Cambodia: Symbolic Institutions Are No Substitute

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Cambodia: Symbolic Institutions Are No Substitute CAMBODIA: SYMBOLIC INSTITUTIONS ARE NO SUBSTITUTE The Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC)1 1. INTRODUCTION The current human rights situation in Cambodia is strongly influenced by the political climate that emerged after the controversial July 2013 parliamentary elections. Mass protests against the results of the election – which saw Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) confirmed as the ruling party – were violently suppressed by governmental security forces. The blanket ban on all public demonstrations which followed triggered three days of large-scale protests by garment workers demanding an increase of minimum wage. The response of the government was brutal, and lethal force used to subdue the protesters left at least five people dead and scores injured. A 16-year-old boy, who a witness says was shot in the chest by security forces, remains missing. The government failed to properly investigate these crimes and perpetrators were never held accountable for their acts. Corruption remains rampant and violence against government critics is commonplace. Opposition party members, journalists, trade unionists, workers and human rights defenders have systematically been judicially harassed and/or arbitrarily arrested under fabricated charges, while state agents and well-connected individuals enjoy high levels of impunity. Access to justice for vulnerable groups remains limited due to a general lack of knowledge of their rights, insufficient resources allocated to legal aid and the remoteness of complaints bodies. Courts continue to be used as a tool to curb dissent and serve the interests of the wealthy and powerful, especially against poor urban, rural, and indigenous communities struggling to maintain possession of individual and community lands against land grabbing and forced evictions. In stark contrast, villagers’ complaints against private companies or authorities are systematically left unanswered or dismissed. Despite international obligations to use pre-trial detention as a measure of last resort, this is still the norm in Cambodia. Arrested and detained individuals have frequently reported instances of ill- treatment and torture, including police and prison authorities beating and kicking them or using electro-shock to the point of unconsciousness in order to extract confessions or extort money from them. A large group in Cambodia’s society still lives in poverty, in particular in the countryside. While economic development in Cambodia is increasing, due to a growing number of investments into development projects by large foreign investment and business companies, illegal land acquisitions, forced evictions, unsettled land disputes and inadequate compensation and resettlement packages to those illegally losing their land remain one of Cambodia’s most pressing human rights concerns. Little has been done to preserve indigenous peoples’ rights and to halt the encroachment upon and the destruction of sacred forests and burial sites by illegal loggers and land concession holders, which 1 Ms Almaz TEFFERA, Technical Advisor for Human Rights and Legal Aid, Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC); email: [email protected] . continue unabated. In many instances, communities have been left with no other choice but to protect their sacred sites through self-organized and self-funded patrols, exposing themselves to threats and intimidation, as those orchestrating illegal logging activities are often powerful and well-connected and operate in collusion with local authorities. 2. EXISTING HUMAN RIGHTS BODIES In terms of human rights promotion and protection within the Cambodian legal and political system, Cambodia has established three main commissions and committees, which, as will become evident, are far from equipped to ensure that human rights are effectively implemented and enforced in Cambodia. The National Assembly Commission on Human Rights (“NACHR”) is one of the nine commissions forming part of the lower chamber of Cambodia’s bicameral parliament, the National Assembly. It consists of nine members, the majority of which are CPP members. It is one of the existing forums for Cambodian citizens, which receives complaints with regard to human rights violations committed by state institutions. Most complaints deal with land disputes. It is also an advisory body to the Government on relevant laws and has an education and awareness-raising mandate. The Senate Commission on Human Rights (“SCHR”) is a commission forming part of the upper chamber (the Senate) of Cambodia’s bicameral parliament, and consists of five Senators; of which as in the NACHR the majority are CPP members. It is responsible for monitoring the implementation of human rights in Cambodia, receiving and