THE IMPACTS OF ACCULTURATION ON VIETNAMESE WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES
Dianna Hoang B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2009
PROJECT
Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
at
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
FALL 2011
THE IMPACTS OF ACCULTURATION ON VIETNAMESE WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES
A Project
by
Dianna Hoang
Approved by:
______, Committee Chair Kisun Nam, Ph. D.
______Date
ii
Student: Dianna Hoang
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the project.
______, Director ______Robin Kennedy, Ph.D., MSW Date
Division of Social Work
iii Abstract
of
THE IMPACTS OF ACCULTURATION ON VIETNAMESE WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES
by
Dianna Hoang
Historically, society has presented women as secondary to men. As the times change so have the roles of men and women. Vietnamese American women bear the struggle of living two worlds, but in one location, America. Before Vietnamese refugees and immigrants entered the United States, they only knew their own traditional culture.
Upon arrival in their new country they had to assimilate to the modern culture of
America. Every day they are reminded of their constant struggle of identification, what makes them Vietnamese or American? For the purpose of this exploratory study,
30 Vietnamese women voluntarily participated in the survey. This self-composed survey aimed to explore topics of acculturation such as language, communication, and culture, perspective on family and women’s roles, as well as education. From the findings of this study, one could state that these women still encourage their traditional culture, but realize that they must also adapt to American culture as well. Vietnamese women are no longer remaining in the home as housewives, but are inspired to attain
iv an education and work outside of the home. They must learn to adjust in order to maintain both cultures, holding on to the importance of family, but becoming more independent.
______, Committee Chair Kisun Nam, Ph. D.
______Date
v DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this project to all the Vietnamese women,
first, second, and future generations to come.
We should recognize that we do live in and shall adapt to certain aspects of America,
but also retain what makes us Vietnamese.
In hopes that we will find a balance among the two cultures,
to better understand and maintain the two cultures.
The desire for everyone to come together,
for better communication,
and build upon a stronger and closer relationship amongst family members.
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank my family for their unconditional love and
positive and strong emphasis on education. For their continual push to strive, moral
support, words of encouragement, and finances throughout my education experience and
journey. I could not have gone this far without their assistance. My innate feelings of not
wanting to disappoint them made me push myself harder, all because they believed in me.
To myself for the self-discipline and challenge to prove to myself that I can make things
happen when I take the time to focus and realize that I can achieve my goals, one baby
step at a time.
To my friends and a selected few of my title IV-E cohort for checking up on me to ensure that I was on track to completing this project. I extend my sincere gratitude for their continued support and encouragement. To my dear friend Somaly Kong, for giving me a little encouragement through a simple gift of a pack of Hello Kitty pencils, to remind me to begin writing my thesis.
To my advisor, Professor Kisun Nam for his willingness to help me, taking the time to meet with me, guiding me, and working with me to ensure that I met the deadline to successfully complete this piece of work on such a last minute notice. Also, to my first advisor, Professor Serge Lee for assisting me as much as he could. vii To my tutor David Reynolds for support and editorial assistance in the writing process.
To the Asian Resources staff, especially my contact personnel, Stephanie Nguyen for assisting me with my human subjects and administering my survey at their resource centers. And to all the participants, without whom I would not have my data for this research.
None of this would have been possible without ALL the people mentioned above.
THANK YOU.
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Dedication ...... vi Acknowledgements ...... vii List of Tables ...... xi Chapter 1. THE PROBLEM ...... 1 Background of the Problem ...... 2 Statement of the Research Problem ...... 10 Purpose of the Study ...... 10 Theoretical Framework ...... 11 Definition of Terms...... 14 Assumptions ...... 15 Justification ...... 15 Limitations ...... 16 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 18 Reason for Migration ...... 19 Three waves of immigration...... 20 Responses to migration...... 22 Acculturation...... 25 Communication...... 29 Language...... 30 Family...... 31 Women’s role...... 33 Education...... 37 Summary ...... 41 3. METHODS ...... 43 Design ...... 43
ix Variables ...... 43 Participants ...... 45 Instrumentation ...... 45 Data Gathering Procedures ...... 46 Protection of Human Subjects ...... 48 4. FINDINGS ...... 50 5. CONCLUSION ...... 73 Discussion ...... 73 Implications...... 77 Limitations ...... 78 Recommendations ...... 79 Appendix A Consent Form (English Version)...... 80 Appendix B Consent Form (Vietnamese Version) ...... 82 Appendix C Survey (English Version) ...... 84 Appendix D Survey (Vietnamese Version) ...... 92 References ...... 100
x LIST OF TABLES
Tables Page
1. Table 1 General demographics of Vietnamese women living in the United States.... 50
2. Table 2 Demographics for research question 1 ...... 51
3. Table 3 Time frame entered the US * What is your proficiency level in reading Eng?
...... 53
4. Table 4 Time frame entered the US * What is your proficiency level in speaking Eng?
...... 54
5. Table 5 Current marital status * Imagine that your family will decide to buy a house.
Who would make the final decision to do so? ...... 56
6. Table 6 Demographics for research question 2...... 58
7. Table 7 Age * What do you consider yourself? ...... 60
8. Table 8 Age * When addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or
being spoken to is a sign of respect...... 62
9. Table 9 Age * When addressing teachers or professors, sitting quietly, but attentively
during class shows that you are respectful...... 63
10. Table 10 Age * When you are at home, how often do you cook Viet food? ...... 64
11. Table 11 Age * When you are at home, how often do you cook non-Viet food? ...... 65
12. Table 12 Age * When you are at home, how often do you wear non-Viet style
clothing? ...... 66
13. Table 13 Age * When you are at home, how often do you listen to Viet music? ...... 67
14. Table 14 Age * When you are at home, how often do you celebrate Viet holidays? . 68 xi 15. Table 15 Demographics for research question 3...... 69
16. Table 16 What is your highest level of education in the US? * Are you currently
working? ...... 71
xii 1
Chapter 1
THE PROBLEM
Historically, society has presented women as secondary to men, with women generally viewed as homemakers while men were seen as bread winners. As time has changed, so have the roles for men and women. Contributing factors to this change may include an individual’s life experiences, what they have learned and endured, being accustomed to their specific culture, language, and values, learning of other cultures when necessary, and assimilating thereafter. In addition there are events beyond an individual’s control, such as the work of activists who fought for greater equality, and against discrimination and sexism. Historically, Vietnamese wives were submissive to their husbands. However once many Vietnamese women relocated to the United States and increased their independence, it created challenges to traditional family values and structure (Marino, 1998). In order for women to assist their family to survive regardless of where they are living, it would be in their best interest to assimilate to that region.
