UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title Explorations of Hernando Alarcon in the Lower Colorado River Region, 1540

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/86x647bs

Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 1(1)

ISSN 0191-3557

Author Elsasser, Albert B

Publication Date 1979-12-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Explorations of Hernando Alarcon in the Lower Colorado River Region, 1540

Edited and Annotated by ALBERT B. ELSASSER

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION The distinction of having been the first as this document, written of course in Spanish, European to encounter Indians in what is now also seems to be lost to scholars. In any event, the southeast corner of California probably all subsequently published versions of the belongs to Hernando Alarcon, a Spanish letter evidently are based upon Ramusio's explorer who played a part in one of the copy. Probably the first of these reprints to principal searches for the legendary "Seven be widely read after Ramusio's time was a Cities of Cibola." These explorations on the translation by Richard Hakluyt, published northern frontier of New Spain had exercised in 1600, in Volume 3 of his Principal Navi­ the minds of Spanish adventurers and admin­ gations .... Hakluyt's works have been istrators in the decades following the Conquest reprinted many times since 1600, and other by Cortes in 1519. translations also have been taken directly from Unfortunately, Alarcon's full account of Ramusio (see especially Hammond and Rey his expedition up the Gulf of California (the 1940). Sea of Cortes) has never turned up. However, H. R. Wagner (1924) has provided an a report in the form of a long letter to the excellent description of the known geography viceroy of New Spain, Don Antonio de of Alarcon's voyage, including two maps of Mendoza, somehow came into the hands of the Sea of Cortes, one made by Castillo, one one Giovanni Ramusio, who printed it in of Alarcon's pilots. Regrettably, Alarcon Italian in 1556. Alarcon promised the viceroy seems not to have left behind any maps of in the letter that a complete report would be most of the Lower Colorado River region forthcoming, but there is no pertinent evidence which he traversed. We learn little, therefore, that such a formal report was ever submitted. about the physiography of the lower reaches The letter reprinted here in English transla­ of the Colorado which Alarcon claims to have tion, is, by Alarcon's admission, a summary or ascended. paraphrase of the full report. We have no way Wagner (1924:384) stated that between of knowing whether Ramusio accurately trans­ "the two interpreters, Alarcon managed to lated or transcribed the original letter itself. collect a large amount of information of

[8] EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON doubtful [?] value regarding the customs and death, but he did not actually enter any of the habits of the Indians." He suggested that the Zufii towns. Turning back, he came away with one interpreter who was with Alarcon from the the idea that one of the settlements he had seen beginning of the voyage spoke a Sobaipuri was "larger than the city of Mexico." (Pima) dialect, and that the interpreter Despite the essential shortcoming of the encountered up the river was "probably a earlier expeditions, enough glowing reports Maricopa, who understood his [Alarcon's remained to further tantalize the Spanish. original] interpreter and who in turn under­ Mendoza, accordingly, in 1540 sent another stood the Yuma dialect." expedition to the north, under command of In order to understand the reasoning Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, who left behind this statement of Wagner, and also from Campostela by land. Alarcon, with two to explain certain other references in Alarcon's ships, took a supposedly parallel course along brief account, it seems desirable here to give a the coast, hoping ultimately to establish short summary of the background of the contact with Coronado, and to find a water expedition. route which led to Cibola and beyond, perhaps In 1536, A. N. Cabeza de Vaca and a to the Atlantic Ocean. Alarcon was not the former Moorish Black slave known as Esteban first to explore the Sea of Cortes, nor probably turned up in Sinaloa, with some Indians from the first European to see the mouth of the the north, after having been gone eight years Colorado, but was the first Spaniard to on a hardship-ridden expedition into what is attempt to go up the river, and to write a now the south-central part of the United valuable account of the native peoples he States. Cabeza de Vaca's words about the encountered living along its banks. His Indian lands to the north of Mexico, whether em­ interpreters were those surviving previous land broidered or not, were probably the effective encounters with the Spanish. beginnings of rumors of untold riches in these Note on Hakluyt's Translation lands previously unexplored by Europeans. Subsequently, De Soto (1539), looking for Although Hakluyt's translation of wealth and a water passage between the Alarcon's letter has been reprinted many Atlantic and Pacific oceans, led a large times since 1600, 1 have thought it best to expedition to the Mississippi River region; represent here the first and probably most the venture realized neither of the two goals. reliable printing, obtained from the Bancroft Also in 1539, Mendoza, the viceroy of Library. This version has been chosen also New Spain, acquired Esteban, trained some because it preserves the literary flavor of a of the Indians who had accompanied Cabeza document originally produced more than 400 de Vaca as interpreters, and then sent off years ago (the translation in Hammond and another expedition in charge of a Franciscan Rey [1940] is rendered in modern English). friar, Marcos de Niza, together with the There are certain discrepancies apart from interpreters. Esteban departed Culiacan with style even between the original Hakluyt Fr. Marcos, but later left the main body, version and that of Hammond and Rey, as one acting as a vanguard for the expedition. He might expect. Since the original Ramusio established himself probably with the Zufii (Italian) edition was not available to me, as Indians in the Cibola region of what is now a substitute I obtained also a copy of the letter eastern New Mexico, but after staying there translated from Ramusio into French for about two months was put to death by the (Castaneda de Nagera 1838). With these two Indians. Friar Marcos arrived after Esteban's additional versions, and excerpts from the 10 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY first two chapters of the work also translated as well as numbers of now obsolete words and directly from the Italian (Alvarez de Williams archaic usages. In addition, the appearance of 1975) I felt that by careful comparison unclear the Hakluyt text, almost as a single long para­ passages or usages in Hakluyt could easily be graph, has been altered, and many sentences resolved. have been split up, mostly by dropping literally In the several places where glaring dis­ dozens of conjunctions, to make for easier crepancies between the several versions reading. All of these changes have been made appear, I have referred to them in endnotes. reluctantly, and in some cases considered as Besides thus utilizing the non-Hakluyt ver­ borderline, I have left the original usages sions as a basis for alterations in ambiguous despite their sometimes quaint sounds. places, I have taken other liberties with the original Hakluyt transcription: most Eliza­ Lowie Museum of Anthropology bethan English spellings have been eliminated, University of California, Berkeley

[From pp. 425-439 of Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, Vol. HI, London, 1600] Hernando Alarcon—Trafficking and Discoveries The relation of the navigation and discovery which Captain Hernando Alarcon made by order of the right honorable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of New Spain, dated in Colima, a port of New Spain.

Chapter I Catherine, being more afraid than was needful, cast overboard nine pieces of ordinance, two Hernando Alarc6n, after he had suffered a anchors, one cable, and many other things as storm, arrived with his fleet at the port of Saint lago, and thence at the port of necessary for the enterprize in which we were Aguaiaval. He was in great peril in seeking engaged as the ship itself. to discover a bay, and getting out of the As soon as we arrived at the port of Saint same he discovered a river on the coast lago' I repaired the losses which 1 had received, with a great current, entering into the provided myself with necessary things and same. Coasting along, he described a great took aboard the people who had been awaiting many Indians with their weapons: with my coming; I then directed my course toward signs he has traffic with them, and fearing the port of Aguaiaval. some great danger, returns to his ship. Having arrived there, I understood that General Francisco Vasquez de Coronado had On Sunday, the ninth of May in the year already departed with all his people; where­ 1540, I set sail with two ships, the one called upon taking the ship called Saint Gabriel, Saint Peter, being Admiral's [i.e. Alarcon's] which carried victuals for the army, I led her flag ship, and the other Saint Catherine, and with me to put in execution your Lordship's we set forward meaning to go to the port of order. Afterward I followed my course along Saint lago of Good Hope; but before we the coast without departing from that ship, to arrived there we had a terrible storm, in which see if I could find any token, or any Indian who those who were in the ship called Saint could give me knowledge of him, and in sailing EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON II so near the shore, 1 discovered other very good forward. Although the company would have ports, for the ships commanded by Captain turned back, yet for all this I determined to Francisco de Ulloa- for the Marquis del Valle go forward and to pursue our attempted neither saw nor found them. And when we voyage. We went forward with much ado, came to the flats and shoals whence the afore­ turning our stems now this way, now that way, said fleet returned it seemed as well to me, in seeking to find the channel. And it pleased as to the other officers that we had firm land God that in this manner we came to the very before us, and that those shoals were so head of the bay, where we found a very mighty perilous and fearful that it was a thing to be river, which ran with so great a fury of a stream considered whether with our skiffs we could that we could hardly sail against it. In this enter among them. way I determined as well as I could to go up The pilot and the rest of the company this river: with two boats, leaving the others would have had us do as Captain Ulloa did, with the ships, and twenty men, myself being that is to turn back again. But because your in one of them with Rodrigo Maldonado, Lordship commanded me to bring you the treasurer of this fleet, and Caspar de Castillo, secret of the gulf, I resolved that, although I comptroller, and with certain small pieces of had known I should have lost the ships, I artillery, I began to sail up the river. I charged would not have ceased for anything to have all my company that none of them should stir seen the head of that gulf. Therefore, I com­ nor use any sign but the person whom 1 manded Nicolas Zamorano, chief pilot, and appointed, even though we found Indians. Dominico del Castillo each to take a boat, and The same day, which was Thursday, the with lead in hand, to run in among those 26th of August, following our voyage by shoals, to see if they could find out the channel drawing the boats with hawsers,' we made where the ships might enter and where it about six leagues. The next day, which was seemed that the ships might sail up higher Friday, at the break of day continuing our (although with great travail and danger). In way upward, I saw some Indians going toward this manner we began to follow the way which huts which were near the water. As soon as they had taken, and within a short while after they saw us, ten or twelve of them rose up we found ourselves fast on the sands with all furiously, and began crying with a loud voice; our three ships in such a way that one could other natives, numbering about 50, with all not help the other, nor could the boats succor haste carried out of their huts such things as us, because the current was so great that it they had to nearby shrubbery. Many of them was impossible for one of us to come near the came running toward the place where we other. Whereupon we were in such great approached, making great signs to us that jeopardy that the deck of the flag ship was we should go back again. They made great oftentimes under water, and if a great surge threats against us, while running on both of the sea had not come to right our ship and shores of the river. Seeing them in such a gave her leave, as it were, to breathe awhile, rage, I caused our boats to be taken from the we would have been drowned. Likewise the shore to the middle of the river, so that the other two ships found themselves in very great Indians might be out of fear, and I rode at hazard, yet because they were lesser and drew anchor and set up people in as good order as less water, their danger was not so great as I could, charging them that no man should ours. speak, nor make any sign nor motion, nor Now it pleased God upon the return of the stir out of his place, nor should be offended by tide that the ships came afloat, and so we went anything that the Indians did, nor should they 12 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. I. View of the Colorado River north of the Delta, 1856. This picture gives some notion of the kind of country Alarcon crossed in 1540. Courtesy of the Bancroft Librarv, University of California, Berkelev.