investigating human rights complaints, and taking initiative in the drafting of proposals on the implementation of human rights law. The Cambodian Human Rights Committee (“CHRC”) was established in 1998 by a simple Royal Decree instead of an act of parliament. It is the overarching human rights institution, which reports to the Council of Ministers. The CHRC is presided by H. E. Om Yentieng: senior advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen; a high-ranking member of the ruling CPP party; the head of the Anti-Corruption Unit; and head of the Cambodian Intelligence Service. Sub-Decree No. 570 (23 December 2013) defines its roles which include duties to investigate and receive complaints related to human rights violations, follow up on the implementation of human rights, organise trainings, and disseminate information on human rights. The Committee is organised into two departments, i.e. the department of administration and complaints and the department of investigation and human rights education. In addition, the CHRC is commissioned to create a network of ‘volunteer watchdogs’ at municipality, province, district and commune level, whose role is to facilitate and inspect enforcement of human rights in both public and private institutions, as well as to report to the Government about the current human rights situation, to cooperate with the Cambodian National Council for Women and other human rights-related institutions, and to provide on behalf of the Government legal services to persons without means. The Government of Cambodia described in its report on the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that the CHRC assisted the Government, “to advance the human rights and in solving all problems relevant to human rights violations”.2 When the CHRC was created, it was indifferent to the Paris Principles. It is not accredited by the International Coordinating Committee of National Institutions for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights.3 Other state organisations focus on specific groups of persons, such as the Cambodian National Council for Women and the Cambodian National Council for Children and the Disability Action Council. The fight against corruption is undertaken by the governmental Anti-Corruption Unit, which reports to the Council of Ministers. Under the UN Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture the Government of Cambodia was obliged to create an independent National Preventive Mechanism (NPM) to monitor and curb torture in places of detention – such as prisons, police stations and drug detention centres – within a year of its ratification of the protocol (i.e. by end of April 2008). However to this day it has failed to do so. The established inter-ministerial panel composed of the ministries of justice and interior does in no way replace an independent NPM, as these ministries are the ones supposed to be under review. According to the assessment of the UN Special Rapporteur on Cambodia, the Arbitration Council – dealing with labour-management disputes – is one of the few national institutions in Cambodia which was able to preserve a certain degree of independence, and thus credibility, among parties bringing disputes before it including trade unions. In 2006 Prime Minister Hun Sen had admitted that there was a need for the establishment of an independent NHRI that complied with the Paris Principles and that was separate from ‘existing institutions’.4 So far, the approach of the Government has been to establish bodies under the control of the executive rather than independent ones, prompting some observers to argue that these are “more symbolic institutions” than mechanisms to effectively promote and protect human rights in Cambodia.5 The Special Rapporteur on Cambodia in unison with human rights groups has criticised the current national human rights protection infrastructure in Cambodia, which they claim is inherently flawed. The fact that investigations into allegations of human rights violations committed by state agents or 2 Human Rights Committee, Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 40 of the Convention, Second periodic reports of States parties due in July 2002 Cambodia,11 April 2013, Doc. CCPR/C/KHM/2, p. 5, available at: http://cambodia.ohchr.org/WebDOCs/DocTreatyBodies/ICCPR/ICCPR-Eng_Apil-2013_Eng.pdf. 3 Human Rights Watch, Cambodia: UN Should Condemn Rights Onslaught Address Worsening Situation, Demand Real Reforms, 27 January 2014, available at:http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/01/27/cambodia-un-should-condemn-rights- onslaught 4 Cambodia – Joint Civil Society Report with CCPR Centre, Civil Society Report on the implementation of the ICCPR in Cambodia, Replies to the List of Issues CCPR/C/KHM/Q/2), To be
Recommended publications
  • Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
    May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history.
