, contrary minority studies, which is an important sub­ to what is often claimed, the emancipation of field in Dutch anthropology generally. ) In the Gereformeerden was not a movement of small following two sections, I will outline the main people (kleine luyden) and that this denomina­ research subjects and results of both 'schools' tion was not a unity. A distinction must be made (or, rather, "styles") of endogenous or endo­ between strictly doctrinaire Calvinists and neo­ ethnography. The next section briefly deals Calvinists. Tennekes(1 969) describes the world­ with anthropological views ofDutch society and view of a conservative variant of Dutch Calvin­ culture fr om the perspective of fo reigners, which ism, the Oud-Gereformeerden in view of Max is fo llowed by reflectionson the pros and cons of Weber's thesis about the selective affinity be­ doing ethnographic research in one's own coun­ tween Calvinism and capitalism. He claims try. that this thesis does not apply to the Oud­ Gereformeerden; they do not believe that eco­ nomic success proves one's election but that Historical Anthropology only the right religious experience does. In Although classifications are always arbitrary another article, Tennekes (1988) examines the to some extent, the fo llowing are the major updatingofthe religious discourse among Dutch themes in ethnohistorical studies pertaining to Protestants since the 1960s. He states that in the N etherlands : religion, elites, entrepreneurs this discourse, the image of God turned fr om a

71 God who dispenses salvation to sinful humans astery (Bax 1983, 1985a, 1985b, 1986, 1987, into u God who legitimates the struggle for 1988a, 1989a, 1989b, 1990a, 1990b, 1992, 1994). social justice. Ve rrips (1973) deals with a con­ Ton Duffhues devotes attention to pillari ?.a­ flict between two groupings within the Gere­ tion processes within the Roman Catholic pop­ fiJrmeerde church of Otto! and. He shows that ulation, and to Catholic leaders, networks, th is fa ctional strife which on the fa ce of it dealt movements and parties, as well. He uses net­ with the religious "truth" was inextricably in­ work analyses and theoretical concepts adapt­ tertwined with the rise of modern, liberal theol­ ed fr om the literature on social movements and ogy and the conservative resistance to it, and collective action. Regarding the Catholic com­ also with the bad economic situation of these munity of Arnhem, the provincial capital of conservatives. Hak (1991) focuses on local pil­ Gelderland, he is particularly concerned with larization processes in the fishing-town ofUrk, the role of entrepreneurial elites, their finan­ where the number ofProtestant denominations cial resources and the significance of ideologies rose from 3 in 194 7 to 10 in 1988. in mobilizing and organizing the local Catholics 'T'his is only a small sample of ethnographic (Duffhues 1991; DufThues & Felling 1989). work on such local-level religious processes and Peter Meurkens's ethnographic work on power struggles in Protestant communities. Catholics in the Kempen (a region in the prov­ Very few community studies - if any - leave the ince of North-Brabant) between 1.840 and 1.910 subject of religion and pillarization untouched. describes, amongmanyotherthings, their trans­ Apart ofthe literature deals with more specific fo rming norms, values and behavioral stand­ topics. Miedema (1979) examines the reasons ards (1985, 1.989). In particular, the religious for the high incidence of enforced marriages and community elites launched civilizing, mor­ among orthodox Calvinists in the Netherlands. alizing and disciplining offensives so as to change He claims that several factors combine to keep public morality. Similar offensives which aimed the realms of worldliness and religiosity apart, at bringing about the virtuous behavior of peo­ which allows for premarital intercourse. Ve r­ ple fr om all walks of life, are also described by rips discusses some 20th century cases of man­ other authors, for both Protestant milieus (Ver­ slaughter committed by Calvinists as patholog­ rips-Roukens 1987; Helsloot 1.995; van Ginkel ical elaborations of Calvinist representations 1995b) and Catholic milieus (Kalb 1994). Most in general and of Calvinist sexual morality in authors writing about this particular subject particular (1987, 1991b). are influenced by Norbert Elias's civilization Mart Bax is among the most prolific endo­ theory. ethnographers. His work fo cuses on relations of power and dependency among Roman Catho­ Local and Regional Elites lics in the province ofNorth- Brabant. He coined KittyVe rrips-Roukens portrays shifting power the concept of "religious regimes", which pro­ balances between local populations and elites, vides a model for studying the mutual condi­ especially concerning the relationships between tioning of processes of power and meaning. The large land-owners and tenants, in a Salland majority of his articles concern the confronta­ village (province ofOverijssel) against the back­ tions between the Roman Catholic church and ground of local and national developments the state, and between and within religious (1.982). Commercialization of agriculture groupings (usually between religious special­ brought about class-relationships, but these ists and lay-people), as well. In analyzing these became more diffuse with processes of social power struggles and factional processes, Bax integration. She fu rther analyzes the sociogen­ emphasizes the relative autonomy of religious esis ofspecific mentalities ( 1.988).Gerrit Wilden­ processes vis-a-vis other social processes and beest's (1983b) ethnographic writings with re­ aims to bring power back into the study of spect to the rise and fall of an agrarian elite in religion. He devotes special attention to trans­ the eastern part of the province of Gelderland formations in devotional practices, such as pil­ bears a family resemblance to Verrips-Rou­ grimages and also describes changes in a mon- kens's work. He shows how a category of averse-