show an\ token of war. By this means the and they, with great cries, came to keep me Indians came closer and closer to the river from the shore of the river, making signs that bank to see us, and I advanced little by little 1 should not come any farther. They put stakes toward them where the river seemed deepest. in my way between the water and the land, and During this time, there were more than 250 the more I lingered the more people still Indians assembled together with bows and flocked together. When I had considered this, arrows and with warlike banners,-* deployed I began to make them signs of peace, and, in much the same manner as those of the taking my sword and round shield, I cast them natives of New Spain. Perceiving that I drew down in the boat and set my feet upon them, toward the shore, they came with great cries giving them to understand with this and other toward us with arrows ready in their bows tokens that I desired not to have war with and with their banner displayed. I went into them, and that they should do the like. Also, the stem of my boat with the interpreter I I took a banner and cast it down, and I caused carried with me^ and commanded him to speak my company that were with me to sit down with them; when he spoke they neither under­ likewise. Taking the wares of exchange which stood him nor he them, although because they I carried with me, I called them to give them saw him to be like themselves, they did not go some of them, yet for all this none of them away. Seeing this, I drew nearer the shore. stirred to take any of them, but rather flocked EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 13

r\HALCHIOHOMAl L V I8Z6-IB35 J

Fig. 2. Recent distribution of tribes along the Lower Colorado and Gila rivers in Mexico. California, and Arizona (after Spier \9}y).

together, and began to make a great mur­ when he had done, I embraced him and gave muring among themselves. Suddenly one came him in recompense beads and other things. out from among them with a staff in which He, returning with them to his fellows, began shell rings^ were set, and entered into the water to look upon them, and to parley together, and to give it to me. 1 took it, and made signs to within a while after, many of them came him that he should come near to me, which. toward me. To these I made signs to lay down 14 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY their banners, and to leave their weapons, Through the speech of one of these old men, which they did incontinently; then I made they began to rise up from the ground, and to signs that they should lay them all together and lay hold upon their weapons. Wanting to should go aside from them, which likewise they appease the old man, 1 offered him a silken did. Also, they caused those Indians who newly girdle of different colors, and he in a great came thither to leave them, and to lay them rage bit his lower lip cruelly, and gave me a together with the rest. After this I called them thump with his elbow on the chest; he then to me, and to all who came I gave some small turned in a great fury to speak to his company. trifle, using them gently, and by this time there After I saw them raise their banners, I deter­ were so many that came thronging about me mined to return myself gently to my boats, and that I thought I could not stay any longer in with a small gale of wind I set sail, whereby we safety among them. I made signs to them that might break [overcome] the current, which they should withdraw themselves, and that was very great, although my company were not they should stand upon the side of a hill which well pleased to go any farther. In the meantime was there between a plain and the river and the Indians came following us along the shore that no more than ten at a time should of the river, making signs that I should come approach me. on land, and they would give me food to eat, some of them sucking their fingers. Others Immediately the most ancient amongthem entered the water with some cakes of maize to called to them with a loud voice, willing them give me in my boat. to do so. Some ten or twelve of them came where 1 was, whereupon, seeing myself in some Chapter 2 security, 1 determined to go on land, the more to put them out of fear. For my security Of the dress, armor, and stature of the I made signs to them to sit down on the ground, Indians. A relation of many others with which they did. But when they saw that ten or whom he had, by signs, traffic, victuals, twelve of my companions came ashore after and many courtesies. me, they began to be angry, and I made signs In this manner we went up two leagues, and to them that we would be friends and that they I arrived near a cliff of a hill, whereupon an should not fear. Herewithal they were pacified arbor'^ had newly been made, where they made and sat down as they did before, and 1 went signs to me, crying that I should go thither, unto them and embraced them, giving them showing me the same with their hands, and some trifles and commanding my interpreter telling me that there was meat to eat. But I to speak to them, for 1 greatly desired to under­ would not go thither, seeing the place was apt stand their manner of speech and the cry which for some ambush, but followed on my voyage. they made at me. So that I might know what Within a while after issued out from thence manner of food they had, I made a sign to about a thousand armed men"' with bows and them, that we would gladly eat, and they arrows, and after that many women and brought me some cakes of maize and a loaf of children showed themselves, toward whom I mizquiqui.^ would not go. Because the sun was almost set, They made signs to me that they desired to I rode the middle of the river. see an arquebus shot off,** which 1 caused to be These Indians came decked [out] in many discharged, and they were all wonderfully different ways: Some came with a painting afraid except two old men among them who that covered their faces all over, some had their were not moved at all, but rather cried out faces half-covered, but all besmouched with upon the rest, because they were afraid. coal" and everyone as it pleased him best. EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 15

Fig. 3. Colorado River Indians (Mohave) drawn by H. B. M'dllhausen, ca. I860. Courtesy of the Bancroft Library. Universitv of California, Berkelev.

Others carried vizards before them of the colors, and in the middle is fastened a round same color, which had the shape of faces.'- bunch of feathers, which hang down behind They wear on their heads a piece of deer skin like a tail. Likewise on the brawn [biceps] of two spans broad, set after the manner of a their arms they wear a tight cord which they helmet, and upon it certain small sticks with wind so often about that it becomes as broad some kinds of feathers. Their weapons were as one's hand. They wear certain pieces of bows and arrows of hard wood,'' and two or deer bones fastened to one arm, wherewith three kinds of maces of wood hardened in the they strike off the sweat,'*• and at the other fire.'"* This is a mighty people, well featured certain small reed pipes.'^ They carry also and without grossness. They have holes bored certain little long bags, about one hand broad, in their nostrils, whereat certain pendants tied to their left arms, which serve them also hang; and others wear shells, and their ears as bracers [wrist guards] for their bows, full are full of holes, whereon they hang bones of the powder of a certain herb, whereof they and shells. All of them both great and small make a certain beverage.'^ They have their wear a girdle about their waists, of diverse bodies marked with charcoal;"* their hair is 16 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY cut in front, and behind it hangs down to their to bring me certain gourds^" full of maize, and waists. The women go naked, and wear a great of those wreaths [round cakes] which I spoke wreath of feathers behind them, and in front, of before. I showed them wheat and beans,2' painted and glued together, and their hair is and other seeds, to see whether they had any like the men's. There were among these Indians of those kinds: but they showed me that they three or four men in women's apparel.'** had no knowledge of them, and wondered at Now the next day being Saturday, very all of them. early 1 went forward on my way up the river, By signs I came to understand that the setting on shore two men for each boat to draw thing which they most esteemed and rever­ them with the rope, and about breaking forth enced was the Sun: and I signified unto them of the sun, we heard a mighty cry of Indians on that I came from the Sun.22 Whereat they both sides of the river, with their weapons, but marveled, and then they began to behold me without any banner. I thought good to attend from the top to the toe, and showed me more their coming, as well to see what they would favor than they did before: and when I asked have, as also to try whether our interpreter them for food, they brought me such abun­ could understand them. When they came over dance that I was obliged twice to call for the against us they leapt into the river on both sides boats to put it into them, and from that time with their bows and arrows, and when they forward of all the things which they brought spoke, our interpreter understood them not: me they threw a part of it in the air toward the whereupon I began to make a sign to them that Sun, and afterward turned toward me to give they should lay away their weapons, as the me the other part. And so I was always better others had done. Some did as I willed them, served and esteemed of them as well in drawing and some did not, and those which did, I willed of the boats up the river, as also in giving me to come near me and gave them some things food to eat: and they showed me such great which we had to barter. When the others love that when I stayed [among them] they perceived that they might likewise have their would have carried us in their arms unto their share, they laid away their weapons. I, judging houses. And in no kind of thing they would myself to be safe, leapt on the shore with them, break my commandment: and for my safety, I and stood in the midst of them, who, under­ willed them not to carry any weapons in my standing that I came not to fight with them, sight. They were so careful to do so, that if began to give me some of those shells and any man came newly thither with them, beads, and some brought me certain well- suddenly they would go and meet him to cause dressed skins, and others maize and a roll him to lay them down far from me: and I [cake] of the same, badly ground, so that none showed them I took great pleasure in their so of them came to me that brought me not some­ doing. And to some of the chief of them I gave thing, and before they gave it me going a little certain little napkins [pieces of cloth] and way from me, they began to cry out violently, other trifles; for if I should have given some­ and made a sign with their bodies and arms, thing to everyone of them in particular, all the and afterward they approached to give me that small wares in New Spain would not have which they brought. And now that the sun sufficed. Sometimes it fell out (such was the began to set, 1 put off from the shore, and rode great love and good will which they showed in the middle of the river. The next morning me) that if any Indians came thither by chance before break of day on both sides of the river with their weapons, and if anyone being we heard greater cries, and of more Indians, warned to leave them behind, if by negligence, who leapt into the river to swim, and they came or because he understood them not at the first EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 17