    [Show full text]
  • 20171227 the Nature and Functions of Cambodia's Parliament And
    RESEARCH PAPER The Department of Information of the Senate of Cambodia The Nature and Functions of Cambodia’s Parliament and Government: Examined in an International Context Researcher: Dr. Jan Taylor May 2017 Mr. Hisham Mousar Mr. Nun Assachan Adviser: Mr.Khut Inserey Notice of Disclaimer The Parliamentary Institute of Cambodia (PIC) is an independent parliamentary support institution for the Cambodian Parliament which, upon request of the parliamentarians and the parliamentary commissions, offers a wide range of research publications on current and emerging key issues, legislation and major public policy topics. These publications provide information on subjects that are relevant to parliamentary and constituency work but do not purport to represent or reflect the views of the Parliamentary Institute of Cambodia, the Parliament of Cambodia, or of any of its members. The contents of these publications, current at the date of publication, are for reference purposes only. These publications are not designed to provide legal or policy advice, and do not necessarily deal with every important topic or aspect of the issues it considers. The contents of this website are covered by applicable Cambodian laws and international copyright agreements. Permission to reproduce in whole or in part or otherwise use the content on this website may be sought from the appropriate source. © 2017 Parliamentary Institute of Cambodia (PIC) Table of Contents Executive summary..........................................................................................................................i
    [Show full text]
  • Reparations to Victims of Gross Human Rights Violations: the Case of Cambodia
    REPARATIONS TO VICTIMS OF GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS: THE CASE OF CAMBODIA * HAO DUY PHAN The world community has introduced various legal instruments regarding reparations for gross violations of human rights. In Cambodia, however, reparations for those seriously and systematically deprived of their rights by the Khmer Rouge regime remain an unresolved issue, even after the establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed during the Period of Democratic Kampuchea. In so complicated a case as Cambodia’s, there are many questions regarding the reparations issue that are left unanswered. This Article examines the issue and offers some recommendations for a feasible and effective reparation program for the Khmer Rouge’s victims. I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 277 II. OBLIGATIONS TO PROVIDE REPARATIONS TO THE VICTIMS OF THE KHMER ROUGE ..................................................................................... 279 III. A STATE OF INACTION ............................................................... 284 IV. POTENTIAL RECIPIENTS OF REPARATION .................................. 288 V. MOST LIKELY FORMS OF REPARATIONS ................................... 290 VI. HOW COMPENSATION SHOULD BE MADE ................................. 291 VII. CONCLUSION .............................................................................. 297 I. INTRODUCTION On April 17, 1975, two weeks before the fall of Saigon, Phnom Penh fell to the Khmer Rouge’s control, marking the start of the dark history of the “Killing Fields.” The Khmer Rouge regime launched a campaign to create a “clean social system” through which it massively abused human rights, forcing as many as three million people to evacuate the * Hao Duy Phan holds an S.J.D. from American University Washington College of Law. He has been a Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and the East-West Center in Washington D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Justice.Indd
    Chapter 12 Creating a Human Rights Culture: The Role of Local Knowledge in Cambodia’s Difficult Transition Stephen P. Marks 1 INTRODUCTION Few issues in international affairs and in the history of political thought provoke as much speculation and argument as the applicability of universal human rights in diverse political cultures. The debate raises complex philosophical and political issues regarding the relative influence of indigenous and exogenous factors in cre- ating a human rights culture and the interface of universalism and local knowledge in human rights. The universalists argue that human rights belong by definition to people every- where, and rights deprivation in a given society may properly be remedied through intrusive efforts from abroad, ranging from cajoling through naming and sham- ing to coercion through armed intervention. At the other extreme is the cultural relativist position, according to which each society determines for itself how best to govern in light of its own traditions and any questioning of internal self-deter- mination by imposing or suggesting the relevance of the human rights paradigm is a form of cultural imperialism. Even if we recognize that cultures generally share core values and that these values evolve into rights discourse, we may question whether and to what extent the Enlightenment philosophy and the liberal political theory, a direct ancestor to the current panoply of international human rights instruments, constitutes an 1 The author wishes to acknowledge with appreciation the research assistance of Matthew Easton. Some of the facts cited here have appeared in previously published articles by the author in “The New Cambodian Constitution: From Civil War to a Fragile Democracy,” 26 Columbia Human Rights Law Review (1994) 45 and “Elusive Justice for the Victims of the Khmer Rouge,” 52 Journal of International Affairs (1999) 691.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Development and Increased Respect for Human Rights