As a second generation Vietnamese American woman, this writer is attempting to
understand the challenges endured by first generation Vietnamese women who escaped
Vietnam and are now living in the United States, in hopes of raising awareness of their
situation and to better assist these individuals. The majorities of these women was born
in Vietnam and are accustomed to its culture, traditions, values, and roles. After enduring
the Vietnam War, they had to alter their lives according to where they were placed after
leaving their homeland. Many of these women underwent culture shock as they
encountered their new life style in America and learned how to function accordingly in
2 order to survive in the United States. These women transitioned from the traditional society of Vietnam to the modern society of the Unites States, leaving behind much of what they have known while incorporating what they have learned in a modern society, and learning to maintain a balance between the two cultures.
Background of the Problem
In hopes of discovering a brighter future, Asian Americans have come to the
United States with the idea of it being the land of hopes and dreams. Searching for better living conditions, and a better environment than that which they were migrating from,
Asian immigrants to America were looking to improve their education and better their employment opportunities. Tseng (2007) suggests that “getting a good education, practical job skills training and finding and retaining employment” were all strategies for success in their new country (p. 63). However, their journey was not easy in America as they faced multiple barriers along the way. Every wave of immigrants endured dramatic social, economic, and cultural transitions (Tseng, 1995). Asian Americans struggled to survive and do well in American society, and, according to Tseng, what helped them was their “ethnic resilience, perseverance, and solidarity” (p. 42). The term “Asian
American” refers to people living in the U.S. who are of Chinese, Japanese, Korean,
Filipino, Asian Indian, and Southeast Asian descent.
While Asian Americans may share some similarities in culture, they also demonstrate differences. These include their historical experiences within their home countries as well as their migration to the United States. For example, Daniels (1988) suggests that the Chinese and Japanese immigrated to the United States for economic
3 reasons, and noted that the majority of their labor opportunities were in mining and agriculture. Chinese immigrants started gold mining in 1848, and by the 1860s the
Chinese made up two-thirds of the mining labor force working in the Rocky Mountains
(Tsai, 1986). Another option for the Chinese was railroad building. Similarly the
Japanese began to migrate to the United States, specifically Hawaii, to work on the sugar plantations (Azuma, 2002). While many Asian Americans came to America in hopes of bettering their economic situation, others were forced to leave their country of origin for their own safety.
Southeast Asians came to the United States not for economic reasons, but because they were forced to leave due to the communist takeover of Southeast Asia. Southeast
Asian refers to people who are from countries located south of China, primarily Vietnam,
Cambodia, and Laos. These three Southeast Asian nations shared the horrors of war on their soil during the latter half of the twentieth century. By 1975 all three nations were controlled by Communist governments. After many years of fighting culminated in the
Fall of Saigon, the Communist North Vietnamese took over control of South Vietnam
(Nguyen, Y., 1999; Kelly, 1986; Kibria, 1993). Communist forces also took over Laos’ monarchy (Brown & Zasloff, 1976), and the Khmer Rouge took power in Cambodia
(Walque, 2006). It was a chaotic and dangerous time in these countries, and many
Southeast Asians feared for their life and fled the region (Kibria, 1993). These immigrants risked everything to flee with no awareness of where to go, how to do so, or how dangerous the journey would be; they just wanted to leave as fast as they could. The primary reason all three nations began to empty out was because their citizens feared
4
persecution from their governments. In 1975, the same year the Vietnam War ended,
more than 130,000 Southeast Asians, the majority of whom were Vietnamese, fled their
communist governments and entered the United States (Chuong, 1994; Kelly, 1986;
Desbarats, 1985).
The Southeast Asians, more specifically the Vietnamese, migrated to the United
States in three major waves (Do, 2002; Kelly, 1986; Desbarats, 1985; and Nguyen, P.,
2008). The first wave in 1975 was mainly Vietnamese of high social status, who were in
danger because of suspected affiliation with the Americans or South Vietnamese during
the war. The second wave of refugees known as the “boat people” came between 1978 and 1981. Large numbers of Cambodians and Laotians entered the United States during this wave. This group of refugees consisted of an array of social classes. The rest of the refugees followed in the third wave with assistance from the United Nations and the
United States. According to the Office of Refugee Resettlement (n.d.), from 1975 to
1999, just fewer than 1,260,000 Southeast Asians immigrated to the United States.
From the time the Vietnamese people began migrating to the United States, some
Americans questioned their right to remain in America. This was exacerbated as
American society was enduring an economic recession in the late 1970’s, and there was
an increase in hostility towards the Vietnamese refugees and immigrants. They were
perceived by anti-immigrant Americans as taking away job opportunities. This continued
to the point of Vietnamese immigrants being blamed for the economic crisis, as they had
coincidently entered the United States at that particular time. Kelly (1986) asserted that
the timing of the Vietnamese arrival, and their entry into the work force, was when
5
America’s unemployment was at its peak. Instead of being viewed as refugees escaping their home country in order to stay alive, there were misleading conceptions and accusations of them being “economic migrants” who came specifically searching for jobs
(Freeman, 1995). In reality, many Vietnamese Americans entered the United States legally as refugees. The majority of Vietnamese people immigrated to the United States because of political problems that they encountered in their homeland; “We came to
America not for material gain but for freedom” (Freeman, 1989, as cited by H. Tran,
2002). However, as time went on for Vietnamese immigrants, financial support became an essential aspect for survival, which lent credence to the claims of “economic migrants.”
The traditional roles of the Vietnamese family were influenced and shaped by
Confucian ideology (Do, 2002; Freeman, 1995). The father plays the role of the disciplinary authority figure of the household who makes all the important decisions.