warning, he had not laid them away, they a good will, thanking God for the good pro­ would run to him, and take them from him by vision which he gave us to go up the river: for force, and would break them in pieces in my the Indians were so many that if they had gone presence. Afterwards they took the rope so about to bar our passage, even though we had lovingly, and with striving one with another been many more than we were, they might for it, that we had no need to ask them to do have done it. it. If we did not have this help, the current of the river being exceedingly great and our men Chapter 3 that drew the rope being not well acquainted with the occupation, it would have been One of the Indians understanding the language of the interpreter, asks many impossible for us to have gotten up the river questions about the origins of the against the stream. Spaniards; he [the interpreter] tells him When 1 perceived that they understood me that their captain is the child of the Sun, in all things, and that I likewise understood and that he was sent by the Sun unto them, them, I thought good to try by some way or and that they should receive him as their other to make a good entrance to find some king. They take this Indian into their boat, good issue to obtain my desire. I caused and he gives them much information of that country. certain crosses to be made of certain small sticks and paper, and among others when I In this manner we sailed until Tuesday gave anything I gave them these as things of night, going, as we were wont, and having my great price and kissed them, making signs to interpreter speak unto the people to see if them that they should honor them and make peradventure any of them could understand great account of them, and that they should him. I perceived that one answered him, where­ wear them at their necks. I gave them to under­ upon I caused the boats to be stopped, and stand that this sign was from heaven, and they called the one who had understood the inter­ took them and kissed them, and lifted them preter. I charged the latter that he should not up aloft, and seemed greatly to rejoice thereat speak nor answer him anything else, but only when they did so. that which I said unto him. 1 saw as I stood still Sometimes I took them in my boa-t, that that Indian began to speak with great fury, showing them great good will, and sometimes whereupon all of them began to draw together. I gave them of those trifles which 1 carried My interpreter understood, that he who came with me. At length the matter grew to such to the boat said to them that he desired to know issue that I had not paper and sticks to make what nation we were, whence we came, and crosses. In this manner that day 1 was very well whether we came out of the water, or out of accompanied, until that when night approached the earth, or from heaven. At this speech an I sought to launch out into the river, and went infinite number of people came together, who to ride in the middle of the stream, and they marveled to see me speak; and this Indian came to ask leave of me to depart, saying that turned on this side and on that side to speak they would return the next day with victuals to them in another language which my inter­ to visit me. Little by little they departed, so preter did not understand. To the one who that there stayed not above fifty who made asked me what we were, I answered that we fires facing us, and stayed there all night calling were Christians, and that we came from afar us, and before the day was perfectly broken, to see them. Answering the question about they leapt into the water and swam to us, who had sent me, I said I was sent by the Sun, asking for the rope. We gave it to them with pointing it out to them as at the first, so that 18 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY they should not take me in a lie.-^ He began And he [the Indian spokesman] turning again to ask me, how the sun had sent me, to me said suddenly: Do you come hither there­ seeing it went aloft in the sky and never stood fore to be our Lord and that we should serve still, and seeing that these many years neither thee? I, supposing that 1 should not please him he nor their old men had ever seen such as if 1 should have said yes, answered him, not to we were, of whom they never had any kind of be their Lord, but rather to be their brother, knowledge, and that the Sun till that hour had and to give them such things as I had. He asked never sent any other. me if the Sun had begotten me as he had 1 answered him that it was true that the Sun begotten others, and whether 1 was his made his course aloft in the sky, and did never kinsman or his son: I answered him that I was stand still, yet nevertheless that they might his son. He proceeded to ask me whether the perceive that at this going down and rising in rest that were with me were also the children the morning he came near the earth, where his of the Sun. 1 answered him no, but that they dwelling was, and that they ever saw him come were born all with me in one country, where 1 out of one place. He had made me in that land was brought up. Then he cried out with a loud and country whence he came, as he had made voice, and said, seeing that you do us so much many others which he sent into other parts. good, and will not have us to make war, and Now he had sent me to visit and view the same are the child of the Sun, we will receive you for river and the people that dwelt near the same, our Lord, and always serve you. Therefore we that 1 should speak unto them and should join pray that you will not depart hence nor leave with them in friendship, and should give them us. things which they had not, and that I should Suddenly he turned to the people and charge them that they should not make war began to tell them that I was the child of the one against the other. Sun, and that therefore they should all choose Thereupon he answered that I should tell me for their Lord. Those Indians hearing this him the cause why the Sun had not sent me were astonished beyond measure, and came sooner to pacify the wars which had continued nearer still more and more to behold me. That a long time among them, wherein many had Indian also asked me other questions, which been slain. 1 told him the cause of this was to avoid tediousness I do not recite. In this way because at that time I was but a child. Then he we passed the day, and seeing the night asked the interpreter whether we took him approach, 1 began by all means 1 could devise with us perforce, having taken him in the war, to get this fellow into our boat with us. He or whether he came with us of his own accord. refusing to go with us, the interpreter told him He answered him that he was with us of his that we would put him on the other side of own accord, and was very well satisfied of our the river. Upon this condition he got aboard company. He in turn inquired why we brought our boat, and there I made very much of him, none save him [the interpreter] only that and gave him the best entertainment I could, understood us, and why we did not understand putting him always at his ease, and when I all other men, seeing we were children of the judged him to be out of all suspicion, I thought Sun. He-^ answered him that the Sun had also it good to ask him somewhat of that country. begotten him, and given him a language to Among the first things that I asked him was understand him and me, and others: the Sun whether he had ever seen any men like us, or knew well that they dwelt there, but that had heard any report of them. He answered because he had so many other businesses, and me, saying that he had sometime heard of old because I was young, he sent me no sooner. men, that very far from that country there EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 19 were other white men, with beards like us, and themselves, that seeing 1 was come to them, that he knew nothing else.25 I asked him also they had given over their intention of making whether he knew a place called Cevola war, and that they had a good mind to live in [Cibola], and a river called Totontoac,^^ and peace. He complained of certain people who he answered me no. Upon perceiving that he lived behind a mountain who made great war could not give me any knowledge of Francis on them, and slew many of them. I answered Vasquez nor of his company, 1 determined to him, that henceforth they should not need to ask him other things of that country, and of fear any more—if I commanded those people their manner of life. I began to inquire of him to be quiet, and if they would not obey my whether they held that there was one God,^^ commandment, I would chasten them and kill creator of heaven and earth, or that they them. He inquired of me how I could kill them, worshipped any other Idol. He answered me seeing we were so few and they so many in no, but that they esteemed and reverenced the number.-** And because it was now late, and Sun above all other things, because it warmed since I saw that by this time he was weary to them and made their crops grow, and that of stay any longer with me, I let him leave my all things which they ate, they cast a little upon boat, and therewith I dismissed him very well the air unto him. content. I asked him next whether they had any Lord, and he said no, but that they knew well Chapter 4 that there was a great Lorde, but they knew not Of Naguachato and other chief men of well which way he dwelt. 1 told him that he was those Indians they receive a great store of in heaven, and that he was called Jesus Christ, victuals; they cause them to set up a cross and 1 went no farther in divinity with him. 1 in their countries, and he teaches them to asked him whether they had any war, and for worship it. They have news of many what occasion. He answered that they had war, people, of their many languages, their and that very great, and upon exceedingly customs in matrimony, how they punish small occasions, for when they had no cause adultery, of their opinions concerning the dead, and of the sicknesses to which they to make war, they assembled together and are subject. some of them said "let us go to make war in such a place" and then all of them set forward The next day, early in the morning, the with their weapons. I asked him who com­ chief called Naguachato came among them, manded the army—he answered the eldest and wished me to come on land because he and most valiant, and when they said they had great store of victuals to give me. Because should proceed no farther, that suddenly they 1 felt myself in safety, I did so without doubt­ retired from the war. I prayed him to tell me ing. Immediately an old man came with rolls what they did with those men whom they killed [cakes] of maize, and certain little gourds,'"* in battle. He answered me that they took out and calling me with a loud voice and using the hearts of some of them, and ate them, and many gestures with his body and arms came others they burned.2** He added that if it had near me. Causing me to turn toward the not been for my coming, they should now have people, and turning toward them himself, he been at war. Because I commanded them that said to them Sagueyca, and all the people they should not war, and that they should cease answered with a great voice Hu. He offered from arms, therefore unless I commanded to the Sun a little of everything he had there, them to take arms, they would not begin to and likewise a little more to me (although wage war against others. They said among afterward he gave me all the rest) and did the 20 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY like to all that were with me. Calling out my many places we found the river so shallow that interpreter, by means of him I gave them the boats would not float. As we thus went on thanks, telling them that because my boats our way, some of the Indians whom 1 had left were little I had not brought many things to behind me came after us to entreat me that give them in exchange, but that 1 would come I would thoroughly instruct them how they again another time and bring them, and that should join their hands in the worshipping of if they would go with me in my boats to my the cross: others made me look to see whether ships which I had down at the river's mouth, they were doing it well in such and such a I would give them many things. They answered manner, so they would not let me be quiet. that they would do so, being very glad in Near the other side of the river was a greater countenance. number of people, who called me very often, Here, by the help of my interpreter, I so that I would receive the victuals which they sought to instruct them what the sign of the had brought me. And because I perceived that cross meant, and willed them to bring me a one envied the other and did not want to leave piece of timber, from which I caused a great any of them discontented, 1 did so. cross to be made, and commanded all those Here came before me another old man like that were with me that when it was made they the former, with like ceremonies and offerings; should worship it, and beseech the Lord to I sought to learn something of him as I had grant his grace that so great a people might done of the other. This man said likewise to come to the knowledge of his holy Catholic the rest of the people "This is our lord. Now faith. This done, I told them by my interpreter you see how long ago our ancestors'" told us that 1 left them that sign in token that I took that there were bearded and white people in them for my brothers, and that they should the world, and we laughed them to scorn. 1 keep it for me carefully until 1 returned, and who am an old man and the rest who are here, that every morning at sunrise they should have never seen any such people as these. And kneel before it. They took it immediately, and if you will not believe me, behold these people without suffering it to touch the ground they who are in the river: let us therefore give them carried it and set it up in the midst of their meat, seeing they gave us their victuals. Let houses, where all of them might behold it. I us willingly serve this lord, who wishes us so willed them always to worship it, because it well, and forbids us to make war, and embraces would preserve them from evil. They asked me all of us. And they have mouth, hands, and how deep they should set it in the ground, and eyes, as we have, and speak as we do." 1 showed them. Great numbers of people followed those that carried the cross, and those 1 gave these likewise another cross, as I that stayed behind inquired of me how they had done to the others down the river, and said should join their hands, and how they should to them the self-same words, which they kneel to worship the cross, and they seemed to listened to with a better will, and used greater have great desire to learn it. vigilance to learn that which I said. Afterward, as I passed farther up the river, I found another This done, I took the chief man of the people of whom my interpreter understood not country, and going to our boats with him, I a whit;'- thus I showed them by signs the self­ followed my journey up the river, and all the same ceremonies of worshipping the cross company on both sides of the shore accom­ which I had taught the rest. That principal old panied me with great good will, and served me man whom I took with me told me that farther in the drawing of our boats and in hauling us up the river 1 should find people who would off the sands upon which we often fell, for in understand my interpreter." Being now late EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 21