    Democratic development and increased respect for human rights - results of Swedish support Cambodia and Vietnam n SADEV 2012:1.5 REPORT Swedish Agency for Development Evaluation P. O. Box 1902, SE-651 19 Karlstad, Sweden SADEV REPORT 2012:1.5 Democratic development and increased respect for human rights - results of Swedish support Cambodia and Vietnam Copyright: SADEV SADEV Reports are available at www.sadev.se Printed in Karlstad, Sweden 2012 ISSN 1653-9249 ISBN 978-91-85679-36-2 DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT AND INCREASED PREFACE RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Preface In response to the request of the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs to evaluate Swedish democracy and human rights support over ten or more years leading up to 2012, SADEV undertook a multi-country evaluation of Swedish democracy and human rights (D/HR) results in Guatemala, Kenya and Serbia in terms of recipients of Swedish official development assistance between 1998 and 2010. Late in 2011 an evaluation of results emanating from Swedish D/HR-support to Viet- nam and Cambodia was commissioned. Two expert evaluators, who have lived and worked in South East Asia for the past seven years, were selected for the task. In a short period of time Melinda MacDonald and Michael Miner of IBA produced a sub- stantive evaluation on D/HR in these two target countries. The present report is entirely the product of the two evaluators. It demonstrates coher- ence between Swedish polices and D/HR interventions in Vietnam and Cambodia over 40+ years. During that time, Sweden has delivered assistance built on strong rela- tionships and solid technical assistance which match local contexts and have improved democracy and respect for human rights particularly in Vietnam where the relationship has led to opportunities for dialogue on sensitive issues between the countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Cambodia's Dirty Dozen
    HUMAN RIGHTS CAMBODIA’S DIRTY DOZEN A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals WATCH Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JUNE 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Map of Cambodia ............................................................................................................... 7 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Khmer Rouge-era Abuses .........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Report: Human Rights in Cambodia: the Facade of Stability
    HUMAN RIGHTS IN CAMBODIA: THE FAÇADE OF STABILITY A LICADHO Report May 2006 sm<½n§ExμrCMerOnnigkarBarsiT§imnusS lIkadU LICADHO CAMBODIAN LEAGUE FOR THE PROMOTION AND DEFENCE OF HUMAN RIGHTS Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO) LICADHO is a national Cambodian human rights organization. Since its establishment in 1992, LICADHO has been at the forefront of efforts to protect the rights in Cambodia and to promote respect for civil and political rights by the Cambodian government and institutions. Building on its past achievements, LICADHO continues to be an advocate for the people and a monitor of the government through wide ranging human rights programs from its main office in Phnom Penh and 12 provincial offices. LICADHO pursues its activities through its seven program offices: The Documentation and Resources Office compiles case files into a central electronic database, so that accurate information can be easily accessed and analyzed. The Human Rights Education Office provides training courses to target groups such as government officials, students, monks and provides dissemination sessions to the general public. The Monitoring Office investigates human rights violations and assists victims in the legal process. Specially trained staff also monitors 18 prisons to assess prison conditions and ensure that pre-trial detainees have access to legal representation. The Medical Office provides medical assistance to prisoners and prison officials in 12 prisons and provides medical care and referrals to hospitals for victims of human rights violations. Project Against Torture provides comprehensive rehabilitation services to victims of torture and conducts advocacy against torture. The Children's Rights Office educates the public on children's rights, creates child protection networks at the grassroots level, and investigates children's rights violations.