The mother’s role is to care for her husband, parents-in-law, and her children in a way that embodies nurturing, sentiment, and affection. Children are expected to obey and respect their parents and elders without exception. Freeman (1995) identifies the important family value of moral debt as a child’s unpayable obligation to their parents for their sacrifices and unconditional love. As these youth entered America, they rapidly absorbed the American culture through school and interactions with their American peers. Marino (1998) noted that these youth quickly became “Americanized” and spoke better English than their elders. Those elders who were having more difficulties with the language barrier tended to remain true to their traditional values. In America, families
6 encourage children to become independent at an early age, while the Vietnamese view independence negatively (Marino, 1998). Seeking the freedom America has to offer may have led to the deemphasization of the Vietnamese culture. Traditionally, Vietnamese women expected to act submissively toward their husband and generally not work outside of the home. However, after entering the United States, husbands faced underemployment or unemployment which made it almost mandatory for wives to seek employment. Consequently, this lead to changes within the family structure (Dinh,
Sarason, B., and Sarason, I., 1994).
Due to the devastating experiences of the Vietnam War and the ensuing migration, families and traditions were interrupted. The war caused the Vietnamese people to have complicated and indecisive attitudes about their home country. On one side, Vietnamese refugees shared robust anti-Communist thoughts. On the other, these refugees preserved a strong sentimental attachment to their homeland, customs, and traditions, and to the many relatives they left behind in Vietnam (Freeman, 1995). The migration to the United States caused Confucian morals to be disrupted, and domestic tension may have risen due to the newfound possibility of equality of power between men and women (Marino, 1998). Dinh, Sarason, B., and Sarason, I. (1994) mention that economic factors and Western cultural influences “may have effects on family roles that results in conflicts between husband and wife and between parents and their children” (p.
472). However, regardless of such changes, many Vietnamese women continue to be influenced by beliefs and values concerning family and gender stemming from their homeland. Vietnamese immigrant women are affected by two contradictory cultures.
7
Compared to the traditional role of women in Vietnam as mothers and homemakers, in
America they encounter more opportunities for education and employment outside the home, which enable greater independence. Even so, Vietnamese women maintain the desire to preserve cultural continuity of their traditional role (Zhou & Bankston, 2001).
Many scholars have stressed the importance of family, including its traditions and values, to Vietnamese Americans. The cohesiveness of Vietnamese family life was upended by the disruptions of war and migration. Due to leaving their homeland at different times, or becoming separated during their journey, families were often separated during migration and ties were severed. After settling in America, Vietnamese
Americans attempted to reconnect and reestablish their relationships with other family members in America, as well as those left behind in Vietnam. This lead to the alteration of family boundaries that also challenged traditional gender and generational hierarchies embedded in Vietnamese family life (Kibria, 1993). Potential intergenerational conflict arose with Vietnamese born parents who insisted on holding onto traditional family values, while their children tended to adopt western values and lifestyles (Dinh, Sarason,
B., and Sarason, I., 1994). These children often challenged their parents’ authority, to which the parents felt the children rightfully owed respect and obedience. Traditionally, parents had the dominant role within the family, but their children’s status within the family grew in America due to their quicker adoption of English language skills and the resulting ability assist the family in navigating daily life in their new country. Freeman
(1995) insists that while the Vietnamese people feared that living in America and
8
assimilating to its ways may cause loss and abandonment of their own traditions, they
nevertheless were appreciative of America for its opportunities.
Life experiences in America are different for Vietnamese Americans than life
experiences in Vietnam. This is a point of contention between native born and American
born Vietnamese Americans. Those born in Vietnam grew up learning a certain way of
life, and then endured difficulties attempting to acculturate themselves to mainstream
American society. It was imperative that these immigrants adopt the American way of
living to a certain degree in order to be able to maintain their survival in America.
Wanting to retain that which makes them Vietnamese, this group wants to instill their
cultural traditions into their American born children who are more likely to be
accustomed to, and assimilated into, the American culture. Tseng (2007) sees the
difficulties of “child development, parental control, and parent-child bonding challenges as a result of the differing rates of acculturation to mainstream American society and deculturation to their ethnic culture between the parents and their children” (p. 192).
Zhou and Bankston (2001) suggest that as parents and children struggle to adjust to their new environment that it inhibits the adaptation process of merging the old and the new ways. However, the merging of the old and new ways assists immigrant families in adjusting to their new environment.
In the event that this ethnic group can be said to have succeeded in America that success derives from their initiative work ethic respect for education and skills, and an innovativeness that fit right in with American ideals (Freeman, 1995). Historically, during the French rule of the late 1800s and early 1900s, only the wealthy in Vietnam
9
could afford an education, and Bergman (1974) reported that 95 percent of the
Vietnamese people were considered to be illiterate. Throughout the country at that time,
only 407,000 children were in school; of this number, only 17 percent were female. In
1945, Ho Chi Minh became the first president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam
(DRV). Although it was a time of great turmoil, under Ho Chi Minh’s leadership the percentage of school children who were female rose to 43.5 percent during the 1972-1973
school year. As of 1974, there were 4.8 million children in school in the DRV, 50 percent
of whom were female students (Bergman, 1974)
Chuong (1994) proclaims that Confucian ideology promotes excelling
educationally. Vietnamese people have a strong belief in good education; they consider it
the love of learning, a love that is deeply rooted in tradition (Jackson, n.d.). In their study
of family pressure and the educational experience of the daughters of Vietnamese
refugees, Zhou and Bankston (2001) found that Vietnamese immigrant families pushed
young women harder than young men towards academic performance because of the
affirmation of traditional gender roles. However, after interviewing the young women,
these researchers came to the conclusion that their reasoning was in part of the
socioeconomic conditions of the new land that place an importance of education for both
men and women, and not for the liberation of traditional gender roles. In America,
Vietnamese women have an equal opportunity to pursue a higher education. Keeping in
mind that the journey to America was not easy for refugees and immigrants who endured
many hardships along the way, it is not surprising that economic and educational
opportunities were indeed taken advantage of once they arrived (Freeman, 1995).
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Statement of the Research Problem
For the purpose of this research, the researcher will be focusing on the
Vietnamese population, specifically women. Tseng (2007) noted through the courses of displacement, resettlement, and adaptation, families have encountered multiple cultural and social challenges. The four main categories of the migration experience include migration, acculturation, life cycle, and family.