[in the day], some of those men called me to house, in which the men and women lived all give me victuals, and did in all points as the together."* I asked him whether their women others had done, dancing and playing to show were (held) in common or not — he told me no me pleasure. I desired to know what people and that he who was married was to have but lived on the banks of this river, and under­ one wife only. I desired to know what order stood by this man that it was inhabited by [ceremonies] they kept in marrying, and he [people of] 23 languages, and these were told me that if any man had a daughter he went bordering upon the river, besides other not far where the people kept [i.e., in public] and said: off. There were besides these 23 languages "I have a daughter to marry. Is there any man [groups] other peoples whom he did not know, here that will have her." If there were any that above the river. 1 asked him whether every would have her, he answered that he would people were living in one town together, and have her and so the marriage was made. The he answered me "no," but that they had many father of him who would have her brought houses standing scattered in the fields, and that something to give the young woman, and from every people had their own separate territory, that hour forward, the marriage was taken to and that in every habitation there were great be finished, and they sang and danced. When numbers of people. night came, the parents took them, and left He showed me a town which was in a them together in a place where nobody might mountain,'-* and told me that there were great see them. And 1 learned that brothers, sisters, numbers of [miserable] people of bad condi­ and kinsfolk did not marry together, and that tions who made continual war on them. These maids, before they were married, did not con­ people, being without a gouvernour [sic], and verse with men, nor talked with them, but kept dwelling in that desert place, where very little at home at their houses and in their posses­ maize grows, came down to the plains to buy sions, and worked. If by chance anyone had it in truck [exchange] for deer skins. They company with men before she was married, were apparelled with long garments [of deer her husband forsook her, and went away into skin] which they cut with razors [sic],'' and other lands. Those women who fell into this sewed with needles made of deer bones. They fault were accounted naughty packs [lost had great houses of stone.'^ women]. If ever after they were married, any man were taken in adultery with another I asked them whether there were any other woman, they put him to death. No man might (among the river people) of that country. 1 have more than one wife, except very secretly. found one woman who wore a garment like a little mantle, which clad her from the waist to They told me they burned those who died, the ground, of a deer skin well-dressed. Then and such as remained widows stayed half a 1 asked him whether the people who dwelt on year or a whole year before they married the river side dwelt there always or else some­ [again]. I desired what they thought of such times went to dwell in some other place. He as were dead. He told me that they went to answered me that in the summer season they another world, but that they had neither lived there, and sowed there; after they had punishment nor glory. The greatest sickness gathered in their crop they went their way that this people die of is vomiting of blood up and dwelt in other houses which they had at the mouth,'** and they have physicians who the foot of the mountain, far from the river. cure them with charms and blowing^" which And he showed me by signs that the houses they make. were of wood and compassed with earth on the The apparel of these people is like that of outside.'^ I understood that they made a round the former: they carried their pipes with them 22 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY to perfume themselves,"' as the people of New to a wood, out of which 1 saw two companies Spain use tobacco. of men coming with their weapons; he told me 1 inquired whether they had any governor that they came to set upon us. Because I did and found that they had none, but that every not mean to fall out with any of them, 1 retired family had its own master ["had their sevarall my company into our boats, and the Indians governour"]. These people have, besides their who were with me swam into the water, and maize, certain gourds,•*- and another grain like saved themselves on the other side of the millet."' They have grindstones and earthen river. In the meantime, 1 asked the Indians I had pots, in which they boil those gourds, and with me who these people were that came out of fish of the river, which are very good. My the wood, and he told me that they were their interpreter could go no farther than this place, enemies. Therefore these others at their for he said that those which we should find approach, without saying a word, leapt into farther on our way were their enemies, and the water. They did so because they meant to therefore I sent him back well contented. Not turn back again, being without weapons, long after I espied many Indians to come because they brought none with them; they crying with a loud voice, and runningafter me. understood my will and pleasure that they I stayed, [wanting] to know what they would should carry none. I asked the same things of have, and they told me that they had set up this interpreter which I had done of the other the cross which 1 had given them, in the midst of the things of that country, because I under­ of their dwellings as I had appointed, but that stood that among some people one man used 1 should know that when the river overflowed, to have many wives, and among others but it was wont to reach that place. Therefore they one. Now 1 understood from him that he had asked me to give them leave to remove it, and been at Cevola, and that it was a month's to set it in another place where the river would journey from his country;**^ by a path that not come at it, nor carry it away. I granted went along that river a man might easily travel them permission to do this. forty days. The occasion that moved him to go thither was only to see Cevola, because it Chapter 5 was a great thing. It had very high houses of stone of three or four stories,"** and windows From an Indian of that country they have on each side; the houses were encompassed details of the state of Cevola. and of the with a wall one and one-half men high [ca. conditions and customs of the people, and eight or nine feet]. Above and beneath they of their governor. And likewise [there were relations] of the countries not far distant were inhabited with people, who used the same from there, one of which was called weapons that others whom we had seen used, Quicoma,-*" and the other Coama.-*'' Of the that is to say, bows and arrows, maces, staves people of Quicoma, and of the other and bucklers. They were appareled with cloaks Indians not far distant, they receive and with ox-hides; their cloaks had a painting courtesy. on them."** Their governor wore a long shirt finely tied around with a belt. They wear on the Sailing along, 1 came where there were outside several cloaks, and the women wore many Indians, and another interpreter, whom very long garments; they were white, and I caused to come with me in my boat."^ Because covered them entirely. Every day many Indians it was cold, and my people were wet, I leapt waited at the gate of their governor to serve on shore, and had a fire made, and as we stood him, and they wore many azure or blue stones, thus warming ourselves, an Indian came and which were dug out of rocks.^o They had but struck me on the arm, pointing with his finger EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 23 one wife, with whom they were married. When cipal Indian Naguachato, whom I had left their governor died, all the goods that they behind. They brought with them certain had were buried with them. And all the while conies^' and yuccas, and after 1 had entertained they eat, many of their men wait at their table them all in a friendly way, left them, giving to court them, and see them eat; they eat with them license to return to their houses. As 1 napkins, and they have baths." passed along by desert country, I came to On Thursday morning at break of day the certain cottages, out of which many people Indians came with the like cry [as those before] came toward me with an old man at their head, to the banks of the river, and with greater crying in a language which my interpreter well desire to serve us, bringing me meat to eat, and understood. He said to these men: "Brothers, making the like good cheer which the others you see here that lord; let us give him such as had done, having understood what 1 was. I we have, seeing he does us pleasure, and has gave them crosses, with the same order that I passed through so many discourteous people, gave to the others. Going farther up the river, to come to visit us." Having said thus, he 1 came to a country where I found better offered to the sun, and then to me, in like government: for the inhabitants are wholly manner as the rest had done. They had certain obedient to one (person) only. But returning great bags, and well made, of the skins of again to confer with my interpreter, touching fishes called Sea-hremes.^* [upon] the dwellings of those of Cevola, he I understood that this was a town belong­ told me that the lord of that country had a dog ing to the chief of Quicoma, to which people like that 1 carried with me. Afterward, when 1 came only to gather the fruit of their harvest called for dinner, this interpreter saw certain in summer. Among them I found one who dishes carried in the first and later service, understood my interpreter very well, where­ whereupon he told me that the lord of Cevola upon very easily I gave them the like instruc­ had also such as those were, but that they were tion of the cross which 1 had given to others green, and that no one else had them save their behind. These people had cotton, but they governor. There were four (plates) which he were not very careful to use the same, because had gotten, together with that dog and other there was none among them that knew the art things, from a black man" who had a beard, of weaving and to make apparel thereof.^^ but that he did not know from what quarter he They asked me how they should set up their came thither. The king caused him afterward cross when they were come to their dwelling to be killed, as he heard say. which was in the mountain, and whether they I asked him if he knew of any town that should hang anything on the arms thereof. was near that place—he told me that above the 1 said no—that it sufficed to set it in a place river he knew some, among others, one where where it might be seen of all men until 1 the chief of a village lived: a town called returned, and lest peradventure any men of Quicoma, and another Coama—both had a war should come that way, they offered me great number of subjects under them. And more men to go with me, saying that they after he had given me this information, he were naughty [mean] men'^ which I should find craved leave of me to return to his companions. above. But 1 would have none—nevertheless From here 1 began again to set sail, and 20 of them went with me, who, when I drew within a few days' sailing I found an aban­ near those who were their enemies, warned me doned village, where, as soon as 1 entered, by thereof, and 1 found their sentinels set upon chance arrived there 500 Indians with bows their guard on their borders. On Saturday and arrows, and with them was that prin­ morning I found great squads of people sitting 24 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY under an exceeding great arbor [ramada], and they rejoiced thereat, and spoke very well of another part of them without. When 1 saw my coming thither. that they did not rise up, I passed along on my At night I withdrew myself into the middle voyage. When they beheld this, an old man of the river, and asked him many things con­ rose up who said to me: "Sir, why do you not cerning that country. And 1 found him as receive victuals to eat from us, seeing you have willing and well disposed to show them to me, taken food of others." 1 answered that I took as 1 was desirous to know them. I asked him of nothing but that which was given me, and that Cevola: he told me he had been there," that I went to none but to such as requested me. it was a goodly thing, that the chief there was Here without any stay they brought me very well obeyed, and that there were other victuals, saying to me, that because 1 did not chiefs thereabout, with whom he was con­ enter their houses, and stayed all day and tinually at war. I asked him whether they had night in the river, and because I was the son silver and gold, and he, having perceived of the Sun, all men were to receive me for their certain bells [on the boat?] said they had metal lord. [Fr. Seigneur] I made them eigns to sit of their color. I inquired whether they made down, and called that old man, whom my it there, and he answered me, no, but that they interpreter understood, and asked him whose brought it from a certain mountain, where an that country was, and whether the lord [Fr. old woman dwelt. I demanded whether he souverain, i.e. chief] thereof were there. He had any knowledge of a river called Totonteac answered, yes, and I called him [the chief] to —he answered me no, that he, however, knew me. When he came 1 embraced him, showing of another exceeding mighty river in which him great love. When 1 saw that all of them there were such huge crocodiles^** that of their took great pleasure at the friendly entertain­ hides they made shields. These people worship ment which I gave him, I put a shirt on him the Sun neither more nor less than those whom and gave him other trifles, and willed my I had passed, and when they offer to Him the interpreter to use the like speeches to that fruits of the earth, they say: "Receive hereof, chief which he had done to the others. That for Thou hast created them." They loved Him done, 1 gave him a cross, which he received much, because He warmed them and when He with a very good will, as the others did. This did not break forth, they were cold. While chief went a great way with me, until 1 was talking with him in this manner, he began called from the other side of the river, where somewhat to complain, saying to me: "I know the old man of whom I have already spoken not why the Sun useth these terms with us, stood with many other people. To him I gave because He giveth us not clothes, nor people another cross, using the like speech to them to spin nor to weave them, nor other things which I had to the others, to wit, how they which He giveth to many others." And he should use it. Then following my way, I met complained that those of that country [the with another great company of people, with interior] would not suffer them to come there, whom came that very same old man whom my and would not give them of their corn. I told interpreter understood. When 1 saw their him that I would remedy this, whereat he chief whom he showed me, 1 asked him to remained well satisfied. come with me to my boat, which he did very willingly, and so I continued up the river. The Chapter 6 old man came and showed me who were the principal chiefs. 1 spoke to them always with The Spanish learn from the Indians why great courtesy, and all of them showed that the chief of Cevola killed the Negro, who went with Friar Marco, and of many other EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 25