72 ers of large-landowners turned into a landed Bax and Nieuwenhuis (1980) present an exam­ gentry (the Schulten), but lost its power as a ple of a Brabant peasant emancipation move­ consequence of internal and external processes, ment. leading to its marginalization in the 1930s. Several anthropologists have held (or still This decline was accelerated as a result of an hold) jobs at the Sociology Department ofWagc­ endogamous marriage system and conspicuous ningen University, a university specializing in consumption. studies related to agriculture. They include The Limburg and Frisian nobilities have Kitty Verrips-Roukens (whose work is men­ also been the subject of anthropological scruti­ tioned above), Gerrit Wildenbeest, Nadette Som­ ny, by Dick van den Bosch (1979, 1981) andY me ers and Henk de Haan. Wildenbeest describes Kuiper (1993), respectively. Both authors de­ the time-regimes of farmers in Markelo (cast­ vote considerable attention to 18th and 19th ern Gelderland) and the protests of farmers in centuries transformations concerning the polit­ a neighbouring community against the plans to ical and governmental influence of noblemen, designate their district as an official trial na­ their land ownership as a source of wealth and tional landscape area (1988a, 1988b). Nadettc power and their culture as a means of distinc­ Somers's (1991) Ph.D. dissertation concerns tion vis-a-vis other social groupings. Both con­ small-scale family firmsand their survival strat­ clude that in the course of time there was a egies fr om the 1880s to the 1980s. She fu rther rapprochement with bourgeois elites, although deals with the problems and possibilities of the nobility succeeded in maintaining some agricultural extension. Henk de Haan (1993, cultural distance through their exclusive life­ 1995) also develops the theme of (small-scale) styles. fa mily fa rming in the Netherlands, with its Heidi Dahles (1988, 1990a) devotes atten­ specifickinship, property and inheritance pat­ tion to one of the favorite pastimes ofthe nobil­ terns. He describes how these patterns are ity and other elites: hunting. She fo cuses on the transformed as a consequence of commerciali­ changing classifications ofhunters (both of cat­ zation and modernization processes, using ex­ egories of game and hunters), their perceptions amples fr om the eastern part of the country, and and legitimizations of the hunt, their relation­ 1\vente (province of Overijssel) in particular. ships with one another and their behavioral Jojada Ve rrips studies the problem of soli­ codes. According to Dahles, the hunt must be darity in the occupational community of barge­ regarded a ritual means of distinction and iden­ men in the 20th century ( 1989, 1991a). Scores of tification. She shows how hunters respond to barge-masters' associations have arisen and the growing public opposition to their activities. rapidly disappeared according to a similar pat­ Dahles also goes into the cultural meaning of tern and few in existence today can pride them­ poaching (1991). In her ethnography, she com­ selves on a relatively long life. The reason why bines a processual perspective with notions mutual solidarity cannot be sustained in the from symbolic anthropology. form of stable associations is the internal differ­ entiation of the occupational community and Entrepreneurs and Occupational Cultures the ambivalence ofthe bargees concerning their As we have seen above, fa rmers figure promi­ individual and collective coping strategies, es­ nantly in the work of Dutch anthropologists pecially when the economic tide is changing. doing research in their own society. It is no Another topic concerns the naming of the barg­ coincidence that in the 1970s this occupational es, and the "hidden meaning" of these names category began to attract considerable atten­ (Verrips 1990). tion. During this decade, peasant studies were A small number of Dutch anthropologists is quite popular in Dutch anthropology, fo llowing involved in maritime anthropology. Durk Hak trends in American anthropology. An early ex­ writes about fishermenin the Frisian village of ample of this kind of writing is Jojada Verrips's Lemmer (1988) and on the fo rmer island ofUrk essay on the decline of small-scale farming in (1991). His work is rather descriptive and does the South-Holland village of Ottoland (1975). not seem to be informed by a specific research

73 question or problem. Most of Rob van Ginkel's rijders' illegal activities as a social protest publications concern the usc of marine common against power holders such as the church, the property resources. He deals with the transi­ clergy and land owners. His work on in fa mity is tion fr om capture to culture shellfish fisheries an example of symbolic anthropology. In the in the Zeeland town of'Yerseke and shows that, past, the positions of midwives (van der Borg contrary to what the theory of the "tragedy of 1992; Abraham-van der Mark 1993) and prosti­ the commons" and similar propositions predict, tutes (Huitzing 1983) were ambiguous and the enclosure ofihe commons is not a panacea henceforth they were also struck by the stigma for resource management problems (1988, 1989, of infamity. 199la, 1994c), although the development of the The anthropological-historical writings of Zeeland mussel industry provides a successful Willem de Blecourt cover a wide range ofiopics example of privatization in the fisheries (1990, related to the phenomenon of witchcraft and 1998). In his anthropological writings on the witchcraft accusations, scolding, fo rtune-tell­ fishermen of the North-Holland island ofTexel, ers, healers and quack doctors in the northern van Ginkel shows th ai commons tragedies can and eastern areas of the Netherlands from the only be understood when coniextualized. More­ 16th until the 20th centuries (1990, 1991 , 1993, over, due to th eir resilience and adaptive strat­ 1994, 1995; de Blecourt & Peereboom 1991; de egies, Texel fishermen coped with both ecologi­ Blecourt & de Waardt 1990, 1991). De Blccourt cal and economic problems (1993b, 1994a, 1995c, distinguishes fo ur differenttypes of witchcraft: 1996a, 1997b). In addition, van Ginkel deals Bewitching (doing harm by witchcraft), on­ with fishermen's collective action problems witching (counter-witchcraft), witching (enrich­ (1991b, 1996b). ment by means of witchcraft) and scolding (call­ Don Kalb describes the vicissitudes of Bra­ ing someone a witch). He describes the develop­ bani shoemakers in the early 20th century ments of the phenomenon, linking it with eco­ industrialization process (1991, 1994). Among nomic and demographic fa ctors. other things, he devotes attention to class expe­ riences and protests. In his Ph.D. dissertation, Feasts, Rituals, and Identities Kalb (1995) - besides dealing with the shoe­ In 1983, a collection of essays entitled Feest en makers again - describes and analyzes the ritueel in Europa (Feast and Ritual in Europe) early 20th century industrialization process in appeared (Koster et al. 1983). 1t contains sever­ the Brabant city ofEindhoven, and theorizes on al contributions with respect to the Nether­ class relations. More specifically, he deals with lands. Most of these deal with local or regional the multinational Philips company and coins fe asts and rituals and the participation of and the concept of"flexiblefa milism" to explain the confrontationsbetween various groupings. For lack oflabor unrest in this industrial firm. This example, articles are included on ritualization concept refers to three dimensions of regional in a Catholic village, various fe asts in Brabant, conditions: the nature of relations between re­ marriage fe asts and fu nerals in Twente (prov­ gion and world market; the dynamics of local ince of Overijssel) and eastern Gelderland, and capitalist relations; and the specificrelations of on Carnaval in the city of Den Bosch. power and dependency within which a local Jeremy Boissevain, who has been important labor culture and social interventions of indus­ in stimulating research into fe asts and rituals trial management arose. in the Netherlands, indicates that there is a revitalization of the celebration ofDutch fe asts, Brigandage, Infamity, and Witchcraft which are ofteninvented traditions or renewals Anton Blok writes about the rise and decline of of old fe asts (1991). The contributors to this 18th century Bokkerijder Bands in the south­ booklet edited by Boissevain illustrate this in ern part of the Netherlands (1975, 1989, 1991). their descriptions ofvarious ritual celebrations. Many of these bandits held infamous occupa­ Boissevain (1983, 1991) maintains that these tions; among them were skinners, shoemakers, celebrations are important vehicles fo r the ex­ spinners and weavers. Blok regards the Bokke- pression of identity.