Since there is a lack of adequate information regarding the impact of acculturation on Vietnamese women living in the United States, this study will examine Vietnamese women’s experiences as they are now in the United States. The issue lies in the binary between what is traditional and what is modern. As Vietnamese women learn to adapt to
American ways, they contemplate what traditions and values to retain from their traditional culture and which to adopt from the American culture in hopes of becoming self-reliant.
Purpose of the Study
The major objective for this research is to gain a better understanding of what the impacts of acculturation have been on Vietnamese women that were born outside of the
United States. Now that they are living in America, the data can be analyzed to determine the successes or failures in adapting to the American mainstream culture.
This study aims to determine:
-How has acculturation helped or hindered Vietnamese women living in America?
- Have Vietnamese-born women living in America changed their previous cultural
traditions and beliefs?
11
- Has higher education lead to more independence for these women?
Theoretical Framework
Payne (2005) noted that in social work the term “theory” accounts for three different possibilities: models, perspectives, and explanatory theory. Models are a way to help structure and organize how professionals approach a complicated situation.
Perspectives help a professional to see situations from a different point of view as well as help professionals to think about what is happening in an organized way. An explanatory theory explains why an action results in or causes particular consequences, and identifies the circumstances in which it does so. The point to make here is that a professional takes ideas and applies them where it may seem relevant to make sense of something or explain the reason why a person does what they do.
One theoretical framework that applies to this researcher’s topic is the Systems perspective. In reference to social work, Payne (2005) noted that systems theory is important because it emphasizes social focus instead of individual patients or clients. At the same time, this approach to social issues addresses working with individuals and their interactions with their environment. In order to fully understand human behavior, it is important to inspect the environment from which a person came from and also where a person currently is. Doing so can provide a foundation for social workers to interpret and examine the assessment of their clients. Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman (1997) stated that people are constantly interacting with various systems in their environment such as family, friends, work, community, social service, political, employment, religious, and educational systems. The systems perspective’s concentration is on the interaction and
12
connection between people and their functioning in the environment that surrounds them
(Payne, 2005).
One form of systems theory in social work is ecological systems theory, and its
related concept known as the “person-in-environment” (Payne, 2005, p. 149; Greene,
2009, p. 200; Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p.16). Bronfenbrenner (1979), a well-known psychologist of ecology, explains “the ecology of human development involves the scientific study of the progressive, mutual accommodation between an active, growing human being and the changing properties of the immediate settings in which the developing person lives, as this process is affected by relations between these settings, and by the larger contexts in which the settings are embedded” (p. 21). Greene (2009) assumes that the ecological approach to human behavior involves the formation of a person and his or her environment into a homogenous system or ecosystem that shapes the other. The focus is not on the single effect of the environment on the person, nor the person on the environment, but on the reciprocal relationship or transaction they have with one another.
Some major concepts derived from the ecological perspective as described by
Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman (1997) are relevant to this topic of research. The social environments that a Vietnamese Woman may be involved with are the laws and social rules they must abide by, their home or family life, or the type of work and education systems as an individual, group, or community setting among family, friends, or other acquaintances. The transactions account for how a Vietnamese woman may communicate or interact within her social environments. The process of adaptation is a
13
reaction to the changes that occurred as Vietnamese women evolved from their traditional
life in Vietnam to adapt to the American culture. From this perspective, people and their
environments can affect one other interchangeably. Vietnamese woman are coping as
they overcome their struggles of gaining greater equality, having the opportunity to
attend school, acquiring employment, and adjusting to their changing roles.
The transactions people have with the various systems within their environment
have an impact upon human behavior (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1997). Combined with the various systems are also various levels such as the microsystem, meso- or mezzosystem, and the macrosystem (Greene, 2009; Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1997).
The microsystem is based on elements of an individual; in this case, what comprises a
Vietnamese woman. Historical contexts can play a factor, such as their roles and changes thereof. The mesosystem refers to a small group of people. It can reference family, work, school, media, part of a community, or social groups that Vietnamese women may have been involved with as they migrated and relocated to America. The macrosystem looks at the broader social contexts of systems in the society. Many aspects of adaptation have been associated with a newcomers’ opportunity to participate in the economic, social, and cultural institutions of the host society and to interact with its members
(Desbarates, 1985). It can also include, but is not limited to, larger communities, politics, and organizations. This can relate to the process of gaining greater equality for
Vietnamese women in America, the laws and regulations that assisted the Vietnamese through their migration, and other guidelines of American society that they must learn and abide by as they interact and adapt to their new environment. Greene (2009) states
14
that ethnic minorities are faced with ecological challenges as a result of a history of
oppression and discrimination, not because of economic mishaps that suddenly arose.
Definition of Terms
Acculturation: the process of being involved and interactive between two independent
cultural groups; one is the host culture and the other is the minority culture. In essence,
the minority culture would adapt to the host culture’s way of life.
Americanize: When an individual adapts to American culture and values.
Culture: A shared set of beliefs, values, and behaviors of a particular ethnic, social, or
age group.
Failures: Fact of being insufficient; not achieving favorable or desired means; lack of success.
Immigrant: An individual who emigrates from their country of origin to settle in another.
Independence: Not influenced or controlled by others in matters of opinion or conduct;
not subject to others authority; autonomous.
Refugee: Individuals who flee their homeland for safety because of issues regarding their
fear of political persecution or danger.
Successes: Accomplishment of favorable or desired performance or achievement;
achieving goals; attainment of wealth.
Values: a deeply held set of thoughts, beliefs, or perceptions of ideas, customs, principals,
standards or quality shared by members of a culture.
Vietnamese American: An American individual of Vietnamese descent.
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Assumptions
There are slight differences depending on the age group of Vietnamese Americans
who migrated to the United States. It is assumed that those who are older are more
accustomed to, and hold onto, their traditional ways of living while living in America.
