Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 28 (2),28(2), 2018: 2018 113 -124 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v28i2.16202
A STUDY ON THE DEMOGRAPHICAL STRUCTURE OF PRE-MODERN TIMES IN SRI LANKA
A.K.C. Sewwandi Department of History, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
ABSTRACT ABSTRAK
The core of this study is to examine the scien- Inti dari penelitian ini adalah untuk memerik- tific community structure of the pre-modern sa struktur komunitas ilmiah dari era pra- era of the Sri Lankan society. While this study modern masyarakat Sri Lanka. Meskipun will be focused only on the migration of peo- studi ini hanya akan difokuskan pada migrasi ple of the Indian and South–East Asian origins penduduk India dan Asia Tenggara ke daerah to the Western and South-Western regions of Barat dan Selatan-Barat Sri Lanka selama peri- Sri Lanka during the specified time period, ode waktu tertentu, bagaimana pengaruh how the influence of those migrations was migrasi tersebut tercermin pada Sri Lanka. reflected on the Sri Lankan architecture of the Arsitektur periode yang sama juga akan di- same period will also be examined. The simul- periksa. Kemunduran simultan Peradaban taneous decline of the Rajarata Civilization Rajarata yang berlangsung selama ribuan ta- that lasted for thousands of years uninterrupt- hun tanpa gangguan dan percepatan pem- ed and the acceleration of settlements in the ukiman di wilayah Barat dan Selatan-Barat Sri Western and the South-Western regions of Sri Lanka pada abad ke-13 adalah hasil dari orang Lanka in the 13th century was an outcome of -orang yang meninggalkan Rajarata karena the people who left Rajarata fearing the inva- takut akan invasi Kalinga. Magha, salah satu sion of the Kalinga Magha, one of the reasons alasan di balik penghentian Sistem Admin- behind the discontinuation of the Rajarate istrasi Rajarate, serta beberapa pemimpin re- Administrative System, as well as some re- gional di Maya dan Rohana tidak mendukung gional leaders in Maya and Rohana not sup- Magha dan bertindak sebagai pemimpin inde- porting the Magha and acting as independent penden. leaders. Kata Kunci: struktur demografi, premodern Keywords: demographical structure, pre- Sri Lanka, migrasi, peninggalan sejarah. modern Sri Lanka, migration, heritage.
Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 113 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018
INTRODUCTION wars the King Parakramabahu I carried In line with the fall of Rajarata Civiliza- out in foreign soils to boost his fame final- tion that lasted uninterrupted for more ly resulted in the fall of Rajarata. Accord- than thousands of years in the 13th centu- ing to Mahawamsa, the expenses that had ry, the colonization of the Western Coast to be spent on the army that was stationed of Sri Lanka too was accelerated. The fall in a foreign country for ten years due to a of Rajarata was not a sudden occurrence, conflict over the Pandyan Throne became but a result of an accumulation of an array an extremely expensive task. While a con- of the reasons for an extended period of siderable portion of country’s human and time. financial resources was drawn towards the Indrakeerthi Siriweera (Siriweera, Pandya Deshaya (country) and on the oth- 2001), refers to scholars, such as R. L. er hand, the enormous amount of taxes Brohier, E.K. Cooke, and T. W. Tisal that had to be paid to continue the move- John concludes that the change of envi- ment of war might have exerted huge pres- ronmental patterns, especially, the de- sure on the people in the country. Li- crease of rainfall density was the main fac- yanagamage (Liyanagamage, 1989) argues tor that affected the fall of Rajarata Civili- that, though King Parakramabahu, I de- zation. However, Roads Murphy disa- veloped the economy, his wars in foreign grees with this conclusion and says that countries laid the foundation for the de- the environmental changes had never been cline of Polonnaruwa in the long run. the cause of the fall of Rajarata Though the period King Vijayabahu (Indrapala, 1971). The scholars, such as reigned prior to the reign of Parakramaba- R. H. Spenser, and H. I. Tharlerwey intro- hu, it was relatively peaceful, the insur- duced a theory that argued that the culti- gency situation throughout the next 40 vation of the same crops over and over years and the manner in which the coro- again for an extended period of time lead- nation of King Parakramabahu took place ing to the infertile soil condition paved the resulted in thousands of deaths in the way for the fall of Rajarata. But Liyanaga- country. Further, Senarath Paranavithana mage (Liyanagamage, 1989), declares