74 This claim is substantiated by va n Ginkcl's Some anthropologi sts have conducted re­

(1994d, l 995d) essays on the celebration oflocal search into extreme right- w ing political parties fe asts on the i :;;land ofTcxcl . These constitute a and movements, and fu :;;cism. For instance, an counterpoint in the process of nation and state ethnography about the Nederlandse Vo lks- Un ie fo rmation. Increasingly, 'l'excliansexpress local (literally: Dutch People's Union) examines th e consciousness through an articulation of local­ backgrounds of racial discrimination and prej­ ness. Similarly, people fr om the southern prov­ udices, the rise of this political party, its leader ince of Limburg also began to articulate their and his fo llowers (Bouw el al. 1982). Va n Don­ identity more strongly during this process, which selaar (1991, 1993) presents data on the rise gave ri :;;c to regional chauvinism (Goltstcin and decline of various post-war right-wing ex­ 1986). They pride themselves in their own cul­ tremist movements and parties, the social back­ ture, folklore, dialect and history. grounds of their adherents, their leaders and the internal controversies and conflicts which brought about schisms and fr agmentation. G i v­ Ethnography of the Social Fringe on the widespread public opposition, fa scist and The ethnography of the social fringe (or urban racist leaders fa ce a dilemma: in public, they anthropology), propagated by Lodewijk Brunt have to play down their fascist and racist mo­ and Frank Bovcnkcrk, has yielded several in­ tives and this leads to an estrangement fr om teresting studies concerning subcultures in the their followers. It is precisely this tension be­ periphery of Dutch society. These studies per­ tween the public fa ce of "decency" and the tain to post-World War II developments or to group's internal emphasis on ideological princi­ contemporary situations. The major topics are: ples which brings about tensions and conflicts. discrimination, racism and extreme right-wing So far, these parties have been small and many political parties, urban life-styles, crime and have been ephemeral. Nonetheless, some per­ criminal subcultures, prostitutes and sexual sist and van Donselaar points out how they minorities, gender, occupational and corporate adapt to these problems. Most of these parties cultures, sectarians, psychotic people and eu­ are "single-issue" movements, that is, they link thanasia. social problems to the presence of ethnic minor­ ities. Discrimination, Racism, and Fascism Along with the arrival of ethnic minorities fr om Urban Life-Styles the (ex)-colonies, labor migrants fr om the Med­ While working at the University of Utrecht, iterranean, political asylum-seekers and refu­ Frank Bovenkerk and Lodewijk Brunt strongly gees, there was a growing demand for knowl­ promoted urban ethnography in the Nether­ edge with respect to these immigrants.Amongst lands. They fo cus on phenomena occuring in others, anthropologists began to fillthe void by cities - anthropology in the city - and on the conducting applied and policy research. Follow­ nature of urban settings - anthropology of the ing the genesis of a multi-ethnic society, the city (Bovenkerk 1985; Brunt 1985, 1996). The­ phenomenon of discrimination arose. In 1978, oretically, they are oriented towards American Bovenkerk edited a collection of essays dealing urban anthropology and ethnography, but they with various fo rms of prejudice and discrimina­ also use the writings of, amongst others, Ervin tion. The book contains ten articles on these Goffmann and Ulf Hannerz. Brunt became a subjects, covering such themes as the exclusion professor of urban sociology at the University of of ethnic minorities on the labor and housing Amsterdam. At the University ofLeiden a small market, and the attitude ofbus passengers, the number of anthropologists study urban life­ police and labor unions towards minorities (Bo­ styles, using a biographical approach. venkerk 1978). Abraham-van der Mark (1985) Thaddeus Muller (1993, 1997) conducts re­ describes the perception of minorities by Dutch search into the intimate and erotic aspects of people in an Amsterdam workers' neighbour­ social interactions in the Amsterdam public hood. domain. Criticizing the predominant social sci-

75 em:e view of the city as a locus of shallowness dealers, and their ways of coping with anti­ and loneliness, Mi.iller shows thai urbanites do narcotics policies and the police in ihc cities of in many respects maintain positive or "warm" Utrecht and Amsterdam (Vcrbracck 1981; van social relationships. He argues that there are Gernert 1988). three modes of involvement i n urban public Gerben Kroese and Richard Staring (1993), places: civil inattention, civil attention and who have done research among the inmates of uncivil attention. In his view, iiis civil attention five prisons, study robbers' motives, choices, wh ich makes lor ihe "warmness" of the city's perceptions of violence and "work" styles from a public places. rational choice perspective. On the basis of Karen Wuertz reports on the material cul­ criminal careers, they present a typology of ture of homes, the mixture of life-styles, socio­ robbers. They discern "desperates", "beginners", spaiial symbolism, pauperizaiion and the per­ and "professionals". These categories differ with ception of insecurity in the cities of Groningen respect to their attitude towards prestige, prep­ and The Hague (1989, 1993). Increasingly, the arations of robberies, willingness to usc vio­ inhabitants of specific old neighbourhoods fe el lence, perception of potential victims and atti­ unsafe. They lamoni about the demise of a tude towards detention. Based on interviews, community spirit, and opt for communication psychiatric and police reports, van Gernert strategies which mark off the fa miliar fr om the (1994) sums up the motives of murderers of unknown. (older) homosexual men and sketches profiles Lia van Doorn (1994) did fieldwork among of the (potential) offenders. Most of these mur­ the homeless in the city of Utrecht. The home­ ders are committed by young male prostitutes. less are socially excluded. She describes their life-styles and perspectives, their modes of be­ Sex and Gender Domains havior, survival strategies and adaptations. Van Several anthropologists devote attention to pros­ Doorn presents a typology in which three types titution and prostitutes. Paul van Gelder re­ of homeless people are distinguished: the re­ searches the interactions of Rotterdam street cently homeless, the experienced homeless and prostitutes and their clientele, among other the homeless with a psychiatric background. things in view of the dangers related to AIDS For each of these categories she gives policy (van Gelder & Kaplan 1992). Sari van der Poel recommendations. deals with the prostitution policies of munici­ palities, and the emancipatory movement of Crime and Criminal Milieus professional prostitutes (1995). She also por­ The anthropological methodological repertoire trays the life-worlds of young male homosexual is apparently well-suited to study criminals. prostitutes in Amsterdam in the AIDS-era ( 1991, Some anthropologists, for example Frank Bo­ 1992). She analyzes male prostitution as a venkerk, have even become criminologists. He commercial service-oriented business, outlines writes on organized crime and the sex and the prostitutes' attempts to professionalize, gambling business (1991), and details the life­ draws a typology according to their careers and story of a Dutch woman who served as a go­ social positions and describes how they respond between for Colombian narcotics cartels ( 1995). to stigmatization. Lodewijk Brunt also fr equently publishes in Mieke de Waal (1982) has written an ethnog­ the fieldof criminol ogy, for example on fr aud by raphy on transvestites and transsexuals in people on the dole (Bruntet al. 1993), and on the which she sums up the problems these sexual relation between anxiety and delinquency in minorities face, the ways in which they try to urban settings (Brunt 1993). Several authors cope with them, the dilemma's of either "coming describe and analyze small-timejuvenile crime out" or hiding their sexual identities and the in urban milieus, for example vandalism (e.g. , motives and choices of drag queens to undergo van Laar & Muller 1991), and mugging (Vogel a gender operation or not. De Waal states that 1993). Other instances of criminal ethnography transvestites constitute a more heterogeneous relate to the life-styles of drug addicts and categorythan transsexuals. Their dressing up