things. They are told of an old woman demanded upon what occasion he was killed, called Guatazaca, who lives in a lake and and he answered me that the chief of Cevola eats no food. The description of a beast, inquired of him whether he had other brethren. from the skin of which they make targets He ["the Negro"] answered that he had an (shields) is given them. The Indians suspect infinite number, and that they had a great that they conceive of the Spanish as those store of weapons with them,''' and that they Christians who were seen at Cevola: how were not very far from thence. Which, when the Spanish cunningly save themselves. he had heard, many of the chief men consulted The next day, which was Sunday, before together, and resolved to kill him, that he break of day, began their cry, as they were might not give news to these his brethren, wont, and this was the cry of two or three sorts where they dwelt. For this cause they slew of people, who had lain all night near the river's him, and cut him in many pieces, which were side, waiting for me. They took maize and divided among all those principal chiefs, that other food in their mouths and sprinkled them they might know assuredly that he was dead. on me, saying that this was the fashion they Also, he had a dog like mine, which he [the used when they sacrificed to the Sun. After­ chief] likewise killed a while after. I asked wards they gave me of their victuals to eat, him whether they of Cevola had any enemies, and among other things they gave me many and he said they had. And he reckoned to me white peas.5' I gave them a cross as 1 had done 14 or 15 chiefs which had war with them; they to the rest; in the meantime that old man told had mantles and bows like those above men­ them great matters of my doing, and pointed tioned. However, he told me that I should find, me out with his finger, saying this is the lord, going up the river, a people that had no war the son of the Sun. They made me comb my with their neighbors nor with any other.''- He beard, and to set my apparel handsomely told me that they had three or four kinds of which I wore on my back. And so great was trees bearing most excellent fruit to eat, and the confidence that they had in me, that all that in a certain lake dwelt an old woman, of them told me what things had passed and who was much honored and worshipped of what did pass among them, and what a good or them. She remained in a little house which bad mind they bore toward another. I asked was there, and she never did eat anything. It them why they imparted all their secrets to was there that they made things which did me, and that old man answered me: "Thou art sound [i.e., bells, presumably of metal], and our Lord, and we ought to hide nothing from that many mantles, feathers, and maize were our Lord." given her. I asked what her name was, and he After these things, following on our way, told me that she was called Guatazaca,''' and I began to inquire again of him the state of that thereabout were many chiefs who in their Cevola. and whether he knew that those of life and death used the like orders [customs] this country had ever seen people like us. He which they of Cevola did. They had their answered me no, except one Negro who wore dwellings in the summer with painted mantles about his arms and legs certain things which [coverings]; in winter dwelt in houses of wood, did ring.^" Your lordship is to call to mind how two or three lofts [stories] high. He had seen this Negro who went with Friar Marco [de all these things, except the old woman. When Niza] was wont to wear bells and feathers on again I began to ask him more questions, he his arms and legs and that he carried plates of would not answer me, saying that he was weary various colors, and that it was not much above of me. And many of those Indians, coming a year ago since he came into those parts. I about me, said among themselves: "Let us 26 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY mark him well, that we may know him when good, and will not enter into our houses, he comes back again." although we request him to do so; he will take The following Monday, the river was beset away nothing of ours, he will meddle with none with people like them, and 1 began to request of our women. In short, he [the old man] had the old man to tell me what people were in that spoken many other things in my commenda­ land; he told me he thought that 1 had already tion and favor, and for all this the other had forgotten what he told me. He cited here a steadfastly affirmed that we were all one. great number of chiefs, and people at the least The old man said "Let us go to him and 200. In discoursing with him of their armor, ask him whether he be a Christian as the he said that some of them had certain large others, or else the son of the Sun." And the shields of leather, about two fingers thick. 1 old man came to me and said "In the country asked him of what beast'sskin they made them, of Cevola of which you spoke, other men like and he described to me a very great beast, like you dwell." Then I began to make as though an ox, but longer by a great handfuU [palm], surprised, and answered him, that it was with broad feet, the legs as big as the thigh of impossible; and they assured me that it was a man, and the head seven palms long, the true, and that two men who came from there forehead of three spans, and eyes bigger than had seen them; they reported that they had one's fist and the horns of the length of a man's things which shot fire, and swords, as we have. leg. out of which grew sharp points one palm 1 asked them whether they had seen them with long. The forefeet and hindfeet [are] seven their own eyes, and they answered no, but that palms big, and they have twisted tails, but their companions had seen them. Then he very great; holding up his arms above his head, asked me whether I were the son of the Sun; he said the beast was higher than that.'"* After I answered yes. They said that those Christians this he gave me information of another old of Cevola said so likewise, and I answered woman who dwelt toward the sea side. them that it might well be. They asked me if those Christians of Cevola came to join them­ 1 spent this day in giving crosses to those selves with me, whether I would join with people as I had done to the former. This old them. 1 answered them that they needed not man that was with me leapt on shore, and fell to fear any white at all, for if they were the sons in conference with another who that day had of the Sun as they said, they must needs be my often called him: here both of them used many brothers, and would use towards all men the gestures in their speech, moving their arms, like love and courtesy which I used. Where­ and pointing at me. Therefore I sent my inter­ upon hereat they seemed to be somewhat preter out, willing him to draw near them and satisfied.''-'' listen to what they said. Within a while I called him and asked him what they were talking about; he said that he who made those gestures Chapter 7 said to the other that in Cevola there were others like us with beards, and that they said They tell Alarcon that they are ten days' they were Christians; both of them said that journey distant from Cevola, and that there are Christians there who make war we were all of one company, and that it would against the chiefs of that country. (They be a good deed to kill us, so that those others tell) of the sodomy which those Indians (Christians) might have no knowledge of us, use with four young men, appointed for lest they might come to do them [the Indians] that service, who wear women's apparel. harm. The old man had answered him, this is Seeing they (the Spaniards) could not the son of the Sun and our Chief; he does us send news of their being there to them of EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 27