that (Paranavithana, 1972) points out that the Roads Murphy has proved that this argu- citizen in Rohana was not energetic and ment has no credible ground to prove. In- courageous as they had to fight in a war drakeerthi Siriweera (Siriweera, 2001) re- and many died in wars against Rohana. ferring to Pujawaliya argues that in the 13th On the other hand, Paranvithan fur- Century, fertilizer was used to get a better ther notes that the Sinhala Civilization harvest from the crops cultivated and that was destroyed due to the breakdown of its there was a population that knew how to Administrative System, as a result of the use fertilizer to increase the nutrient con- foreign invasions and the internal wars, dition of the soil during the infertile sea- that promoted the collectivity in the socie- sons and this had never been the reason ty which was a primary pre-condition for the fall of Rajarata. Codrington argues needed to build and maintain its water- that the Malaria epidemic was the cause shed management system. He further says of the fall of Rajarata. But, according to that originally the watershed management Senaratha Paranavithana (Paranavithana, system was under a government Bethma 1972), until 12th Century Malaria did not (water distribution authority) and the sys- spread as an epidemic and this area was tem heavily relied on the efficiency, coop- totally abandoned during the Dambadeni- eration, and loyalty of the regional chief- ya era and did not get colonized for about tains or the high caste members of the so- seven centuries, and it needs to be exam- ciety and due to the difficulties. Thus, they ined whether this occurred due to Malaria had to endure and the destruction after the or dissertation led to the rise of Malaria. Kalinga Magha invasion, either they fled Amaradasa Liyanagamage to areas where there was no control of (Liyanagamage, 1989) concludes that the Magha or those who remained worked as
114 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 labourers in the cultivation lands and Chola authority, Pandya became powerful none of them knew how the watershed and spread their power all over India and management system worked. they did not stop there but proceeded to While approving this view, Roads invade Sri Lanka time and again. Jatawar- Murphy points out that the attraction to man Sundhar Pandya who came to power the wet-zone caused the collapse of Raja- in 1251 AD reports in his stone inscrip- rata civilization and there was no need for tions that he invaded Sri Lanka during the the people who migrated to the South- reign of King Parakramabhu II (1236 - west to return back to the dry-zone due to 1270 AD) and the King from Sri Lanka the favorable conditions they found in the sent him gems and elephants as ransoms. wet-zone (Siriweera, 2001). Liyanagamage reports that in a stone in- The changes that had been happen- scription in the Jambukeshwara Temple in ing in the Indian Urban Trade System, Sri Rangam in Trichinopoly District de- such as the increase of a recorded high scribes Sundarapanday, among his various demand for spices, the importance given victories, as the Rama II who looted Sri to the south-west wet-zone by the spice Lanka. Liyanagamage also reports, refer- growers, and thereby the ability of the Sri ring to the Kudiyamalei Eulogy, on a Pan- Lankan rulers to participate in the interna- dya invasion in the 10th year of Jatavar- tional trade business heavily, did not facil- man Weera Panday’s reign, as a reaction itate the re-colonization of dry-zone again. to an appeal by a minister by the name When analyzing above arguments, “Mandir” to settle a dispute between two it becomes clear that most of the aforesaid contemporary Kings in Sri Lanka. This factors had influenced the decline of the Pandya invasion could be imagined as Rajarata civilization. assistance extended to chase Jawaka Chandrabhanu out. THE MIGRANT POPULATION Shasthree says that during the peri- South Indian Migratory od of King Kumara Kampana in Vijaya- When studying the migration patterns of nagar Empire which began in 1336 AD, people between Sri Lanka and South India Sri Lankan emissaries represented in the during 13th and 15th centuries, one fact that castle, and gifts and presents were sent can be clearly identified was that the pur- annually from Sri Lanka. Although Sri pose of those immigrations did not limit Lanka became independent during the only for invasion but also commercial, period of King Harihar II, a book written cultural, and political relations had taken by the king named “Narayaneevilasam” place closer than we imagine mentioned that he captured Thundira, (Liyanagamage, 2010). The author of Chola, Pandya and