For those who migrated at a younger age, they tend to adapt to both traditional
Vietnamese culture and modern American culture. Compared to those who were born in
Vietnam, American-born Vietnamese Americans are more Americanized. The older,
more traditional Vietnamese Americans attempt to instill the Vietnamese culture in their
younger counterparts as they fear it will be dismissed or disregarded. They hope that
their efforts will be a reminder of what makes one Vietnamese. It is assumed, that those
individuals who are considered to be “Americanized” do not retain what is traditional in
their native culture. However, this group is also looked upon as the connection between
the two different worlds.
Another assumption is that as time passed Vietnamese women appreciated their
newfound equality between men and women. One aspect of roles in the traditional
Vietnamese culture was that women were submissive to men. This recent equality has
allowed for women to become more independent.
Justification
Social work is directed and focused on improving the interactions between
individuals and various systems in the environment (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1997).
Social work is concerned with people’s social connections, relationships, and objectives, for example social justice or social change and interpersonal work (Payne, 2005). A
16
Social worker’s role is to advocate for individuals who may not be able to advocate for themselves or have the knowledge to know how to, in hopes of creating equal opportunity for all.
Social work is a profession that works with diverse populations. Therefore, in order to better serve a particular group or population, in this case Vietnamese women, it is important that social work practitioners in the field make themselves aware of the circumstances and life experiences, as well as historical background, of the populations they are treating. Furthermore, on an individual basis each individual has their own story to tell. As Vietnamese women continue to interact with American society, there may be barriers that still inhibit their efforts of working towards their autonomy. They face the challenge of transitioning from their traditional culture to the modern society of the
United States, while attempting to maintain a balance between the two cultures. Another issue they are faced with is an attempt to accommodate their husbands’ traditional patriarchal rule as they work towards their own independence. The focus is to assess how the systems within the environment and Vietnamese women interact and affect one another. A global assessment should be conducted to ensure practitioners are adequately strengthening and accommodating their clients.
Limitations
As this researcher believes that Vietnamese refugees and immigrants endured a variety of immigration experiences and challenges, and adjustment issues while living in
America, the findings from this research may not be appropriate for, but can be related to
American-born Vietnamese Americans. This research only engages those individuals
17 who live or work in the Sacramento area. Additionally, the issues covered in this research deal with current social problems and concerns of Vietnamese refugee and immigrant women that arise as a result of their resettling and adjustment to the United
States. Therefore, the use of this research may be less effective when considering
American-born Vietnamese.
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Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
This researcher chose the topic of Vietnamese women in America because there is not enough information presented in regards to this particular population. Historically,
Vietnamese women did not have equal rights, culturally were submissive to men, and today in America, have the opportunity to promote their independence. As Vietnamese immigrants assimilated, “Americanization” brought greater equality in family relations since the immigrant culture was traditional and hierarchical; women and children experienced a growth in their individual freedom (Kibria, 1993).
Also, as a Vietnamese woman who was born in America, this researcher was interested in the acculturation process of those who were foreign born and later immigrated to America. This researcher took this opportunity to enhance her knowledge and increase awareness of this population. Also, noting that some traditional cultural values clash with American values, this researcher was curious about the history of the process of adaptation of Vietnamese women as they migrated to the United States. In addition this researcher looked at the changes these women underwent, how they impacted families, and what current Vietnamese American families look like. Tseng
(2007) noted that through the stages of “displacement, resettlement, and adaptation… families have encountered multiple cultural and social… challenges.” The four main categories of the migration experience include “migration, acculturation, life cycle, and family” (p. 87).
19
This chapter is a review of literature regarding the migration and acculturation of
Vietnamese refugees and immigrants to America. This chapter will examine the reason for, three waves of, and responses to migration. Then, a discussion of acculturation with appropriate headings of communication, language, family, women’s role, and education will be provided.
Reason for Migration
In 1973, the United States signed the Paris Peace Accords, ending their military involvement in the Vietnam War (Chuong, 1994). This resulted in Southeast Asians fighting their own wars for a short period of time. Two years later in 1975, the “Fall of
Saigon” ended the Vietnam War and initiated the migration of the Vietnamese refugees to their secondary countries such as Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippine, and Hong Kong.
After brief stay at various refugee camps in these secondary countries, some Vietnamese refugees were resettled to the United States. Others resettled to a third country. As a result of this war, the Communist takeover that followed, majority of Vietnamese,
Laotian, and Cambodian peoples embarked on a massive migration to America (Freeman,
1995). Tseng (2007) reported that from 1975 to 1992, there were 1.2 million refugees and immigrants that arrived in the United States from Indochina-Vietnam, Cambodia, and
Laos. Of that total, the Vietnamese accounted for 69% (n=845,464).
With this diversity among the immigrants, the United States government classified their legal status as either refugees or immigrants. Kibria (1993) classified
“political refugees” as those who left their country due to “political, religious, or other forms of persecution” and “immigrants” as those who chose to emigrate (p. 14). Cao and
20
Novas (1996) also distinguished the difference of the two terms based on the conditions
surrounding their reason for departure from their homeland. Having very similar
definitions as Kibria, they included that refugees usually had little to no time to prepare
for their departure and that immigrants left their home voluntarily in pursuit of better
economic opportunities abroad. There have been three waves of Vietnamese immigration
into the United States since 1970s. The first two waves consisted of mainly Vietnamese
refugees who either were evacuated or escaped from the turmoil in Vietnam, while the
last wave consisted of Vietnamese immigrants searching for better prospects or family
reunification efforts through sponsorship.
Three waves of immigration.
The first wave of Vietnamese refugees began pouring into America between 1975
and 1977. Totaling approximately 700,000, this group typically was of high social status,
educated elites, and ex-military and government personnel (Freeman, 1995). This group
was persecuted by the Communist Vietcong for their association with the Americans and
South Vietnamese (O. Tran, 2001). They were either airlifted or traveled by boat to
America. According to Nguyen and Henkin (1982), in 1975 there was an estimated
130,000 who left Vietnam and arrived in Guam, Wake Island, Subic Bay (Philippines), and Thailand. The majority of these later transferred to four camps once they arrived in the United States: Camp Pendleton, California; Fort Chaffee, Arkansas; Eglin Air Force
Base, Florida; and Indiantown Gap, Pennsylvania.