Cevola. they went back again down the ask them to send for those Indians who they river to their ships. said had been at Cevola and they told me that they were eight day's journey distant from that Then 1 asked them to tell me how many place,'''* but that notwithstanding there was days that kingdom of Cevola, which they one among them who was their companion spoke of, was distant from that river, and that and who had spoken with them as he met man answered that there was the space of ten them on the way, when they went to see the days journey without habitation, and that he kingdom of Cevola. They told him that it made no account of the rest of the way, because was not best to go any farther, for he should there were people to be found.''*' Upon this find there a fierce nation'" like us, and of the advertisement I was desirous to certify Captain same qualities and making, who had fought Vasquez of my being there, and imparted my much with the people of Cevola. because they mind with my soldiers, among whom I found had killed a Negro of their company; they said none who was willing to go thither. Although "Why have you killed him? What did he do to I offered them many rewards in your lordship's you? Did he take any bread from you, or do name, only one Negro slave, though with an you any other wrong?" and such like speech. evil will, offered himself to me to go thither. And they [the Indians] said, moreover, that But I looked for the coming of those two these people were called Christians, who dwelt Indians whom they told me of, and herewith in a great house, and that many of them had we went on our way up the river against the oxen like those of Cevola. and other little stream in such manner as we had done before. black beasts with wool and horns." Some of Here that old man showed me a strange them had beasts which they rode upon, which thing: a son of his clad in women's apparel, ran very swiftly. exercising their office. I asked him how many of these there were among them, and he told One day before their [the Indians'] depar­ me there were four; when any of them died, ture, from sunrise to sunset, these Christians there was a search made of all the women with were all day in coming hither, and all of them child who were in the country, and that the first lodged in that place where others had lodged. son which was born of them was appointed to These two met with two Christians, who asked do that duty belonging to women.''' The them whence they were, and whether they had women clad him in their apparel, saying, that fields sown with corn. They told them that they he was to do that which belonged to them, he dwelt in a far country, and that they had corn, should wear their apparel. These young men and that then they [the Christians] gave each may not have carnal copulation with any of them a little cap, and they gave them another woman, but all the young men of the country to carry to their other companions, whch they who are to marry may company with them. promised to do, and departed quickly. These men receive no kind of reward for this When I understood this, 1 spoke again incestuous''** act of the people of that country, with my company, to see if any of them would because they have liberty to take whatsoever go thither, but I found them unwilling as the they find in any house for their food. I saw first, and they laid against me greater incon­ likewise certain women who lived dishonestly veniences. Then 1 called the old man to see if among men, and 1 asked the old man whether he would give me any people to go with me, they were married. He answered me, no, but and victuals to travel through that wilderness, that they were common women, who lived and he laid before me many inconveniences apart from the married women. and dangers which I might incur in that I came at length after these discourses to voyage, showing me the danger that there was 28 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY in passing by a chief of Cumana. who threat­ Did you not say that you would remain con­ ened to make war upon them, because his tinually with us and be our Lord? Turn back [the old man's] people had entered into the again: if any man up the river has done you others' country to take a stag [deer]; 1 should any wrong, we will go with our weapons with not depart thence without seeing him [the you and kill him." Such were their words, full Cumana chief] punished. When 1 replied that of love and kindness." in any wise I must needs go to Cevola, he willed me to surcease from that purpose, for they Chapter 8 looked that that chief without a doubt would When they came to their ships the Captain come to annoy them, and that therefore they named that coast La Campannade de la could not leave their country naked to go with Cruz, and built a chapel to Our Lady, and me. It would be better that 1 would make an called the river El Rio de Buena Guia. He end to that war between them, and that I might returned up the river, and when he came to have their company to Cevola. And upon this Quicoma and Coanna the chiefs of those point we grew to such variance that we began places used him very courteously. to grow into a choler, and in a rage he would Upon my arrival at my ships I found all have gone out of the boat, but I stayed him and my people in health, although very heavy with gentle speeches began to pacify him, [apprehensive] for my long stay, and because seeing that it was important to me to have him the current had fretted [parted] four of their my friend. But for all the courtesies which 1 cables, and that they had lost two anchors, showed him, I could not alter him from his which were recovered. After we had brought mind, wherein he still remained obstinate. In our ships together, I caused them to bring the meanwhile I sent a man away to my ships, them into a good harbor, and to give the careen to give them knowledge of the journey that I to the ship called Saint Peter, and to mend all had determined to make. After this I asked the things that were needful. And here assembling old man to fetch him [the messenger] back all by company, I revealed to them what again, because I had determined, seeing I saw knowledge I had received of Francis Vasquez, no means to be able to go to Cevola, and and how it might be that in those sixteen days' because I would stay no longer among those space which I was in sailing up the river, he people, because they should not discover me might perhaps have some knowledge of me.'" [i.e., might find me out], in person to visit my I was minded to return up the river once again ships. I was determined to return again up the to try to find any means to join myself with river, carrying with me other companions, him. Although some spoke against my deter­ and leaving there some whom I had sick. mination, I caused all my boats to be made Telling the old man and the rest that I ready, because the ships had no need of them. would return, and leaving them satisfied the 1 caused one of them to be filled with wares of best I could (although they always said that I exchange, with corn [wheat] and other seeds, went away for fear), I returned down the with hens and cocks of Castile, and departed river.'- That way which 1 had gone against up the river, leaving order that in that province the stream up the river in 15 and one-half days, called Campanna [sic] de la Cruz they should I made in my return in two and one-half days, build an oratory or chapel and call it the because the stream was great and very swift. Chapel ofOur Ladydela Buena Guia, and that In this wise going down the river many people they should call this river the Rio de Buena came to the banks, saying "Sir, why do you Guia because that is your Lordship's device leave us? What discourtesy has been done you? [emblem]. I carried with me Nicolas EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 29

Zamorano, chief pilot, to take the height of him five or six thousand men'** without the pole.'5 I departed on Tuesday the four­ weapons, from whom he went apart with some teenth of September, and on Wednesday I two hundred only, all of whom brought came to the first dwellings of the first Indians, victuals with them. And so he came towards who came running to hinder my passage, me, going before the rest with great authority, supposing that we had been other people, for and before him and on each side of him were we carried with us a fifer and a drummer, and certain who made the people stand aside, I was clad in other apparel than I went in making him way to pass. He wore a garment before when they saw me first of all. When close before and behind and open on both they knew me, they stayed, though I could not sides, fastened with buttons, wrought with grow into perfect friendship with them; where­ black and white checker work—it was very upon 1 gave them some of those seeds which soft and well made, being of the skins of deli­ 1 brought with me, teaching them how to sow cate fishes called Seabreams.**" As soon as he them. came to the water's side, his servants took him After I had sailed three leagues,"' my first up in their arms and brought him to my boat, interpreter came even to my boat, to seek me where 1 embraced him and received him with with great joy. I demanded of him why he left great joy, showing him much kindness, upon me—he told me that certain companions of which entertainment his people, standing by his had led him away. I made him good coun­ and observing the same, seemed to rejoice not tenance and better entertainment, because he a little. This chief, turning himself to his should bear me company again, considering people, willed them to consider my courtesy, how important it was to have him with me. He and [how] of his own accord he entrusted excused himself because he stayed there to himself to a strange people, that they might see bring me certain feathers of parrots, which he how good a man I was, and with such great gave me. 1 asked him what people these were, love I had entertained him, and that therefore and whether they had any chief. He answered they should take me for their master, and that me, yes, and named three or four to me, and all of them should become my servants, and do twenty-four or twenty-five names of peoples whatsoever I should command them. There I which he knew, who had houses painted on caused him to sit down, and to eat certain the inside, and who had traffic with those of conserves of sugar which 1 had brought with Cevola, and that in two moons he came into me, and willed the interpreter to thank him the country." He told me moreover the names in my name for the favor he had done me in of many otherchiefs, and other people, which I vouchsafing to come to see me. have written down in a book of mine, which I 1 recommended to him the worshipping of will bring myself to your lordship."* But I the cross and all such other things as 1 had thought good to deliver this brief relation to recommended to the rest of the Indians; Augustine Guerriero [Agostino Guerrero] in namely that they should live in peace, and this port of Colima, that he might send it over­ should leave off wars, and should continue land to your lordship, to whom 1 have many always good friends together. He answered, other things to impart. that for long they had continued in wars with But to return to my journey, I arrived at their neighbors, but from thence forward he Quicoma, where the Indians came forth with would commend his people that they should great joy and gladness to receive me, advising give food to all strangers that passed through me that their chief waited for my coming. his kingdom, and that they should do them no When 1 came to him, I found that he had with kind of wrong.**' If any nation should come 30 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY to invade them, he said that he would tell them war with them which should displease them. how 1 had commanded that they should live And so I passed through all that people, and in peace, and if they refused the same, he would some came and asked me, why 1 had not given defend himself, and promised me that he them crosses as well as the rest, and so I gave would never go to seek war, if others did not them some. come to invade him. Then I gave him certain trifles, as well of the seeds which 1 brought, as Chapter 9 of the hens of Castile, with which he was not They go on land and see the people a little pleased. At my departure, 1 carried worship the cross which they had given certain of his people with me, to make friend­ them. The captain causes an Indian to ship between them and those other people make a map of the country. He sends a who dwelt above the River. Here the inter­ cross to the chief of Cumana, and, going preter came to me, to crave leave to return down the river with the stream, he arrives home; I gave him certain gifts with which he at his ships. Of the error of the pilots of departed greatly satisfied. Cortez as touching the situation of the The next day I came to Coama, and many coast. of them did not know me, seeing me clad in The next day 1 went on land to see certain other apparel, but the old man who was there, cottages, and I found many women and as soon as he knew me, leapt into the water, children holding up their hands and kneeling saying to me: "Sir, lo here is the man whom before a cross which I had given them. When you left with me." [The Spaniard] came forth I came thither I did the like myself. While very joyfully and pleasant, declaring to me the conferring with the old man, he began to great courtesies which that people had shown inform me of as many people and provinces him, saying that they had striven together who as he knew. When evening was come I called should have him to his house, and that it was the old man to come and lodge with me in incredible to think what care they had at the my boat; he answered that he could not go with rising of the sun to hold up their hands and me because I would weary him with asking kneel before the cross. 1 gave them of my seeds, him questions of many matters. I told him and thanked them heartily for the good enter­ that I would ask him nothing else but that he tainment which they had showed my man, and would set me down in a chart as much as he they besought me to leave him with them, knew concerning that River, and what manner which 1 granted them until my return, and he of people those were who dwelt there on both stayed among them very willingly. of the banks: which he did willingly. Thus I went forward up the river, taking And then he requested me that I would that old man in my company, who told me that describe my country to him, as he had done two Indians came from Cumana, to inquire his to me. In order to content him, I caused a for the Christians, and that he had answered draft [map] of certain things to be made for that he knew none such, but that he knew one him. The next day I entered between certain who was the son of the Sun, and that they had very high mountains, through which the River persuaded him to join with them to kill me passes with a straight channel, and the boats and my companions. I wished him to lend me went up against the stream with difficulty, for two Indians, and 1 would send word by them, want of men to draw the same.**^ Here certain that I would come to them, and was desirous Indians came and told me that in the same of their friendship, but if that they on the con­ place there were certain people of Cumana, trary would have a war, I would make such a and among the rest an enchanter,**-' who EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 31 inquired which way we would pass. They, at this time and the former I had gone about telling him that we meant to pass by the River, 30 leagues^'' into the country. The Indians of he set certain canes [reeds] on both sides that place inquired of me what the cause was thereof,**" through which we passed without of my departure, and when I would return. receiving any kind of damage which they I answered that 1 would return shortly. While intended against us. thus sailing down the stream, a woman leapt Thus going forward, I came to the house into the water, crying to us to stay for her, of the old man who was in my company, and and she came into our boat and crept under here I caused a very high cross to be set up, a bench, whence we could not make her come upon which I engraved certain letters to out. I understood that she did that because signify that I had come thither; I did this her husband had taken to himself another wife, because if by chance any of the people of the by whom he had children; she said that she General Vasquez de Coronado should come meant not to dwell any longer with him, seeing thither, they might have knowledge of my he had taken another wife. being there. At length, seeing that I could not Thus she and another Indian came with me attain to the knowledge of that which I sought, of their own accord, and so I came to my ships. I determined to return to my ships. And being Making them ready, we proceeded home on ready to depart, there arrived two Indians, our voyage, coasting and oftentimes going on who, by means of the interpreters of the old land, and entering a great way into the country, man, told me that they were sent to me, and to see if 1 could learn any news of Captain that they were of Cumana,^^ and that their Francis Vasquez and his company, of whom chief could not come himself, because he was 1 could have no other knowledge, but such as far from that place and desired me to signify 1 learned in the aforesaid River. 1 bring with to him what my pleasure was. 1 told them that me many acts of taking possession of that I wished that he would always embrace peace, coast. And by the situation of the River and and that I was coming to see that country, but the height [latitudes] which 1 took, I find that being inforced to return down the river, I could those which the masters and pilots of the not now do it, but that hereafter I would Marquesse [Marquis del Valle—see Chapter 1] return, and that in the meantime they should took, were deceived by 2 degrees,**' and I have give that cross to their chief. They promised sailed beyond them above 4 degrees. I sailed to do this, and they went directly to carry to up the River 85 leagues,**** where I saw and him that cross with certain feathers which learned all the particulars before mentioned, were on the same. Of these [Indians] I sought and many other things, of which when it shall to understand what people dwelt upstream on please God to give me leave to kiss your Lord­ the banks of the River; they gave me knowl­ ship's hands, I will deliver you the full and edge of many people, and told me that the perfect relation. I think myself to have very River went far more by the land than I had good fortune, in that I found Don Luis de yet seen, but that they did not know the head Castilia and Augustine Ghenero in the port of thereof, because it was very far into the country Colima, for the galiot [galley] of the Adelan- and that many other rivers fell into the same. tado [Governor of the Province] came upon Having learned thus much, the next day me, which was there with the rest of the fleet, morning 1 returned down the River, and the and commanded me to strike sail. This seemed day following 1 came where 1 had left my a strange thing to me, and, not understanding Spaniard, with whom I spoke, and told him in what state things were in New Spain, I went that all things had gone well with me, and that about to defend myself, and not to do it. In 32 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY the meanwhile came Don Luis de Castilia in 6. The Castaiieda translation (1838:304) a boat and conferred with me, and 1 lay at makes the point that the Italian reads "cappa," anchor on the other side of the harbor where probably mistakenly, but from another context the said fleet rode, and I gave him this rela­ taken to signify "rings," or by extension, shell rings. tion.**** To avoid strife, 1 determined to sail 7. This is probably bread of Mesquite away by night. The relation I carried about me (Prosopis juliflora), commonly used by peoples briefly written, for I always had a purpose to of the Lower Colorado River region. send the same, as soon as I should touch upon New Spain, to advertize your Lordship of my 8. Here is the first hint that the Indians had proceedings. somehow previous experience, or at least knew from afar, about the fiendish devices of the White intruders (see Chapter 6). NOTES 9. A sun-shade, or ramada, another char­ !. According to Castillo's map, (see Editor's acteristic of the Lower Colorado River Indians. In Introduction) Santiago de Buena Esperanza is later times, such ramadas were also an integral fairly far north up the Gulf of California, in about part of the Cocopa houses (Kelly 1977:47). Latitude 31 degrees North. 10. This seems like an inordinately large 2. Ulloa's expedition was undertaken in 1539. number of Indians to be gathered together in one spot, but at least indicates what becomes obvious 3. Hammond and Rey (1940:126) state that the farther on, that is, that the Lower Colorado was Italian word is 'alzana,' which seems to correspond heavily occupied by different dialect or language with 'alzaia,'a towing cable: "The meaning however groups south of Yuma in the sixteenth century. is not very clear and in some places it seems they The people mentioned here may have been dis­ used oars and poles." Figure 1 depicts Mohave tinguishable from the first group Alarcon saw, Indians to the north along the Colorado River and but are probably still Cocopa. The immense popu­ boats still being drawn by cables or hawsers in the lation of Indians on the Lower Colorado is 1850's. Probably the delta of the Colorado River confirmed by later accounts. Wilke (1978), in an traversed by Alarcon, especially its northern archaeological study of the Salton Basin of south­ reaches, resembled the country shown in the eastern California, notes that prior to A.D. 1500 drawing of the Mohave Indians. the Colorado River flowed not into the Gulf of 4. These may have been feathered staves or California but into the Salton Basin where it lances, used as war standards by Colorado River formed a lake over 100 miles long. This lake. Lake peoples (see Kelly 1977:132). Cahuilla, overflowed across the Colorado River delta into the gulf. Re-routing of the river in its 5. The Indians encountered almost undoubt­ delta around A.D. 1500 resulted in the lake being edly were Cocopa, of the Yuman linguistic stock, deprived of its inflow and drying by evaporation. while the interpreter was perhaps Pima or Papago The complete desiccation of the lake is thought (Uto-Aztecan stock), "trained" by the viceroy. to have occurred in little more than 50 years. Figure 2 herein (after Spier, 1933) shows the dis­ Wilke's study suggests that part of the Indian position of native groups in Arizona and surround­ population of the Lower Colorado may have ing regions at various times in the recent past. This moved there within the previous half-century from great moving about reflected in the map is an the drying Lake Cahuilla, a suggestion made indicator of the warlike propensities of the earlier by Aschmann (1959). Colorado River peoples noted by Alarcon. Some estimates of the extent of his ascent of the river 11. Evidently the men and women of the river place him as far north as the present town of region were fond of painting themselves in elab­ Parker, but all seem to agree that he got at least orate fashion, as in Fig. 3, showing Mohave Indians as far as the present town of Yuma. in 1856. Yuma-Mohave material culture, even in EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 33