Sri Lanka again and Chulawamsa emphasizes that the invasion erected a winning post in Sri Lanka of Kalinga and Magha, the closest events (Shasthree, 1971). In addition, the activi- leading to the collapse of Rajarata, as the ties of Alakeshwara could be identified as most destructive invasion. He declares a link that refreshes the relations between them as the mara yodhain (giants of death) Kerala people in South India and Sri and Kerala rakshain (devils of Kerala) Lanka. They were powerhouses in the Sri (Mahawamsa, 80:59). However, the same Lankan political landscape, and it was a author describes that the victims of the result of the wealth earned out of the com- invasions of Magha migrated to Pandya mercial activities. The “Niyamgampotha” and Chola states in South India stone inscription that belongs to the 17th (Mahawamsa, 81:22). Further, a monk year of King Vickremabahu’s reign, de- named “Seehalachariya Bhadantha Anan- scribes them as belonging to Wanchipu- da had lived in a vihara (temple) that had rawaraya (city of Wanchi) and a gem in been built by a provincial King in order the Wanik Clan. It could be assumed that, for the self-defence to protect Dhamma though they were Keralites, they later suc- (Buddhist teachings). With the decline of cumbed to the Sinhalization process in Sri
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Lanka. example Kadaim Poth (boundary books), Abhilekhana (records) belonged to Vitti Poth (books of events), and Lekam Kings Kuloththunga, Marawarman Miti (land registers) that became available Sudharan Panday, and Jatawarman We- due to the requirements of the movement era Panday provides evidences for the of people to western regions and settle- trading activities of the members of the ment in the areas uninhabited provides Lanka Trade Association in Chola, Pan- bulk of historically important information dya, and Kerala countries during 12th and on migrated population of Malalawaru, 13th centuries. Kokila Sandeshaya men- Bandarawaru, Mukkaru, and Wanniwaru. tions that there was a practice of taking the services of paid soldiers from South Malalawaru India from the time of known history and During the reign of Buwanekabahu in Sri during the period of Parakramabhu VI Lanka King Marawara who ruled in Dam- (1415 – 1467) when under the leadership badiva raged war against Malala Country of Sapumal Kumara (Prince Sapumal) and the King of Malala was defeated and invaded Jaffna, an army consisting of the seven Malala Princes came to Sri Tamil, Thulu, Malala as well as Sinhala Lanka in search of their inheritance from soldiers had used. their great-grandfather who came to Sri Also, according to the Salalihini Lanka with the princes who brought Sri Sandeshaya, a Shiva Devala (Temple) situ- Maha Bo Tree to Sri Lanka. Thereafter, ated very close to Jayawardhenapura had with the help of a Veddha named Minnila chanted Tamil prayers to a religious mu- Eriyawe Pannikin met King Buwanekaba- sic. Similarly, the marriage of Ulakudaya hu and how they received honor, prestige, Devi (Princess Ulakudaya) to an aristocrat and presents from the King and settled with South Indian origin reveals the more down in different parts of the country is intimate relationship between India and described in these documents Sri Lanka that goes beyond mere political (Obeysekera, 2005) dealings. At the same tone, Subashithaya calls those who do not know Sinhala, Bandarawaru Tamil, Sanskrit, and Pali languages as ig- Lona Devarajah identifies that the Banda- norant and according to Gira Sandeshaya rawaru who settled down in uninhabited monks who studied at Vijayaba Piriwena places, such as Puttalam, Mannar and Nu- learned poetic drama in Sanskrit, Pali, wara Kalaviya in 13th and 14th centuries Sinhala, and Tamil from scholars who were people from Kerala and the origin of were masters of prosody, drama, and Bandarawaliya was a deviation from grammar etc. Tamil ‘Paththaram’ and she says that Sirimath sonduru e wehera thanathana these people belonged to the Wellala caste lakalu in Bharatha. Further, from the end of 13th Ida sith lesata perakiwiyara siri rukulu century, stone inscriptions and literature Danagath sanda lakara viyarana viyath reveal that the titles of honor, such as mulu Eapa and Mapa were replaced by Bandara, Pawasath saku magada elu demala kavi Bandhara and in 17th to 18th centuries these nalu (Munidasa, 1963) words were used to call the people in the In addition to the above facts, there is a highest echelon and the children of the bulk of information available in docu- second wife of the King. She further says ments that are not so known as scholarly that this tradition was brought by the mi- work. It is important to study history with grants from South India and these migra- the help of these books that are known as tions could have been the results of the Vitti Poth (book of events), and Kadaim Muslim invasions in South India Poth (boundary books). The experiences of (Obeysekera, 2005). village folks during the relevant period, for