    [Show full text]
  • LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING LEGISLATIVE Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung House No
    © Copyright 2016 by Permanent Secretariat of the Committee for Legal and Judicial Reform Ministry of Justice & Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Cambodia Published by Permanent Secretariat of the Committee for Legal and Judicial Reform Ministry of Justice & LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING LEGISLATIVE Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung House No. 4, Street 462, Introduction to Khan Chamkar Mon, P.O. Box 944 Phnom Penh, Kingdom of Cambodia Tel: (855-23) 996 861/ 726 221 LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING Fax: (855-23) 213 364 www.kas.de/kambodscha References & Techniques Graphic Design & Layout by Introduction to Christine Schmutzler Edited by The cover picture of the book was taken from the frescos of the Silver Pagoda inside ISBN: 978-99950-982-6-1 Kai Hauerstein the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh. It shows a scene from the “Reamker”, the Khmer adaption of the Indian “Ramayana” epic. Photo by Christine Schmutzler Printed in Cambodia www.kas.de/kambodscha ISBN: 978-99950-982-6-1 INTRODUCTION TO LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING References and Techniques Published by Permanent Secretariat of the Committee for Legal and Judicial Reform (Ministry of Justice) & Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Edited by Kai Hauerstein THE PERMANENT SECRETARIAT OF THE COMMITTEE FOR LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM Legal and Judicial Reform is essential to operationalize the 1993 Constitution and is an integral part of achieving Good Governance within the Rectangular Strategy (Phase III). The Committee for Legal and Judicial Reform (CmLJR) under the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) is responsible for reforming the legal and judicial frameworks in Cambodia. The Permanent Secretariat of the Committee for Legal and Judicial Reform (PS-CmLJR) is the operational arm of the Committee and coordinates the implementation of the Plan of Action (2005) underlying the Legal and Judicial Reform Strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliament Final Evaluation Report 2006.Pdf
    CAPACITY BUILDING OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA Evaluation of Programme to Support Capacity Development of the Cambodian Parliament, and Options for Future Programmes MARCH 2006 LIST OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 5 Principal conclusions and recommendations 6 Background – UNDP programme 2002-2005 8 Background – Political context 8 Overview of the Parliament of Cambodia 10 The current composition of the National Assembly 10 The current composition of the Senate 11 Inner Organisation of the Cambodian Parliament 11 National Assembly and Senate Secretariats 12 Overall Assessment of Project Performance 2002-05 12 General 13 Areas of Success and Results 13 Project Management and Implementation 17 Summary of lessons learned 23 Overall Assessment of Parliament’s Institutional Capacity & Strategic Targets 23 Overall Assessment 24 Assessment of Parliament’s Legislative Capacity 25 Assessment of Parliament’s Oversight Capacity (political and budgetary) 27 Assessment of Parliament’s Representative Capacity 29 Assessment of the secretariat’s Institutional Capacity 32 Assessment of Parliament’s Infrastructure (library and information centre) 34 Assessment of Information Technology (IT) Resources and Facilities 35 Assessment of role of Parliament in attaining Millennium Development Goals 35 Recommended UNDP future action 37 General 37 Recommendations for short-term programming assistance to the National Assembly and Senate (2006-2008) 39 Recommendations for medium-term programming assistance to the National Assembly and Senate (2008-2013)
    [Show full text]
  • The Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI)
    2015 ANNI Report on the Performance and Establishment of National Human Rights Institutions in Asia The Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI) Compiled and Printed by Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-­‐ASIA) Secretariat of ANNI Editorial Committee: Balasingham Skanthakumar (Editor---in---chief) Joses Kuan Tessa Baizer Layout and Printing: Prachoomthong Group IBSN: 978-616-7733-10-4 Copyright © 2015 This book was written for the benefit of human rights defenders and may be quoted from or copied as long as the source and authors are acknowledged. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-­‐ASIA) 66/2 Pan Road, Silom, Bang Rak Bangkok, 10500 Thailand Tel: +66 (0)2 637 91266-­‐7 Fax: +66 (0)2 637 9128 Email: [email protected] Web: www.forum-asia.org Table of Contents Foreword Regional Overview Southeast Asia Burma: All Shook Up Cambodia: Symbolic Institutions Are No Substitute Malaysia: Room To Be Pro-Active Thailand: Human Rights Crisis Timor-Leste: Proactive Steps Needed for Further Improvement South Asia Afghanistan: Still Stumbling Ahead Bangladesh: Failing To Fulfil Its Commitments India: Immediate Reforms Needed The Maldives: Zipped, Packed And Ready To Head Home Nepal: All Eyes On New Team Sri Lanka: Lost Opportunities Northeast Asia Japan: Eager To See A Breakthrough Mongolia: Amend The Law South Korea: Looking On When Not Looking Away Taiwan: Betting on the 2016 Elections Foreword The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), as the Secretariat of the Asian NGO Network on National Human Rights Institutions (ANNI), humbly presents the publication of the 2015 ANNI Report on the Performance and Establishment of National Human Rights Institutions in Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participants in the 1St Trilateral Meeting Among the ICAPP Standing Committee, COPPPAL Coordinating Body and the CAPP Ex
    List of Participants in the 1st Trilateral Meeting among the ICAPP Standing Committee, COPPPAL Coordinating Body and the CAPP Executive Committee (Jakarta, Indonesia, April 22-24, 2016) As of April 22, 2016 I. ICAPP (International Conference of Asian Political Parties) Standing Committee ● Azerbaijan, Republic of (1) - Hon. Dr. Malahat Ibrahimqizi, Vice Chairperson of the ICAPP Women’s Wing and Member of Parliament, New Azerbaijan Party ● Cambodia, Kingdom of (10) - Hon. Sok An, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister in charge of the Office of the Council of Ministers, and Member of the Standing Committee of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) - Hon. Tansri Chen Lip Keong, Co-Chairman (ICAPP) of the ICAPP-COPPPAL Business Council (ICBC) and Advisor to the Royal Government of Cambodia - Hon. Suos Yara, Member of Parliament and Vice-Chairman of International Relations Department, CPP - Hon. Sok Sokan, Member of Parliament, CPP - Hon. Tekreth Samrach, Secretary of State, Office of the Council of Ministers, CPP - Mr. Sim Saravuth, Assistant to Hon. Tansri Chen Lip Keong - Mr. Soeng Reth, Advisor to Hon. Sok An, CPP - Mr. Kong Chanveasna, Director of International Relations Department, Office of the Council of Ministers, CPP - Mr. Dim Sovannarom, Assistant tttached to the Office of the Council of Ministers - Mr. Sun Ly, Assistant to Hon. Sok An, CPP ● China, People’s Republic of (6) - Hon. Chen Fengxiang, Vice Minister of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC) - Mr. Zhang Xuyi, Deputy Director-General, 1st Bureau, IDCPC - Ms. Jia Peng, Deputy Director, 1st Bureau, IDCPC - Mr. Liu Dongxiao, Third Secretary, General Office, IDCPC - Ms.Ruan Rui, Third Secretary, 1st Bureau, IDCPC - Ms.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Control, Human Rights, and the UN Mission in Cambodia
    Political Control, Human Rights, and the UN Mission in Cambodia September 1992 Asia Watch A Division of Human Rights Watch 485 Fifth Avenue 1522 K Street, NW Suite 910 New York, NY 1001710017----61046104 Washington, DC 2000520005----12021202 Tel: (212) 972972----84008400 Tel: (202) 371371----65926592 Fax: (212) 972972----09050905 Fax: (202) 371371----01240124 Copyright 8 1992 by Human Rights Watch All Rights Reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN Library of Congress Catalog No. THE ASIA WATCH COMMITTEE The Asia Watch Committee was established in 1985 to monitor and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. The chair is Jack Greenberg and the vice-chairs are Harriet Rabb and Orville Schell. Sidney Jones is Executive Director. Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington Representative. Patricia Gossman and Robin Munro are Research Associates. Jeannine Guthrie and Vicki Shu are Associates. Therese Caouette, Dinah PoKempner and Mickey Spiegel are Consultants. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch is composed of five Watch Committees: Africa Watch, Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Helsinki Watch and Middle East Watch. Executive Committee Robert L. Bernstein, Chair: Adrian DeWind, Vice-Chair: Roland Algrant, Lisa Anderson, Peter Bell, Alice Brown, William Carmichael, Dorothy Cullman, Irene Diamond, Jonathan Fanton, Jack Greenberg, Alice H. Henkin, Stephen L. Kass, Marina P. Kaufman, Jeri Laber, Aryeh Neier, Bruce Rabb, Harriet Rabb, Kenneth Roth, Orville Schell, Gary Sick, Robert Wedgeworth. Staff Aryeh Neier, Executive Director; Kenneth Roth, Deputy Director; Holly Burkhalter, Washington Director; Ellen Lutz, California Director; Susan Osnos, Press Director; Jemera Rone, Counsel; Stephanie Steele, Operations Director; Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project Director; Joanna Weschler, Prison Project Director.
    [Show full text]