post-sixteenth century times, had many strong (Note 41). Castetterand Bell (1951:204) list several resemblances to that of the downriver peoples like plants (none of them tobacco) which Colorado the Cocopa. This suggests that common customs people might use, crushed or powdered, to mix were well-rooted in the past or encouraged by with water for a pleasant drink. frequent, albeit sometimes hostile, contact. 18. Cf. Fig. 3. 12. I can find no ethnographic references to 19. The transvestitism which Alarcon men­ painted masks or visors in everyday use in the tions so casually here is gone into at some length immediate region. Perhaps what are being referred to here are the Cocopa equivalents of decorated in Chapter 7, referring there to another group of cowls or even images of the dead used in mourning people farther up the river. ceremonies, for example by the Yuma (Forde 20. Probably the cultivated Bottle Gourd 1931:230). Spier (1933:232) states that the Mari­ (Lageneria siceraria), usually used for containers copa used masks in recent times in certain dances. and rattles. Forbes (1965:605) notes that "masks, skin helmets, a sash around the waist and arm bands, appear to 21. He probably showed them Cowpeas, or have dropped out [among the Yumans] after 1540." Black-eyed Peas (I'lgna sp.), which the Spanish had brought from Europe. The Cocopa or their 13. Gifford (1933:273) reports for the Cocopa near neighbors almost certainly were cultivating bows of willow (Salix sp.) and arrows of cane at this time the Tepary Bean (Phaseolus aciiti- {Phragmiies sp.) with hardwood (probably grease- folius), hence the passage is not altogether clear: wood [Sarcohatus sp.] foreshafts). Note that willow the Indians must have been familiar with certain bows are not recurved at the ends (cf. Fig. 3) as are species of beans. the (usually) cedar or yew bows of California to 22. Alarcon's casual attempt here at deifying the north and west. himself, as it were, seems to be accepted literally 14. These are probably the "potato masher" and without question. This behavior by the Indians clubs used by the lower Colorado peoples (cf. contrasts strongly with that of the ne.xt group Gifford 1933:328; see also Fig. 3 herein). encountered farther up the river (Chapter 3). The latter began immediately to ask embarrassing 15. Bone "sweat scrapers" or strigils are items theological questions. commonly identified as such and found in northern California archaeological sites. The well-known 23. Commendable honesty indeed. sweathouse of (Alta) California Indians was not 24. Presumably Alarcon was putting most of used by the later Colorado River peoples nor, these sophistries in the mouth of the interpreter. probably, by the sixteenth century Cocopa or their neighbors along the river. Here he is perhaps also trying to make it sound as if the interpreter ("he") is answering for himself. 16. Hakluyt (p. 427) here refers in a marginal There is a kind of unreal aura to these reported note to pipes and bags of tobacco (see Note 17 conversations anyway; as will be seen later, these below). Gifford (1933:269) reports that the Cocopa Indians, or at least their neighbors to the north, neither grew nor gathered tobacco, but got wild probably were vaguely aware of Alarcon's true species from neighbors to the west and smoked mission, which seemingly was to pacify the Indians it in reed (Phragmites sp.) pipes or corn husk so that they could be exploited with a minimum of wrappers. trouble. 17. There is no evidence from later ethno­ 25. This is the second statement about pre­ graphy that the Cocopa or their neighbors used vious knowledge of strangers, (cf. Note 8). There tobacco to make drinks. Perhaps there is no is a suggestion here that the Indian is not telling relation between the reed pipe and the small bags, all he knew, or at least is carefully vague. Another as Hakluyt assumes, although in Chapter 4 is alternative is that the statement is a distant echo another significant reference to "perfuming" of the Aztec myth about QuetzalcoatI, the God of 34 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Civilization, who had departed at some indefinite 33. I.e., people who spoke a Cocopa dialect. time to the east and was to return. QuetzalcoatI 34. The mountains are undoubtedly the may or may not have been thought of as white- Cocopa Mountains, today about 5 miles west of skinned, but is usually described as being bearded, the banks of the Colorado River. However, it is unlike the Cocopa men, who plucked their face not clear how a "town" could be seen so readily hairs. unless the river then ran closer to the mountains. 26. The reference to Totonteac derives from the Marcos de Niza report. It was described as one 35. These must have been sharp stone blades. of three kingdoms, not one of the "seven cities of The Castaneda translation (1838) refers to them as "rasoirs" and Hammond and Rey (1940:138) leave Cibola." The Totonteac River is either the Upper the reference out entirely. Colorado or one of its tributaries. 27. Hakluyt's frequent usage of "Lord," or 36. I am unable to find any ethnographic "Lorde" several lines farther along is slightly con­ reports which mention stone houses in the region. fusing, as it does not properly distinguish a celestial Perhaps there were simply low walls in rock god or an earthly chief, master, or ruler. In Chapter shelters, where these virtually non-agricultural 4 he begins to use words like 'chief and 'governour' people lived part of the time. for native headmen. 37. This is the "old style" earth-covered house. 28. The Lower Colorado River tribes all Gifford (1933:271) states that the recent Cocopa apparently scalped their enemies after battles. I houses, "with walls of hardened mud held together can find no references to the ethnographic Cocopa by horizontal sticks," was a Mexican innovation, or their neighbors taking out the hearts and eating i.e., it was probably derived from the region south them. Spier (1933:125) records that dead foeman of present-day Sonora. were eaten by the Yavapai, but that the Yuma or 38. Probably houses "compassed with earth" Mohave did not do so, for fear of crippling the had a rounded appearance, but the "men and eater. Cremation was the usual method of disposal women living all together" does not correspond of the dead by the Colorado River Yumans. with what follows in the next sentence. 29. Note 8 herein gives the hint that the Indians 39. This disease cannot be precisely identified. somehow were previously aware of the spectacular Tuberculosis, for example, introduced by explosions of firearms. Perhaps they had not yet Europeans, conceivably could have spread in 20 made the connection between the explosion itself or so years' time since contact, but it seems unlikely. and the flesh-rending bullet that could accompany 40. These same techniques, along with many it. other curing methods were also used by more recent 30. Cf. Note 20. Cocopa (Kelly 1977:74). 31. Cf. Note 25. This would be grounded either 41. Cf Note 17. in myth or possibly in the recent history of Mexico. Cortes had arrived in the New World only a little 42. Perhaps Alarcon is referring here to squash more than 20 years before Alarcon was on the or pumpkins (Cucurhiia spp.)—see Kelly (1977:29). Colorado River. 43. Probably a "semi-cultivated" species of Panic Grass (Panicum hinicaule), according to 32. Thus far, the different people encountered Castetter and Bell (1951:177). probably all spoke different dialects of the Cocopa language. These new people may have been intru­ 44. The Quicoma or Quicama are known to sive along the river. Possibly they were the people later ethnographers as the Kalyikwamai—they known as the Akwa'ala or Paipai, whom Kroeber are related (see Note 32) to the Cocopa (Kelly (1920:476) identifies as hill dwellers having a 1977:4). Yuman speech, according to his Mohave infor­ 45. The Coama or Coana are today desig­ mants "close to the Walapai dialect [not to nated Kahwan. also related to the Cocopa (Kelly Cocopa]." ibid). EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 35