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Vanniwaru Lanka succumb to him. This is the first While the word Vanniwaru came across instance that Javaka Chandrabanu for the first time during the period in launched an organized invasion to Sri which Dambadeniya was the center of Lanka, and there had been different views power in Sri Lankan history and it was on where he came from and was finally used to identify a ruler in Vanni with the confirmed that he was an independent meaning Vanagatha (forest dwelling) or ruler in Thambralinga in Ligor in the Ma- Vanayata Ayath (belonged to the forest), lay Peninsula (Liyanagamage, 1989). It is the Vanniwaru (sections of people) identi- possible that Chandrabanu captured Cha- fied in Vanni Upatha (origins of Vanni), wakachcheri and Jawaka Kotte areas in Vanni Vitti (events from the Vanni), and the nothern part of Sri Lanka before the Vanni Kadaimpoth (the boundary books of second invasion. In his second invasion, Vanni) was a term used to call the de- he entered Yapahuwa demanding Thris- scendants of the migrants came from the inhalaya (three kingdoms in Sri Lanka), Southern Bharatha (India) and settled the throne, Dantha Dathuwa (Tooth relic), down in these areas. The information on and Pathra Dathuwa (basket relic) that be- the areas belonged to Vanni Hathpaththu- longed to him because Thambralinga or wa in Puttalam and Kurunegala districts is Sri Dharma Rajya, his kingdom was un- freely available in these texts. According der the control of King Sukhodai Thai and to Vanni Upatha (Origins of Vanni), during because he wished to continue the royal the reign of King Buwanekabahu IV, a traditions of his caste in another Thera- couple of princes of the allied camp who vadha Buddhist country that was more descended from the royal dynasty of powerful than Sukhodai kingdom Madras, with the blessings of God (Paranawithana, 1972). Iyanayaka (regional God) reached Jaffna Hema Gunathilaka ( Gunathilaka, area in Sri Lanka to escape the cruelties of 2007) mentions that a Burmese Chronicle the King. (Obeysekera, 2005). named Glass Palace Chronich reports on a marriage between King Alaungsitthu South-East Asian Migratory (1112 – 1167) and a daughter of the Sri The period between 13th and 15th centuries Lankan King, and according to Sweha- can be identified as a very special ear in sandaw III, stone inscription King Ky- the relations between Sri Lanka and South anzitta (1084- 1113) had edited Burmese -East Asia. While these connections can Thripitika based on the Sri Lankan Thripi- be confirmed through the historical taka. Moreover, according to the Burmese sources from Burma, Thailand, and Cam- Kalyani stone inscription, King bodia, it can be further confirmed by the Dhammachethiya (1472 – 1492) sent historical ruins in Sri Lanka. Mahawansha- twenty-two senior monks to Sri Lanka and ya (Great Chronicle) mentions that Chan- in 1476 A.D. carried out ordination for drabhanu who invaded Sri Lanka in the them after which these Bhikkus (monks) 11th year of King Parakramabahu II de- returned back to Burma and carried out a clared that they were also Buddhists and Burmese ordination according to the tradi- disembarked in several ports in the island tions of Sri Lanka. Nayomi Kakulawala and fought using poisoned arrows when (Kakulawala, 2008) mentions about a con- Weerabahu, the nephew of the King, struction of a stupa (a Buddhist religious chased him away using a Sinhala army structure) similar to the Maha-stupa in Sri th (Mahawansha, 83: 36-48). However, he Lanka in 12 century A.D. and the struc- did not leave Sri Lanka with the defeat ture of the stupa in Sri Lanka had been and he won the hearts and minds of the introduced to Mathabath in Ramannya th Sinhalese living in Padi Kurundi Deshaya (Ramannya country) by 13 cen- (Mahawansha, 88: 64-66). Also, according tury which had been reported in K. A. N. to Pujawaliya, areas of Monamuthu and Shanthri in her work. When examining Gona in the North-western coast of Sri the relations between Sri Lanka and Thai-