Due to the intensification of political tyranny, the second wave of refugees continued to arrive in America in 1978. This group was more diverse as compared to the
21
first wave. They tended to be less educated, had less exposure to the English language, if any, and possessed an array of job skills (Freeman, 1995). The majority of this second wave left Vietnam in small, overcrowded boats and became known as “boat people.”
While on these boat journeys, many of these people were attacked, raped, beaten, or even killed by pirates. The majority of those who were fortunate to survive this journey reached the shores of Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Hong Kong, or the Philippines (O.
Tran, 2001). Nguyen and Henkin (1982) also noted Thailand as a designated area. These locations typically consisted of overcrowded and unsanitary camps where the boat people had to wait, sometimes from months and years, before they could permanently resettle in
America.
The third wave migration began in the late 1980s, and continues to this day.
Pfeifer’s (2008) research of the 2005 American Community Survey indicates that 46.7% of Vietnamese immigrants arrived in the United States before 1990, 41.7% between 1990 and 1999, and 11.6% after 2000. Pfeifer stated that the majority of immigrants after 1990 reflected those who were sponsored by their Vietnamese American relatives. Compared to the first two waves, this wave consisted of a diverse population, majority were of families who commonly spent most of their lives working in rice fields or the fishing industry (Chuong, 1994). Consequently, this meant that their children had minimal education and suffered interruptions in their education from their time in Vietnam through their journey to the United States. Chuong stated that Vietnam switched from a
Western (French) based education to a socialist curriculum where it was essential to incorporate community and volunteer work. In addition to this change, while waiting to
22
resettle this group tended to remain in refugee camps longer where there was no formal instruction offered. The number of immigrants was limited during this wave due to the
Orderly Departure Program (ODP).
As immigrants fled to America, they continued to have children. These children are considered to be second generations. The term second generation refers to the
American-born children of parents who emigrated to the United States from an Asian country. According to Segal (2002), this group can be identified as “Asians” or “Asian
Americans,” but not “Americans” on account that they grapple with different norms and
expectations of behavior between the culture of their ancestors and the culture of the
United States. Zhou and Bankston (1994) discuss of three possible patterns of reactions
to cultural conflict among the second generation, which are rebellion, in-group conformity, and apathy. They explain that rebellion involves abandoning ones ethnic connection for a new affiliation of becoming “American,” implying that rebels are quickly adjusted because of their willingness to abandon old cultural patterns to embrace new ones. In- group conformity refers to one adhering to their connection in the ethnic community. Apathy insinuates escapism in the sense that an individual may rebel against a group and in-group conformity. These imply that one may be underadjusted or unadjusted to their ethnicity or undergo conscious withdrawal from the group society.
Responses to migration.
Since there was a continual outflow beginning with the first wave of Vietnamese
refugees migrating to their neighboring asylum countries, these countries did not know
how to deal with the 10,000 to 15,000 arriving per month (Chuong &Van, 1994). The
23
Vietnamese government was pressured by the world community to establish a resolution
to this situation. As a result, an orderly exit was implemented and it provided a safer
alternative option. The ODP was established by the United Nations High Commission
for Refugees and Vietnam in 1979. To be qualified for the ODP, an applicant must
obtain an exit permit from the Vietnamese government as well as satisfy the receiving country’s eligibility requirements. Chuong (1994) reported that the Vietnamese government considered these participants to be immigrants; however, they were still permitted to accept refugee services (i.e. language and job training).
The ODP admitted the Vietnamese as legal immigrants directly from Vietnam to
the United States, bypassing the camps. Compared to refugees, immigrants chose to
leave their homeland. In most situations, the families who participated in the ODP were
sponsored by a relative who was already residing in the United States. However,
Freeman (1995) emphasized that a rule of thumb for immigrants is that they were the
responsibility of their sponsors and were not entitled to the same public assistance as
refugees, yet he also notes an exception in regards to not all relatives helping. Therefore,
the recently arrived relatives turn to public assistance. The purpose of this program was
to encourage safe, legal emigration rather than dangerous illegal escapes. This massive
flight lasted until 1982.
The United States Congress established the Refugee Act of 1980. According to
the Office of Refugee Resettlement, this program’s purpose is to assist and provide for
refugees to effectively resettle upon arrival in the United States, in hopes of them
becoming economically self-sufficient as soon as possible. The United States
24
government offered a variety of temporary public assistance to help the Vietnamese
refugees who were admitted through this program. Freeman (1995) writes that the
Vietnamese utilized assistance that included learning the English language, job training, health coverage and living expense services.
A forgotten group was the Amerasians. They were the product of United States
service men and Vietnamese women during the Vietnam War. These individuals
remained behind with their mothers even after the war. However, the United States
eventually took responsibility and enacted the Amerasian Homecoming Act in 1982.
Chuong and Van (1994) noted this act offered the opportunity for the children of
American fathers living in Vietnam, as well as those from Korea, Laos, Cambodia, and
Thailand, to enter the United States without regards to their family members who remain
in Vietnam. Chuong (1994) reiterated that the Amerasian Homecoming Act was amended in 1988, to also include those children’s family members to enter the United
States as well.
On a side note, in 1986, the Vietnamese government halted the ODP process for
Amerasians. Chuong and Van (1994) asserted that the Vietnamese were enraged that all
Amerasians were classified as refugees and not immigrants. Additionally, the emigration officials in Vietnam disputed the term “refugee” for this particular group because it suggests that they were mistreated and forced to leave Vietnam. While in fact it was their
choice to leave. The Vietnamese were upset that they were still looked upon as the bad
culprit.
25
Another program agreed upon between the United States and Vietnam was the
Humanitarian Operation (HO). This program was established in 1987 and lasted till 1993 for the resettlement of Vietnamese individuals who were affiliated with American or
South Vietnamese organizations that still remain in Vietnam (Chuong, 1994). More particularly, this procedure referred to former political and reeducation camp prisoners to allow them and their families to receive public assistance upon arrival in America.