76 has little to do with gender-identity, but a lot tionships (Strating 1997). with sexual fetishis m . Some anthropologists specialize in the rela­ On gender issues, there are several publica­ tively new subdiscipline of"corporatc cultures" tions by anthropologists. Mieke de Waal (1985, or "culture and management". Most publ ica­ 1989, 1993) studies high school girls in the city tions concern theoretical or methodological is­ of Utrecht, their friendships with one another sues (cf., e.g., Koot 1991; Koot & Hogema 1990; and with boys, their worldviews and modes of Tennekes & Wels 1990). There arc icw exam­ dressing. More specifically, de Waal poses th e ples of eth nographic research projects. An ex­ question of why these girls lose their advantage ception is Ve rweel's dissertation on planning over boys in school achievements during their and policy processes at Utrecht University puberty. She shows that this has to do with (1987). However, it is to be expected that this contradictory, gender-related expectations with­ subfield of anthropology will yield several pub­ in their social environment. lications on the culture of specific organizations Against the background of the Dutch sex­ in the ncar fu ture. gender system, Anna Aalten discusses the ways in which female industrialists sought and seck Sectarians, Psychotic People, and Euthanasia to combine their female gender identity with Religion has attracted considerable attention their entrepreneurial activities, two conditions fr om historical anthropologists, but to a lesser which are often considered incompatible (1989, extent from ethnographers who do research in 1991). In order to show how these women have contemporary Dutch society and culture. There lived and resolved this "contradiction", Aalten are some publications concerning sects and presents a number oflife-stories and describes small religious movements such as Jehovah's the activities of an organization offemale entre­ Witnesses and Mormons. Singelenberg (1989, preneurs. 1990) concentrates on processes ofgroup fo rma­ tion and boundary maintenance of the Jehovah's Occupational and Corporate Cultures Witnesses and their cultural codes, for instance Sari van der Poel ( 1983) has conducted research their rejection of blood transfusions. into the slow integration process of women in Medical anthropology has recently become theAmsterdam police force. Previously, an equal an important subdiscipline in the Nether lan ds, opportunity law was passed. But there was which even has its own journal (Medische an­ widespread male opposition to the arrival of tropologie). Much work fo cuses on specifichealth women in the fo rce, and the women faced specif­ problems of ethnic minorities, but there are ic problems and only gradually gained accept­ also publications about Dutch natives. For in­ ance. Van der Poel links these problems to the stance, Els van Dongen's (1994) work deals occupational culture of policemen and to the with psychotic patients in a psychiatric hospi­ nature of the police organization. Van der Poel tal in the South ofthe Netherlands. She regards conducted her research under the supervision psychosis as a culturally defined illness and of Maurice Punch, a sociologist who did exten­ describes the social meaning of medicine, anal­ sive ethnographic fieldworkamong the Amster­ yses the socio-cultural dimensions of interac­ dam inner city police, and who encouraged the tions and conversations between patients and method of participant observation (see, e.g., also between patients and mental health work­ Punch 1979). Rieke Leenders (1990) deals with ers, the self-diagnosis of schizophrenics and the failed professionalization oftheAmsterdam their attitudes towards physical contact. Civil Defense. Alex Strating devotes attention Robert Pool (1996) studied voluntary eutha­ to the occupational ethos offlowertraders(19 94). nasia practices, a hotly debated issue in the In a recent monograph he vividly describes and Netherlands. He interviewed and observed phy­ analyzes the Rijnsburg flower trade and the sicians, nurses and patients and their kin in an marketing strategies of these entrepreneurs. Amsterdam hospital. The jurist and cultural He shows that kinship and the local community anthropologist Anne-Mei The conducted simi­ are extremely important in their economic rela- lar research in a Groningen hospital, fo cusing