117 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 land, a study on the Abhilekana Vijesundararamaya in Dambadeniya. (inscriptions) provides important details. Dual Weeragal Sculpture. These two carv- Hema Gunathilaka (Urugodawatta, 2012) ings of slabs in Dambadeni Vihara that reports that information on the relations belong to the Weeragal tradition is a fine between King Sukhothai and monks in Sri example of the availability of South Indi- Lanka were emphasized in Abhilekana an work of arts in Buddhist Temples. Out (inscriptions) in northern Thailand that of these dual slabs, one shows a Buddha belonged to second half of 14th century image with Dhamma Chakra, warrior and and a Pali and Thai Abhilekhana a devotee worshipping a Lingam, and the (inscription) in Wathprayun monastery second one depicts a devotee worshiping a built by King Kilana (1355 – 1385) in Lingam in the absence of Buddha image Haripunjaga reveals details on the ordina- (Ilangasinghe, 1995). Analyzing this fur- tion of a Sri Lankan monk and designing ther, Ilangasinghe says that this can be of huge number of statues. Further, Uru- sighted as an example for the intermin- godawatta (Urugodawatta, 2012) reports gling of Buddhist religious beliefs and the on artists who had gone from Sri Lanka Hindu religious beliefs and it could have and had settled down in three villages in been brought from India. Or else, it could the vicinity of Sukhothai in mid-14th cen- have been created by a local craftsman. tury and constructed Gantakara Stupa Mahawamsa also provides evidences for (Stupa with bell shape) Athth Rupa (statues this point of view. The statement made by of elephants), and Makara Rupa (Statues of Tamil forces saying “some of our Tamils Dragon) with the influence of Gadaladeni- also provide services for them” proves that ya and Lankathilaka temples belong to Tamil soldiers were also in Parakramaba- Gampola era and two stone inscriptions hu’s army. It can be speculated that these written in Kamara. Additionally, Thai dual stones either placed in Vijesundarara- languages had been found in Northern maya for the Sri Lankan Tamils to carry Thailand built to commemorate the arri- out their worships or if not so, Tamil val of a scholarly monk in 1361. craftsmen designed it inside Vije- In addition, Kahakurulu Sandesha- sundararamaya. ya confirms strongly the connections exist- Korawakgala. It is very much visi- ed with various foreign countries. ble that the Korawakgala (Korawakgala Sirilaka bankala aramana kasmira ta place on the sides of the steps leading to Wadigaka lingu nepal gauda ne ra ta the door or the entrance of a building) Gena neka puda panduru nithiyena placed in Vijesundararamaya had gone sawathindu ta through distinct changes compared to the Balasaka nowa mithuru mahasen siti earlier phase (Figure 1). While there is no awata
POST 13TH CENTURY ARTS AND CRAFTS THAT REFLECT THE IN- FLUENCE OF FOREIGN MIGRA- TIONS Dambadeniya - Center of Authority When confirming the foreign relations during the period where Dambadeniya was the center of authority between 1232 – 1270 Vijesundararamaya in Dambadeni- ya, Tooth Relic Temple in Beligala and Atas Pilima Ge (octagonal image-house) Figure 1. Korawakgala in Dambadeniya Vije- takes an important place. sundararamaya
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Muragala (guard stone) at the feet of the Vihara Wanshaya, King Parakramabahu Korawakgala, instead of a Korawakgala, II refers to an image-house built with oc- there are statues of elephants by the sides tagonal walls up to the pinnacle where his of the stairway. According to Prof. Chan- father was cremated (Sarachchandra, dra Wickrematunge who analyzes this, 1991). According to Romila Thapar, the similar examples have been found in Oris- main body of the Chola shrines are similar sa too (Wickrematunge). triangular structures (Figure 2). When analyzing above facts, it was Beligala Tooth Relic Temple proved that throughout the period of Moonstone in Beligala Tooth Relic Tem- Dambadeniya, it was the center of author- ple. Moonstone in Beligala shows devia- ity, and South Indian influence was preva- tion from the artistic values of the Raja- lent in the work of arts. In addition, it rate Civilization. Though this moonstone could be assumed that those influences has the half circular shape, it takes the were the result of the relations created shape of a dragon due to its extensions based on marriages as well as kinship with from either side. There is a carving of a the Pandyan. Further, it could be imag- line of elephants in the middle and a line ined that the long stay of the team that of horses inside. In the middle of the came with Magha to Sri Lanka could have moonstone, there is a full-blown lotus influenced that process. flower. The image of a cow is absent in this work and instead has a line of flames Centre of Power in Yapahuwa that had been crafted intricately. Senaka The Prince Buwanekabahu who fled to Bandara believes that this moonstone has Yapahuwa after