46. By this, Alarcon must have meant a person 57. Another indication that Cibola must have who could understand the interpreter he had been been a fairly well-known place along this part of traveling with all along. the river. 47. This statement has about the same sense 58. This was probably a deliberate lie or in all the versions I have examined, but is not clear exaggeration—there is no record of any water in any case. There is no way of telling whether 30, creature in the Colorado River itself which has 40 or 70 days would be required to make the hide which could be made into shields. Probably journey to Cibola. Perhaps the man meant that the story about the old woman and her gold can it was 10 days' travel to his country, then another equally be taken with a grain of salt, unless the 30 days along the river. Alarcon never mentions man was thinking about metal bells, not necessarily the Gila River or any stream that could correspond of gold, which he had seen or heard of in Cibola. to it; the Gila would probably offer the shortest 59. Presumably Tepary Beans (Phaseolus sp.) route to the upper Little Colorado River and the —see Note 21. It appears that the people down­ Zufii villages in western New Mexico. stream had not recognized beans (or peas), but 48. These large "apartment houses" of that here (in the north) they were growing beans. masonry blocks and adobe were used by the 60. These must have been the bells which the ancestors of Zuiii Indians at this time, in the so- old man compared to the bells Alarcon had. called Pueblo IV period (ca. 1300-1700). 61. Cf Note 8. 49. Probably deer hides. 62. Possibly these were the Halchidhoma. 50. I.e., turquoise. who were later also known as a peaceful group. 51. These are undoubtedly "sweat houses"; 63. This "old woman" was probably a mytho­ the Puebloan people used kivas as sweathouses. logical creature. Castaiieda (1838:325), like Hakluyt, translated these as "baths," but he adds in a footnote 64. From the description, the buffalo or "Probablement des etuves [lit. "sweathouse"]." American Bison {Bison sp.) is the animal in question. Hakluyt's marginal note here refers to 52. This was certainly Esteban (see Editor's the "crook-backed ox of Quivira." Quivira was Introduction and Note 46). a fabulous land sought by Coronado, probably in 53. Conies—probably jackrabbits (Lepus sp.). present-day Kansas, and therefore in territory of Plains Indians. 54. The reference to bags made of fish-skins in Hakluyt's translation is probably a misunder­ 65. This exchange of ideas is puzzling. There standing. Both Hammond and Rey and Castaneda have been hints of people down-river knowing of here refer to bags woven from plant materials. other White men at Cibola, but here for the first Later Cocopa (Kelly 1978:53) had cordage fish time the idea comes out in the open, and strongly. nets from plant materials, but no fish-skin bags Perhaps the Indians were merely appearing to be are reported. The fish called sea-bream are not "somewhat satisfied" at the specious explanation known to occur in the Gulf of California (W. I. given by the Spanish. Follett, personal communication). 66. This story of the distances (in days) from 55. Castetter and Bell (1951:247) state that, Cibola obviously does not jibe with that offered in contrast to the Pima and Papago, "On the Lower before; cf. Note 47. Colorado . . . aboriginal cultivation of cotton was 67. Although most (possibly all) of the an incipient and sporadic trait. Moreover, loom Colorado peoples were familiar with transvestites, weaving of cotton was nearly, if not entirely, this action of "keeping up the full complement" of lacking among the Colorado River Yumans." such persons is not mentioned in the later ethnog­ 56. Probably the men of Coana. raphies. Transvestites of either sex, according to 36 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY both Gifford (1933) and Forde (1931) were not 83. I.e., a shaman or medicine man. necessarily despised, but were not, in effect, 84. Hammond and Rey (1940:154) translate, recruited. more clearly, that "he placed some reeds clear 68. Hammond and Rey (1940:148) refer to across the stream." this act as "work," while Castaiieda (1838:336) 85. These people, otherwise unidentified, renders it, in French, as "abominable." were probably Coana (cf. Note 45). 69. Cf Note 66. 86. Probably Alarcon is conveying the idea that he went inland 30 leagues (90 miles) into the 70. Hammond and Rey (1940:148) use country from the spot where he had left the "people" instead of "nation"; Castaneda (1838:337) Spaniard. terms them "peuple brave" (brave people). 87. According to Hammond and Rey (1940: 71. Sheep; and below, horses. 155) "All Spanish explorers made errors of this 72. Both Hammond and Rey (1940:149) and nature as they went northward. It was a common Castaneda (1838:339) comment that the words mistake in the sixteenth century and was due "to Cibola" were added here in the original Italian primarily to errors in the tables of declination of translation, and that this was done in error—the the sun then in use." The title of "Marquesse" was return was not to Cibola but to the vessels at the that conferred on Hernando Cortes. mouth of the river. 88. If Alarcon indeed went this distance inland 73. Was Alarcon here being ironical? he would have been somewhere in the neighbor­ 74. Judging from the information we have hood of Parker, Arizona. Presumably the only ways of calculating such distances would have been already received about native communciation, by guessing or by "taking latitudes." However, he this does not seem an idle speculation. may have estimated the distance traveled along the 75. I.e., take the latitude. winding river: Forbes (1965:88) notes that "In 76. Castaneda translates this "trois jours" 1857 Joseph Ives (on an expedition sponsored by (three days). the U.S. Government) recorded the distance from the head of the Gulf to Fort Yuma as 150 miles 77. This seems to say that Cibola was a two by the river." months'journey for him (cf Note 47). 89. This must be the letter which made its way 78. This is a reference to Alarcon's full report to Madrid, ultimately, where it was copied by which seems either never to have been completed Ramusio. or to have disappeared. REFERENCES 79. Another indication of the huge Colorado River population, even if the number may not be Alvarez de Williams, Anita exact. 1975 Travelers among the Cucupa. Los 80. Again probably a mistake in Hakluyt's Angeles: Dawson's Book Shop. translation. The garment, according to Hammond Aschmann, Homer and Rey, and to Castaneda, was of a woven plant 1959 The Evolution of a Wild Landscape and material; cf Note 54. its Persistence in Southern California. 81. In view of subsequent events (cf Fig. 2) Annals of the Association of American this seems like a kind of hypocrisy, intended only Geographers 49(3) Part 2:34-56. to lull or impress the Spanish. Castaneda de Nagera, Pedro de 82. This rocky area possibly was the "Pilot 1838 Relation du Vtiyage de Cibola entrepris Knob-Yuma area, where the river is pressed upon en 1540. Paris: A. Bertrand (App. 4 in by mountains and hills for the first time" (Forbes Relation de la Navigation et la Decouverte 1965:88). faite par le Capitaine Fernando Alarcon). EXPLORATIONS OF HERNANDO ALARCON 37

Castetter, E. F., and W. H. Bell Kelly, W. H. 1951 Yuman Indian Agriculture. Albuquer­ 1977 Cocopa Ethnography. Anthropological que: University of New Mexico Press. Papers of the University of Arizona No. 29. Forbes, J. D. 1965 Warriers of the Colorado: The Yumas Kroeber, A. L. of the Quechan Nation and their Neigh­ 1920 Yuman Tribes of the Lower Colorado. bors. Norman: University of Oklahoma. University of California Publications in Forde, C. D. American Archaeology and Ethnology 1931 Ethnography of the Yuma Indians. 16(4). University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology Ramusio, Giovanni B. 28(4). 1556 Navigationi e Viaggi, Vol. 3. Venice.

Gifford, E. W. Spier, Leslie 1933 The Cocopa. University of California 1933 Yuman Tribes of the Gila River. Publications in American Archaeology Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and Ethnology 31(5). Wagner, H. R. Hakluyt, Richard 1924 California Voyages 1539-1541. Cali­ 1600 Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf­ fornia Historical Quarterly 3(4):307-397. fiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation: Part HI. London. Wilke, Philip J. Hammond, G. P., and A. Rey (editors and 1978 Late Prehistoric Human Ecology at Lake translators) Cahuilla, Coachella Valley, California. 1940 Narratives of the Coronado Expedition Berkeley: University of California 1540-1542. Albuquerque: University of Archaeological Research Facility New Mexico Press. Contribution No. 38. #0#0