Acculturation
Acculturation involves interactive experiences between two independent cultural groups; one is the host culture and the other is the minority culture. In essence, the minority culture would adapt into the host culture’s way of life. Additionally, as an individual is introduced to a new culture, acculturation can be perceived as the process of change in knowledge, attitudes, cultural beliefs, values, and practices (Burnam, Tellez,
Hough, & Escobar, 1987). Nguyen and Sanguinetti’s (1984) perspective of acculturation involves a reorientation of ones personality to beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors of the new culture. This would require parallel learning opportunities. O. Tran (2001) declared another alternative as multiculturalism or biculturalism. The sense of belonging; those individuals would be capable of accepting, living, and interacting in both cultures. Tran also stated that these individuals are obligated to both culture’s attitudes and behaviors, instead of separating the two cultures and increasing one culture over the other.
Acculturation can improve one’s life to healthily adjust and can also hinder one’s capability to function. This would depend differently for each individual as the effects are determined by the acculturation process and stressors, such as family support or
26
education. In reference to refugees and immigrants, they encountered many challenges
during the process of resettling upon their entrance to America (Kelly, 1986). With no
regards as to the reason why refugees and immigrants left their homeland, each individual
brings with them their experiences, cultural heritage, values, and ethnic identity (O. Tran,
2001). Looking back at the place they once anticipated as their homeland no longer
exists. Overtime, as drastic changes occurred, what they envisioned of their homelands is
no longer the same (Tseng, 2007).
Migrants experience social, cultural, and life transitions challenges the moment they arrive in the new society, in addition to the pressures linked to starting a new life
(Kibria, 1993). They are reminded every day of their resettlement that living in America
will differ uncomfortably compared to what they were used to while living in their
homelands. According to Tseng (2007), in their new life in America many have had to
face struggles of second class citizenship and other disadvantaged life conditions in the
processes of language and educational attainment, socioeconomic adjustments,
acculturation/deculturation, and other adaptation processes. Tseng continues to indicate
that due to their ethnic minority status, Vietnamese communities may never achieve
complete mainstream association partly because of cultural and structural barriers. On
the other hand, Vietnamese immigrants can turn to their families, friends, and ethnic
communities as resources.
Freeman (1995) elicits two apprehensions of Vietnamese Americans and their
families. It brings up the dichotomy of becoming Americanized a good thing or a bad
thing? One issue he identified is that the Vietnamese traditions are threatened the more a
27 person adapts to American society. The second is the clash between those individuals who arrived earlier were more Americanized compared to those who arrived at a later time. Freeman described two equally derogatory terms for each cluster, “bananas” and
“FOB.” The term bananas is referenced to those who arrived at an earlier time, who have yellow skin on the outside but white values and behaviors on the inside, insinuating that they sold out their culture. FOB is an acronym for fresh off the boat, which references those who arrived more recently, implying that they still adhere to their traditional ways and were likely to live in poverty unless they adapt to American society. Spenger (n.d.) stated that complete conformity to American ways of the Vietnamese would be immoral signifying certain characteristics of their original culture should remain. There is a decision that Vietnamese Americans need to decide, which of these two extremes they coincide with, or if they can somehow chose somewhere in between so that they can be successful living in America while holding onto selected aspects of their culture.
In addition to the adult immigrants, this transition was also a difficult and confusing procedure for children immigrants as well. In a similar predicament, they too are caught between the pressure to adjust to the mainstream society, as well as preserve their own culture (Zhou & Bankston, 1994). However, given this predicament, children immigrants must choose and learn from two cultures whereas in contrast to the adults, they were already accustomed to their native culture. No matter the situation, what helped the Vietnamese family undergo these changes where their resilient support system and inspiration to succeed; not just for oneself, but for relatives and the reputation of the family (Freeman, 1995).
28
Kibria (1993) narrated a native-born, named Binh, life’s story as he attempted to adapt and assimilate after arriving to the United Stated. Binh and his three sons left
Vietnam leaving behind his wife to care their parents. His plan was to send money back
to his family in efforts to help them escape Vietnam after he has settled. Through his
struggles, he contested “…that’s why I left, for freedom and for my children to have an
education. The best thing about life in America is that we’re free to do what we want, but
the worst thing is that the culture and customs make people rotten” (p. 4). He mentioned
what troubled him the most about life in America was the change he saw in his sons.
Noticing that they no longer respected or listened to him, he faulted them of becoming
Americanized. This story reiterates Binh as sticking to his traditional values. In essence,
this could be a misunderstanding due to miscommunication or no communication
between the family members. Even with American influence, children strive for their
parent’s acceptance, but sometimes do not know how to reciprocate to their parents
(Kibria, 1993).
Along with other disadvantaging factors, there are no doubt Vietnamese
immigrants and refugees needed help with their social adjustment process until they were
able to get on their own feet and manage their self-sufficiency. Tseng (2007) recognized
that as time passes, the more Vietnamese Americans became acculturated with American
culture, the easier it was for them to incorporate the multiple facets of American society.
The dichotomous and integrated concepts of “traditional” and “modern” are deeply
problematic ways of understanding societies and social change. Kibria (1993) suggested
that it is unrealistic to assume continuous development in a steady and consistent
29 undeviating movement of values and behaviors from traditional to modern. Kibria insisted that scholars have argued that traditional values and social reforms may coincide in synchronization with modern one.
Communication.
Vietnamese people communicate differently than people from Western cultures.
For example, when communicating with one’s elders, Vietnamese Americans are reminded to always show them respect both linguistically and extralinguistically (L.
Nguyen, n.d.). In other words, one must pay attention to both their verbal and non-verbal cues. L. Nguyen suggests that this rule requires an individual to position themselves in front of an elderly person, direct their eyes downward making the least amount of eye contact as possible, and with their feet not crossed but instead flat on the ground. This rule is also applied when communicating with those individuals who are of higher status, such as a student talking to their teacher.
According to Spenger (n.d.) the Vietnamese prefer compromise as opposed to confrontation. Their approach is more indirect and tactful, as they consider pleasing others to be important. L. Nguyen (n.d.) asserts that in Vietnam, an individual thinks very carefully before speaking, and, therefore, Vietnamese people tend to misinterpret the
American style of speaking one’s mind.
In contrast, Americans are taught to use a direct, straightforward, and assertive approach, and not to shy away from confrontation (Spenger, n.d.). These two different approaches can lead to a disconnect in communication if one is not aware. The afore mentioned example of non-verbal cues can also be misinterpreted as simply a normal
30
reaction of embarrassment at not understanding or being able to answer in the new
language. Many westerners may view this as suspicious or paranoid behavior (L.