the death of King Vijaya- been decorated with the lotus pattern that bahu IV who became the ruler of Dam- is found in the Amarawati sculptures badeniya in 1270 A.D. and was killed in a (Bandara, 2007). In addition, it can be im- coup launched by the Major Miththa, agined that the absence of the image of a came to power in Yapahuwa and he had cow in the moonstones during the Pol- to face a couple of invasions from Tamil onnaruwa as well as Dambadeniya peri- forces. While there was a very close rela- ods is an indication of the influence of tionship with the Arab countries, it can be Hinduism. imagined that there had been direct trade links with China too. This was proved by Octagonal Shrine Built in Attanagalla the majority of Chinese coins found in The octagonal shrine in Attanagalla at- Yapahuwa and that was confirmed by the tracts our attention as it is a shrine built pottery wear found in the area (Perera, deviating from the architecture of other 1962). Further, the links with the Malay artists. According to Haththawanagalla Peninsula were shown in the artistic work of that period. The amount of influence exerted by the foreign linkages could be
Figure 2. A triangular Chola Shrine Figure 3. Stairway in Yapahuwa
119 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 analyzed among the artistic work that be- stairway of the Phanon Rung built by longed to the period in which Yapahuwa King Jayavarman of Sri Vijaya Empire was the center of power in the Tooth Relic (Figure 6) resembles very close to Yapahu- Temple in Yapahuwa and the Royal Pal- wa stairway. ace in Yapahuwa. The stairway designed to enter the Yapahuwa Palace (Figure 3) had taken a totally different style from the previous designs. The stairway that has a steep de- scend, steps that were narrow and situated close to each other, and short side walls with sculptures of heads, eastern lions and, animals. Though Victor Golubavu believes that these stairs resemble the stairs at Bmar Pyramids (Figure 4) in Cambodia, he argues that it has no con- nection or links between Indo-China and Sri Lanka. However, analyzing this, Para- Figure 5. Phnom Bakaheng, in Angkor Wat navithana says since; (1) during the reign of Chandrabhanu Yapahuwa, this was captured by his son for a short period of time and; (2) Rev. Maha Thero Dhammakeerthi who lived during the pe- riod of King Bhuwanekabahu, I had come from Ligor in Malaya Peninsula; This stairway had some influences of Cambodi- an arts (Paranawithana, 1972). According to Pujawaliya, since there was evidence for the capture of Yapahuwa by Chan- drabhanu on his second invasion and Rev. Dharmakeerthi Thero who came from Thraamalinga became the head of the bhikkus and since he had links with the Shylendra Empire, the above arguments could be confirmed.
Figure 6. Phanon Rung
Dual Lion Images in Yapahuwa These lion carvings on either side of the stairway can be identified as two precious work of arts that have not been found any- where in Sri Lanka so far (Figure 7). This carving depicts a furious halfway up pos- ture and since those characteristics cannot Figure 4. khmar Pyramid in Kamboja be found in any of the contemporary Indi- an or Sri Lankan designs, it automatically The stairway leading to the entrance of the draws the attention to Japanese or Chi- image-house in Phnom Bakheng in Ang- nese links that have a different style of fig- kor Wat in Cambodia (Figure 5), and the ure carving. The Lion Figures belong to
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Chinese Hung era (Fry, 1945) as well as entering from the Yapahuwa rock bottom the Koma Inu dog figure (Figure 8) show along the stairway into the practicing connections to the Lion figure in Yapahu- chamber of the palace, says when consid- wa. Also, carvings of this nature can be ering the shape of the corners of the base, commonly found associated with Japa- the order the pillars was placed, and the nese Shinto temples. Further, the same architectural style, these buildings deviate style of Lion figure has been used at the from the above era and those are the basic sides of the stairway leading to the Phnom characteristics of the contemporary Indian Bakheng building built by King Jayavar- Dravidian (Tamil) traditions. The similar man at Angkor in Cambodia while these style of artwork to this porch clearly dis- Lion Figures in Yapahuwa clearly con- plays in masterpieces in Rajput and build- firms the links to the Sri Vijaya State and ings belong to Sri Vijaya Empire then it illustrates the Chinese influence well. However, the Lion Figures in Yapa- huwa are a fine illustration of the relation- ships of this era with Chinese, Japanese as well as South-East Asian states.