77 specifi cally on the role of' nunse� in euthanasia �orne time, did research in the centre of a city, practice� (The 1997). In hi� ethnography, Pool dubbed '"l'ulpendam". His interesting di�serta­ details the mutual communication patterns, tion, entitled Exaggeration and Bra vado, an negotiations and interactions between patients Urban Anthropological Vi ew of Petty "Crime" and physicians in view orthe patients' euthana­ (Olila 1984; also see 1992), is based on this sia requests. He concludes that there are no research project. Olila describes "Sam's world". objective criteria underlying the decisions who Sam is his 24 years old key-informant, but he will or will not receive a lethal dose of morphia also devotes attention to several other 'lUIpen­ and when. Moreover, messages exchanged be­ dam people. Olila attempts to understand their tween physicians and patients are rarely une­ activities, norms and views in various social quivocal. They are part and parcel of complex contexts and links these with definitions of social processes and interpretations, a kind of crime, Olila's encompassing research topic. In performance. Although not all euthanasia deci­ "Sam's world", which mainly consists of family sions comply with the law, th ey do conform to networks, there are "deviant" rules as to the medical and ethical hospital rules. Originally, appropriation of goods, fo rms of taking the law Pool is a South African, who has been living in into one's own hands and fe uds. This under­ the Nederlands for many years. class has its own culture, which its members contrast with the dominant culture. "Standing up for oneself' is their motto. In his analysis, The View of Foreign Anthropologists Olila distinguishes several "semi-autonomous As said, foreign anthropologists have not devot­ social fields". That is, individuals can partici­ ed much attention to Dutch society and culture. pate in the processes of a group without being Ruth Benedict did research 'at a distance', John members and they can choose to either accept or and Dorothy Keur conducted fieldworkin Dren­ reject group rules. From this perspective, Olila the and one could even consider Karigoudar describes interactions and daily private and Ishwaran's (1959) study on family life in the public life in the inner city and in a Tulpendam Netherlands - though mainly based on survey street. He devotes attention to the stereotypes research - as an anthropological one. But fo l­ and accusations of, among many others, shop­ lowing the publication of his book, few anthro­ keepers who regard Sam and his kind as bums, pologists fr om abroad studied the Dutch. Al­ moonlighters, street fighters, thieves and anti­ though the Indonesian anthropologist Koent­ socials. In general, the behavior ofthese under­ jaraningrat researched the fishermen of Spa­ class urbanites is dominated by bravado. kenburg and Urk, he has never published any Cynthia Mahmood conducted research in work on this topic. It was only in the mid-1970s the province of Friesland, where she studied that several German ethnographers presented the Frisians as an "ethnic minority" (1989). Her their views on the Netherlands in a special main fo cus is on the expression of a separate issue of the journal Notizen (1976, 4), entitled Frisian culture and identity, and the extent to "Bewohnte Umwelt: Betrachtungen zum Bau­ which these are still maintained today. Accord­ en und Wohnen in den Niederlanden". They ing to Mahmood, the Frisians clearly express reported on themes like urban life-styles and meaning to and derive meaning fromtheir own identity, the care of monuments, citizens' initi­ culture and identity, which is most obvious in atives, new polder communities, and building their use of the Frisian language. She also and living in the Netherlands. However, their reflects on her research (Mahmood 1990; Mah­ contributions are not very sophisticated and mood & Armstrong 1990; on the Frisians, see are mainly descriptive, since they were written also Sj aardema 1960; Wittermans 1967; Mc­ on the basis of short excursions. Cormack 1974). Gregory Gabor (1989)describes, Since the 1980s, fo reign anthropologistsshow analyzes and interprets conflictand cohesion in more interest in the Netherlands. For example, the newly created polder community ofSwifter­ the American anthropologistJames Olila, who bant. He studied social relations in connection has been living in the Nederlands for quite with competition over and control of resources.

78 Peter Stephenson (1990) also did research into the public spaces of the nursing home. They community fi.>rmation in the 1Jssclmcer-pol­ prefer to maintain the boundary betw een the ders (a topic which was, as we have seen, popu­ private and the public domain. Even when they lar among Dutch sociographers and ethnogra­ are ill, they will not be visited by their fellow phers). He also published on the concept of self inmates. Therefore, those who arc structural ly and society in the Netherlands (Stephenson unable to go to the public spaces often suffer 1989). On the basis of a short stay, Ulf Hannerz fr om exclusion and loneliness. Pradhan was (1993) wrote an article on Amsterdam as a surprised by the !act that his neighbours often window on the world. invited him for a drink, but rarely for a meal. An interesting development concerns a re­ He, too, perceives a connection with the Dutch search project of the Indo Dutch Program on penchant for drawing sharp boundaries be­ Alternatives in Development (lDPAD ), entitled tween private and public domains. "The Welfare State fr om the Outside: Ageing, Chowdury and Pradhan, and Mahmood and Social Structure and Professional Care in the Stephenson as well, published articles in a Netherlands". Within the fr amework of this special issue of the Dutch anthropological jour­ program, a Nepalese and two Indian anthropol­ nal Etnofoor (1990, 2) on the Dutch in the eyes ogists carried out fieldwork in the Netherlands. offoreign anthropologists. The goal of this spe­ Projects like these mean a breakthrough in the cial issue was to hold up a mirror for Dutch one-way traffic in anthropology. Among other anthropologists, so that they could implicitly things, Rajendra Pradhan, Sanjib Datta Chow­ experience the rift between anthropological dhury and Roma Chatteijiresea rched the care description and self-perception. Some of the for the elderly in the Netherlands (Pradhan contributors did not do research in the Nether­ 1989, 1990; Chowdury 1990, 1993; Chatterji lands, but reported on their experiences with 1995; see Das 1985 for a description of the Dutch society and culture based on their more project). They have dealt with notions of or less prolonged visits (cf., for example, Per­ (in)dependence, privacy and hospitality, tierra 1990; Minghuan 1990; see also Mach amongst others. 1991). Often, these observations of fo reign an­ An important goal was to gain insight into thropologists lead to recognition. Sometimes, the ways in which the Dutch deal with the however, Dutch readers will probably be aston­ contradiction between the core value of auton­ ished by the speculative nature of interpreta­ omy and its limitation and demise when elderly tions. One example is Stephenson's (1990) arti­ people need care. Chatteijiconducted research cle. He writes that contrary to initial govern­ in a nursing home in Arnhem. Chowdhury ment plans, a particular part of Lake IJ ssel was worked as a trainee nurse in an Amsterdam not reclaimed because reclamation would mean home for the elderly, where he observed interac­ that the N etherlands would be "complete", leav­ tion patterns among the inhabitants. Pradhan ing nothing to dream of or desire. Such psychol­ did fieldwork in Schoonrewoerd, an orthodox ogizing is hardly based on solid fa ct, but what is Protestant village. With its tight time sched­ more disturbing is that the author completely ules and nursing tasks, Dutch care for the ignores social and political processes that gave elderly differs completely fromwhat these South rise to the Dutch government's change of plan. Asians were used to at home. What puzzled them most was the fact that the elderly them­ Reflections on Endo-Ethnography selves often withdrew in the privacy of their own rooms in the nursing homes and that rela­ Along with the increase of anthropological re­ tives could not take care of those who had fallen search at home in the latter part of the 1970s, ill. Chowdhury shows that the boundary mark­ the theoretical perspectives and methodologi­ ing of one's room, where only nurses and kin are cal approaches have become more diversified. admitted, is connected with the need for priva­ Ofcour se, this goes for anthropologyin general, cy. These rooms are both sitting-rooms and bed­ since at present a dominant paradigm seems to rooms and the elderly only meet one another in be lacking. But there is a general tendency in