Figure 9. Dwara Mandapaya in Yapahuwa
Figure 7. Lion Figure in Yapahuwa During the period Gampola which was the center of power, there were many art- works that demonstrate the foreign rela- tions existed during the period in which Yapahuwa was where the power was con- centrated.
Gadaladenuya Viharaya Gadaladeniya Viharaya that was built dur- ing the later part of the period of Bu- wanekabahu IV that falls into the Gan- gasiripura era, on the instructions of Rev. Thero Dharmakeerthi I, by the Minister Senadhilankara (Figure 10) had been Figure 8. Koma Inu Stong Dog made using architectural design and re- quirements of Andra Pradesh in India and Dwara Mandapaya in Yapahuwa had been completed out of stone In addition to these work, Dwara Manda- (Ilangasinghe, 1985). Rev. Dharmakeerthi paya (the Porch) in Yapahuwa (Figure 9) Thero declares that this is similar to a Hin- is a fine artwork that confirms the contem- du Kovil (Temple) and especially close to porary foreign relations. Paranawitharana, the design of a Hindu Kovil (Temple) built who pays attention to the porch that is by Vijayanagar Rajule who was the Chief situated at the end of the stairway when
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Figure 10. Gadaladeniya Viharaya Figure 12. Chandi Kalasan in Java
Ruler of Pandyan in Yapahuwa carry similar characteristics. Further, (Dharmakeerthi, 1991). when looking at designs of Chandi Bhima According to Prof. John Clifford and Chandi Kalasan (Figure 12) in Java Holt, the Rev. Dharmakeerthi Thero who Islands, Gadaladeniya Vihara has more took the lead in building the Gadaladeniy links than the Vihara mentioned before. Vihara, had built Dhanya Kuuta Vihara in Amarawati and had brought down an art- Lankathilaka Pilimage ist called Ganeshwaracharya from South Lankathilaka Pilima Vihara (Figure 13) India and had got the work done. Also, he built by a craftsman named Stha- argues that was unlike the period prior to pathirayarara who was brought down this, the house of God had come into the from South India by Rev. Dharmakeerthi Chamber of Buddha, and it sends signs of Thero, is a development of the architec- a magical combination between Buddhist ture of the Polonnaruwa period and where and Hindu religions. When looking at the the Dravida (Tamil), Indo and Chinese architecture at Nakhon Vihara (Image 14) characteristics had been added. This is a in Thammarat that belongs to the Sri Vija- wonderful work of art that had been built ya Empire, it becomes obvious that Gada- to the requirements of the Buddhist needs ladeniya not only has Hindu influence but and had appropriately added the Dravidian also South-east Asian influence as well. (Tamil) characteristics. In the colossal im- Similarly, every part of the architecture at age-house of Buddha built out of bricks Prasat Hin Phnom Rung in Siam Desha and plaster, there are Buddha statues, as (Figure 11) and the sections of the lower well as statues of Gods, Queens and God wall included pillars at the main entrance Upulwan, God Saman and God Vibheeshana. While this Vihara demon-
Figure 11. Prasat Hin Phnom Rung Figure 13. Lankathilaka Pilimage
122 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 strates the characteristics of Nayagon Vi- similar to this, is still there in the Nalanda hara (Figure 14) in Pagan City Museum. Analyzing on this Parana- (Paranavithana, 1972), the roof of Lanka- withana was of the view that it had been thilaka shows connections to the Chinese made according to the techniques of fa- architecture. While Japanese and Korean mous Buddha statue in Nalanda that had canopies (Figure 15) show similar charac- influenced the South-east Asian, Indone- teristics, it demonstrates the contemporary sian religious crafts. Paranavithana also foreign relations clearly. states that it could be imagined that it was brought down from South-east Asia too. It could also be possible that they had been brought down by Rev. Dhar- makeerthi Thero who was the monk in charge of the industry of building vihara. Anuradha Seneviratne is of the view that when considering the manner in which the nose, and the face had been complet- ed, it was clear that the face of the Buddha statue was similar to the face of the God Shiva, and the reason behind could have been the craftsman being a South Indian (a follower of God Shiva).
Figure 14. Lampang Luang Vihara
Figure 16. The Buddha Statue in the Lanka- thilaka Imag-House Figure 15. Japanese / Korean Canopy However, a study of the entire work of art Prathima Kalawa (Art of Making Stat- proves that it reveals the contemporary ues) foreign relations of the period. While the The bronze statue that is considered as contemporary migrations to Sri Lanka King Buwanekabahu IV and the Buddha occurred due to various reasons, the statue inside the Vihara (Figure 19) are blending of the characteristics of migrant’s ideal examples for contemporary foreign original countries and the Sri Lankan tra- relations. Anuradha Seneviratne points ditions is demonstrated very clearly. out that the statue inside the Lankathilaka Vihara that is considered to be Buwaneka- CONCLUSION bau IV resembles the Devatha (deity) imag- In the first half of the 13th century, Dam- es, and it has followed the new tradition of badeniya became the center of power in bringing down the entire statue from In- the South-Western region and thereafter, dia. Mangala Ilangasinghe believes that all the power centers were born within this the bronze statue in Gadaladeiya had been region. Simultaneously to the beginning of brought from Thailand. A bronze statue kingdoms in the inhospitable South-
123 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 28(2), 2018 western region after the fall of the more Social Scientists’ Association. prosperous kingdom, this region attracted Liyanagamage. A. 1989. The decline of Pol- the attention of different sections of the onnaruwa and the rise of Dambadeniya, society. The history provides evidence for circa 1180-1270 A.D. Colombo: Depart- ment of Cultural Affaires a number of migration efforts to this area Munidasa, Kumarathunga. 1963. Gira San- urbanized due to the inability to survive in desha Wiwaranaya . C o l o m b o : the Rajarata Civilization any longer and K.A.Ariyadasa & Company the compelling qualities of the Western Obeysekara, Gananatha. 2005. Vanni Upatha, and the South-Western areas. While the Vanni Withthiya saha Vanni Kadayim Maha Sampradhaya (Great Chronicles) potha. Colombo: S. Godage Brothers provides insignificant explanations to Obeysekara, Gananatha. 2005. Bandarawaliya these immigration, the Kadaim Poth Saha Kadayim potha. Colombo: S. Go- (boundary books) and Vitti Poth (Book of dage Brothers Events) provide detailed information. Obeysekara, Gananatha. 2005. Malla Withiya, There is very little scholarly interest in this Malala Kathawa, saha Rajasingha Rajuge Satan pilibanda Withthi Katha. Colombo: aspect. However, a close look at these mi- S. Godage Brothers gration patterns would provide a great Paranawithana, S. 1972. History of Ceylon: deal of information of the amount of influ- From c1500 to c1800. Peradeniya: Uni- ence those events exert on the social, eco- versity of Peradeniya nomic and political process in Sri Lanka Siriweera, Indrakeerthi. 2011. Rajarata after the 13th century. Shishtacharaya saha Niritha Diga Ra- jadhani. Maradan: Dayawansa Jayakodi REFERENCES Samagama Godakumbura C.E. 1953. Hansa Sandeshaya. Sumanajoothi, Degammeda. 1961. Dam- Colombo: Apothikarees Society. badeniya Period(1220-1283A.D.). Kalutha- Jayasumana, Channa Sudath. 2009. A short ra: Vdiyadeepa Publication History of TamilCommunity. Boralesga- Suraweera, A. 2009. Alakeshwara Yuddhaya. muwa: Wisidunu Publication Colombo: S. Godage Brothers Liyanagamage. A. 2010. Society, state, and reli- gion in pre modern Sri Lanka. Colombo:
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