79 Dutch anthropology of thcoreiicu l eclecticism. ::;tudicd. Secondly, these people were often illit­ One �:�houldnot be surpri�:�cdto lind the work�:�of crutc, 1:10 thai the use of questionnaire�:� was such ::;trangc bedfellows a�;Cl aude L6vi-Strauss impossible (Ki:ibbcn 1991 : 54). Written sources and Marvin Harris or Mary Douglas and Michael were usually lacking, although researchers Taussig used comp lem entary in analytical sometimes had reports written by missionaries fr ameworks. Moreover, in Dutch anthropology and administrative personnel at their disposal. centrifugal forces arc at work. Many Dutch We should therefore neither underestimate nor anthropologists have done i nterd iscipl i n ary overrate the usefulness of participant observa­ research. Partly as a consequence of this phe­ tion. Anthropologists conducting research at nomenon, several of them have ended up in home can hardly avoid using other avenues of neighbouring disciplines such as criminology, obtaining data. They usually have to interview sociology, ::;ocial geography, history, ethnology informants, do research in archives and librar­ (volkskunde), and the science of religion. How­ ies, use statistics, and egodocuments such as ever, within these disciplines anthropologists diaries, letters, photographs and documentary arc only accepted hesitatingly. They arc often films, and so fo rth. Kobben even claims that an involved in boundary disputes, unless they spe­ anthropologist doing research in a modern com­ cialize entirely in their new discipline, shaking munity using participant observation solely off their old identity as anthropologists. would run the risk of "presenting a distorted What lends the anthropologists' work its image of reality" (1991: 57). special flavorin the midst of that of their fe llow As to the advantages offieldwork at home, it scholars is their use of participant observation is often remarked that the native anthropolo­ as a principal research method. However, this gist has an intimate knowledge of the society may be so generally, a caution is in order. There and culture where he or she conducts research. are many anthropologists who gather data on However, given the heterogeneous character of the basis of interviews or archival and litera­ all cultures, it is not easy to find a locus where ture research, and there are several sociologists any anthropologist would genuinely be "at (and even historians) who conduct participant home". Even if such a setting exists, there will observation. Nonetheless, participant observa­ be many unfamiliar situations and moments in tion remains an important trademark of an­ which researchers will either assume or will be thropological research. Its advantages are clear: ascribed the role of outsiders. The Dutch an­ to gain the trust of informants and intimate thropologist Brunt makes a point of stressing knowledge of their life-styles and ideational that it is fu ndamentally wrong to assume that systems demands prolonged participation and ethnographers doing fieldwork in their own observation. A disadvantage of participant ob­ society only have to deal with people who ad­ servation is that the research is relatively time­ here to closely corresponding values: "Not only consuming, and that its quality depends very may there be a difference between the anthro­ much on the person who conducts it. Many pologist and his informants, but it is very likely anthropologists who have carried out research that there are differences between various in the Netherlands reflect on methodological groups of informants as well" (1975: 36). With matters, especially those who did contempo­ regard to his research in the village of "Stroom­ rary research. These reflections often concern kerken", Brunt observes that he was not at all participant observation and ethical issues.2 familiar with all kinds of conventional rules, For certain types of research, participant nor could or would he call himself an insider vis­ observation is a useful and sometimes even the a-vis certain local groupings (1979: 88-89). Even only possible technique. However, we should in a small country like the Netherlands, an not forget that it is in fact a methodology which anthropologist can discover that something fa­ was born out of necessity. Firstly, in the incipi­ miliar like a morning coffee drinking ritual is ent phase of anthropology, ethnographers have performed and is lent significancein a different often usedparticipant observation because they way within a rural community than in a city. did not speak the language of the people they Nor does using one's mother tongue necessarily

80 mean ihat communication i:-: unequivocal or ihcy figure, and this may hamper a frank de­ that anihropolo�i�i� can iake ihe word� of' iheir �cripiion . li is my conviction thai ihe fact that inform ants ai face value. In addition , dialect or historical anthropology is such a strong subdis­ occupational lingo may distort communication cipline in the ethnography of the Netherlands considerably (sec van Ginkcl l994 f(> r an exten­ has io do with this fact. Historicizing creates a sive review ofthc pros and cons of anth ropology distance between ethnographers and their ob­ at home). jects. Writing in a balanced mode on people with Endogenous cthnographcrR thee specific prob­ whom one has established close contacts is not lems because those commissioning research, easy and can be fr aught with self-censorship. informants and other parties involved are liter­ Many ethnographers refrain fromwriting things ally closely involved, noi only in ihe research which arc potentially harmful to their inform­ but also after publica tion of its result�. Lei me ants' interests. This is true in general, but ii is elucidate this. With respect io contract research much easier to conceal their identities when in particular, government repre�eniativcs and working abroad. If a third party, for example a state officials often want io maintain control news reporter, reveals the informants' identi­ over whai is siaied in ihc linal ethnographic ties, this will certainly disrupt the relations product. Sometimes they will even iry io pre­ between ihe interlocutors. It can also lead io vent publication of unwelcome results or decree strife in the community where research was in advance what these results should be (Ktib­ conducted; there are several instances in Dutch ben 1991: 34-35). Needless to say, this puts endo-ethnography where this has actually hap­ ethnographers in an awkward position as to pened. their intellectual fre edom. But it is not just In the case of endo-ethnography, auto-cen­ bureaucracies or other institutions commis­ sorship may also serve to protect one's self­ sioning research which may attempt to influ­ interests. Of course, it is easy to be called to ence its outcome. account by sponsors, respondents or fe llow schol­ In several cases, in particular when "study­ ars in one's own society. Therefore, it is probably ing up", informants may demand more than a far fr om exceptional that ethnographers will be say in what is said about them. Heidi Dahles extremely careful -perhaps even overly careful (1990b) presents an instance of this kind of - in deciding what to make public and what not. interfe rence. The hunters she studied - who The anticipated continued relationship between simultaneously were her sponsors - tried to investigators and their informants may affect meddle in the concepts she used, the theoretical what the fo rmer write. They face more direct perspective, the interpretation of the data col­ dilemmas in decisions concerning whether or lected, and the results published. Sometimes, not to withhold certain information than their members of the research population demand counterparts working abroad. ratificationof the finaltext, as I myself experi­ enced when doing fieldworkin a Dutch fishing Closing Remarks community. Furthermore, there are several in­ stances of problems which arose afterthe press In conclusion, anthropological work pertaining reported untimely, over-simply, fa lsely or nega­ to the Netherlands is quite heterogeneous. This tively on research outcomes (Brunt 1975, 1979; goes for the research subjects, and it also ap­ Staring & Kroese 1991: 119, 138, n. 7). This plies to the theoretical fr ameworks and meth­ often leads to embarrassment of an anthropol­ odologies. Therefore, it would be hard to speak ogist vis-a-vis his or her informants. of the anthropology of the Netherlands; rather, Of course, several of these difficulties can one should refer to anthropologies of Dutch also arise when research is done abroad. How­ society and culture. Nonetheless, it is possible ever, in my opinion, the chance that it actually to discern two broad perspectives (leaving aside happens increases proportionally if fieldworkis the work on ethnic minorities): the ethnogra­ done closer to home. The proponents of ethnog­ phy of the social fringe and historical anthro­ raphies often read the publications in which pology. Much of ethnography ofthe Dutch social

81 fr inge hm; an applied or policy dimension, con­ an d transsex uals , school girls, male and fe male cern:;cont empomry phenomena ur recent his­ prostitutes, bank robbers, policemen and po­ tory and is rather descriptive. Historical an­ licewomen, shoemakers, aristocrats, physi cians thropology is to a certain extent more theoreti­ troubled by euthanasia dilemmas, religious cally oriented, and describes long term process­ sects, nuns, and so forth. In other words, this es ur past socio-cultural aspects of Dutch socie­ extraterrestrial anthropologist would think that ty. Dutch society is made up of a raggle-taggle Internationally, cthno�:,'l"aphic studies on the crowd. Of course, it is quite legitimate to devote Netherlands arc not well-known. Though for­ attention to the social fr inge, but given the eign anthropologists have recently begun to dominance of this fo cus it harbors the danger of show a greater interest in Dutch society and tribalizing and cxoticizing the Netherlands. On cu lture, it would be an exaggeration to say thai the other hand, one dimension of anthropology it attracts huge attention. Foreign fieldworkers is to show that what appears to be exceptional arc still quite exceptional in the Netherlands. and quaint is in fact quite ordinary, whereas the At the same time, fe w Dutch author:; publish in seemingly ordinary can turn out to be special international anthropological journals. This and exotic. goes fo r Dutch anthropologyin general, though In ethnographic studies ofthe Netherlands, the number ofEnglish-languagc publications is the former has been shown sufficiently, but the expanding quite rapidly. This is a consequence latter needs clarification. This type ofethnogra­ of the 'publish or perish' policy and the demand phy could direct itself towards everyday exist­ to publish internationally in Dutch academe. It ence, the routines and life-styles in suburbia, must be said, however, that it is not easy fo r the behavioral standards, attitudes and morals Dutch anthropologists to publish about the of (sub)urban citizens, their social relations, Netherlands in international anthropological sources of income, and leisure activities. In journals. As an ethnological field uf study, the other words, what is behind the fa�ades oftheir country is simply not well-known and not very tidy homes? There is also a need for more popular, which does not stimulate anthropolog­ anthropological knowledge concerning power­ ical debate about it (like, for example, is the ful institutions, groupings and persons. For case with Mediterranean areas). But in part, example, in a socio-cultural sense we know very this lack of attention in international publica­ little about politicians and political parties, tions is because of the style of Dutch anthropo­ civil servants of various administrative levels, logical writing: it is often modest and refrains the judiciary and the Bar, the organizations of fr om grand theorizing. At the same time it is employers and employees, environmentalists, thorough, serious and reliable; it is not confined multinational corporations, banks and insur­ by disciplinary boundaries, and it shows a keen ance companies (and their personnel), the med­ eye for complex processes and contexts (Boisse­ ical profession and medical institutions. In re­ vain & Blok 1984: 341). However, most high­ gard of policy and administration, anthropolo­ ranking journals demand theory, not just thor­ gists usually study their impact, but not the ough ethnography. ways in which they come about and how in fa ct Although the Netherlands is no longer an policy is made and how administration is run. anthropological terra incognita, there are still Nor do we know much about national identity many blank spots on its ethnographic map. And fo rmation, state symbolism, and the language what has been mapped constitutes a curious of politics. What also seems to be lacking is an mixture of details. The imaginary anthropolo­ anthropological view ofthe specificitiesofDutch gist fr om Mars studying Dutch society and culture and society in comparison with other culture on the basis of these publications would societies and cultures. Though by now there is have to conclude that it consists of a range of a body of detailed ethnographies, anthropolo­ ethnic minorities, racists and fa scists, junkies, gists have not synthesized these and data fr om drug addicts and drug-pushers, hunters, poach­ other disciplines to obtain a broader view of ers, fishermen, bargees, farmers, transvestites Dutch society and culture. Of course, I am

82 merely :;ug-ge:;ting po:;sible research avenues, llax, Mari 1983: "Us" Catholics and "Them" Catholics and surely many more could be made. in Duich Brahani: The Dialectics of a Heli�ious Factional Process. Anthropological Quarterly 56: Scholars from other disciplinary backgrounds 167-178. are already beginning to cover some of these Bax, Mari 1985a: Popular Devotions, Power, and subjects. Several or them usc anthropological Rel igious Regimes in Catholic Dutch Brabant. ln: methodologies and theoret ical approaches. I Ethnology 24: 215-227. Bax, Mari 1985b: Religious Infighting and ihe For­ have not covered this rapidly expanding litera­ mation of a Dominant Catholic Regime in Southern ture, but suffice it to say that part of it is quite Duich Society. In: Social Compass 32: 57-72. interesting. As yet, the implications of this Bax, Mart 1986: Rebellion at the Lindenburgh; South­ development for en do-ethnography arc unclear, ern Dutch Monastic Power Relations in a Develop­ menial Perspective. In: Ne therlands' Journal o/ but sometimes it would seem that there is a Sociology 22: 130-144. a blurring of disciplin ry gen res. The fu ture will Bax, Mari 1987: Religious Regimes and State Forma­ learn whether anthropologists in the Nether­ tion: Towards a Research Perspective. In: Anthro­ lands studying their own society and culture pological Quarterly 60: 1-11. Rax, Mart 1988a: Church and Chapel as Bases in can conti nue to add a :;peci lic dimension with Religious Factionalism: With an Illustration fr om their methodological, conceptual and theoreti­ Southern Dutch Society. In: Ethnos 21: 112-125. cal repertoire vis-a-vis other scholars. Bax, Mart 1988b: Return to Mission Status? Religious Reality and Priestly Perception in Catholic Dutch Brabant. In: Ethnologia Europaea 18: 73-79. Bax, Mart 1989a: Fighting with Sacraments. The Notes Evolution of a Roman Catholic Regime in Duich Brabant. In: J. Boissevain & J. Ve rrips (eds): Dutch 1. This article is a thoroughly revised version of an Dilemmas: Anthrop ologists Look at the Nether­ article in Duich (van Ginkel 1995a), which presents lands. Assen: 24-41. areview ofanthropological literature, mostly writ­ Bax, Mart 1989b: Manipulating the Holy: Religious ten in Dutch. The present article does not refer to Expansion in Southern Dutch Society. In: R. Bodan all of ihcse publications, bui instead reviews the & J. Collins (eds): Religious Orthodoxy and Folk most important ethnographic monographs and Belief in European Society. Princeton: 42-55. articles, referring to versions in English if availa­ Bax, Mart 1990a: Beyond Eternity: Time, Rank, and ble. (Usually, Ph.D. dissertations contain a sum­ Power in a Dutch Monastery. In: London School of mary in English, and articles in Dutch journals Economics Quarterly N.S. 1: 66-86. are often abstracted in English.) Bax, Mart 1990b: A Monastic Community Between 2. Most ofthis literature is in Dutch (for an overview, "Fiction" and "Non-Fiction". In: P. Kloos (ed.): True see van Ginkel 1995a:36, n. 32; for publications in Fiction. Artistic and ScientificRe presentations of English, see Kloos 1969; Brunt 1973, 1975; Boude­ Reality. Amsterdam: 7-20. wijnse 1994). Usually, monographs contain a sec­ Bax, Mart 1992: St. Gerard's Wrath: Religious Power tion on methodology. Politics in a Dutch Community. In:Anthropological Quarterly 65: 177-186. Bax, Mart 1994: Manipulating the Sacred: Diocesan References Encapsulation and Local Resistance in Dutch Bra­ Aalten, Anna 1989: The Accidental Businesswoman: bant. In: J. Ve rrips (ed.): Transactions. Essays in Gender and Entrepreneurship in the Netherlands, Honor ofJeremy F. Boissevain. Amsterdam: 53-64. 1950-1975. In: J. Boissevain & J. Ve rrips (eds): Bax, Mart & Aad Nieuwenhuis 1982: Peasant Eman­ Dutch Dilemmas: Anthrop ologists Look at the Ne th­ cipation in the Roman Catholic South of the Neth­ erlands Assen: 153-163. erlands: The Shattering of a Tableau-Vivant. In: Aalten, Anna 1991: Zakenvrouwen. Over de grenzen The Ne therlands' Journal of Sociology 18: 25-45. van vrouwelijkheid in Nederland sinds 1945. (Busi­ Bayer, A.E. 1969: The Man Who Died: A Narrative nesswomen. On the Boundaries ofFemininity since Account of the Dutch Fisherman Lou and His 1945). Amsterdam. Group. In: Review of Religious Research 10: 81-88. Abraham-van der Mark, Eva 1985 "Hierboven wonen Bayer, A.E. & A.J.F. Kobben 1959: De Lou-mensen: twee gewone Christenmensen". Ve rhalen over et­ sociografie van een afwijkende religieuze groep nische minderheden ("Two Ordinary Christians (The Lou-People: Sociography of a Deviant Reli­ Are Living Upstairs". Stories About Ethnic Minor­ gious Group). Sociologisch Bulletin 13: 76-97. ities). Sociologisch Tijdschrift 11: 593--622. Blok, Anton 1975: The Bokkerijders Bands 1726- Abraham-van der Mark, Eva (ed.) 1993: Successfu l 1776. Preliminary Notes on Brigandage in the Home Birth and Midwifery. The DutchModel. West­ Southern Netherlands. Amsterdam. Papers on port. European and Mediterranean Societies No. 2.

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Universiteit van Amsterdam, Amster­ and Gambling Business in the Netherlands. In: dam Wo rking Papers in Sociology 1. C. Fijnaut & J. Jacobs (eds): Organized Crime and Brunt, Lodewijk 1996: Stad (City). Amsterdam. its Containment. A Transatlantic Initiative. De­ Brunt, Lodewijk (ed.) 1977: Anders bekeken. We t en venter: 73-87. werkelijkheid in sociaal onderzoek (Viewed Differ­ Bovenkerk, Frank 1995: La Bella Bettien. Het levens­ ently. Rule and Reality in Social Research). Mep­ verhaal van een Nederlandse go-between voor de pel. Colombiaanse drugskartels zoals verteld aan Frank Brunt, Lodewijk, Hanneke Grotenbreg & Heleen Bovenkerk (La Bella Bettien. The Life-Story of a Ronden 1993: Ji'rauderen:achter gronden van uitke­ Dutch Go-Between for the Colombian Narcotics ringsfraudeurs en uitkeringsfraude (Fraud: Back­ Cartels, as 'Thldto Frank Bovenkerk). Amsterdam. grounds of People on the Dole and Fraud). Amster­ Bovenkerk, Frank (ed.) 1978: Omdat zij anders zijn. dam.

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