Nguyen, n.d.).
Language.
The majority of Vietnamese immigrants who came to the United States lacked
English skills upon their arrival (Chuong, 1994). According to Kelly (1986), the first
wave refugees consisted of more educated personnel, and therefore were more fortunate
compared to the second and third wave refugees. Kelly suggested that these later
refugees had less exposure to the English language, and, consequently, learning these
skills were more challenging.
American born Vietnamese, of course, are more comfortable with the English
language as compared to their native born counterparts (Tseng, 2007). Vietnamese
Americans often depend on their American born children to communicate and interface
with mainstream society. As these American born Vietnamese are more acculturated,
having been born and raised in America, they are of assistance to their native born family
members. Tseng found that this lead to a role reversal whereby these American born
children were the hope of their native Vietnamese families, as the link to being successful
in American society.
Suro, Kocchar, Passel, Escobar, Tafoya, Fry, Benevides, and Wunsch (2007)
retrieved data from the U.S. Census of 2004 showing that for Vietnamese living in the
United States 11.8% spoke only English at home, 33.1% spoke Non-English at home but
31
can speak English “very well”, and 55.1% spoke Non-English at home and can speak
English less than “very well.”
Family.
In Vietnam the family is the basic unit of society, and the cohesiveness of
personal relationships is valued (L. Nguyen, n.d.). L. Nguyen finds intelligence and
wisdom to be deemed more valuable in Vietnam than physical competency, and while
physical beauty and grace are important attributes, virtue is admired the most. Kibria
(1993) assessed the characteristics of Vietnamese family life and believed familial ties
and loyalty were of great importance and were a resource providing support for coping
with changes. Bui and Morash (1999) considered a traditional Vietnamese family to
include extended family members consisting of minimally two to three generations living
in the same home. Traditional Vietnamese family gender relations and values were
influenced by Confucian ideology that comprises a social hierarchy and defines appropriate demeanor for each member in the society (P. Do, 2002; Bui & Morash,
1999).
As portrayed through Confucian principals, women were submissive to men (Bui
& Morash, 1999). Unlike men, Vietnamese women could not inherit land, had limited
socio-political and economic influence, were mainly illiterate, were married through
parental negotiation, and could not obtain a divorce (Drummond & Rydstrom, 2004).
There was a strong inclination for sons to carry on their father’s patronage. Inevitably,
children were taught to behave according to the principal of filial piety, which shows
respect, love, and obedience to their parents (H. Tran, 2002). Huynh (2004) writes of a
32
husband’s obligation to divorce his wife if she commits any one of seven offenses:
infertility; adultery; neglect of parents-in-law; talkativeness; theft; jealousy; and incurable disease.
L. Nguyen (n.d.) noted that America is an individualistic society which focuses more on personal accomplishment and competitiveness. Since their arrival in America, the Vietnamese family has been undergoing major changes due to the disruptions of the war and the mass exodus starting in 1975 (Freeman, 1995), as well as the influence of the individualistic orientation found in Western culture (T. Tran, n.d.). These disruptions have brought about changes in generational structure, a decrease in household size, an increase in the number of women outside the home, and an improvement in social education (D. Do, 1991:93, in Freeman, 1995). Women’s access to resources has risen, consequently becoming a source of tension between men and women in Vietnamese
American families. While Vietnamese women embraced their greater influence and contribution to their family, they did not take advantage of this influence to challenge traditional conceptions of gender relations and family life (Kibria, 1993).
For parents and grandparents, they see themselves as having sacrificed greatly to
provide their children a better life in America, only to suspect that their children have
abandoned them. They are devastated when their children distance themselves and
disobey their authority (Freeman, 1995). They then blame American law, which
interferes with traditional discipline; television, which offers new ideas to children;
schools, which present alternative values and lifestyles that undermine parental authority;
and economic opportunities in America, which enable children to be more independent,
33
weakening parental control over children. These immigrant parents often cannot connect
or cope with their children’s Americanized values or American cultural expectations for
parenting (Tseng, 2007). T. Tran (n.d.) commented that despite these changes, profound
family feelings and ties remain strong and endure. With constant modernizing
transformations of immigrant families, perhaps the most fundamental was a movement
toward greater generational and gender equality in families.
Women’s role.
Confucian philosophy traditionally prescribed that women follow ethical
principles and appropriate behavior, principally aimed at training girls to become virtuous
women and desirable matches for marriage (Drummond & Rydstrom, 2004). The
subservient nature encouraged among Vietnamese women is shown through the notion of
the “Three Obediences:” As a child, the daughter owes unconditional obedience to her
father; when she marries, she transfers her obedience to her husband; and even after her
husband’s death she is still not free, for she is then bound to obey her eldest son
(Freeman, 1995; Huynh, 2004; Drummond & Rydstrom, 2004; Kibria, 1993; Bergman,
1974; Bui & Morash, 1999; L. Nguyen, n.d.; Salinas, n.d.). In addition to the three
obediences, women shall also practice, process, and conform to the four virtues: 1.
Labor- be skillful in domestic work, 2. Appearance- be serene in beauty, 3. Speech- show etiquette in speech, and 4. Conduct- show piety in principles (Freeman, 1995; Huynh,
2004; Drummond & Rydstrom, 2004; Kibria, 1993; L. Nguyen, n.d.).
Drummond and Rydstrom (2004) elaborate further details of the four virtues.
Labor taught women to be productive and hardworking, as well as appreciate other’s
34 labor. A woman was trained to cultivate her prosperity through her apparel, yet she was to preserve an immaculate and modest presence. A woman was trained to demonstrate her poise by restraining from verbal emotions, indicating that she cares for and respects those around her. Lastly, conduct concentrated on a woman’s demeanor. These writers point out that all four virtues are equally significant, and one is not of worth without the others. Though these merits are prominent and still encouraged, American culture challenges the effort to maintain these traditional virtues in Vietnamese girls, as the younger generation is gradually exposed to countless foreign stimuli and various sets of values and opportunities.
Regardless of their limited rights and secondary place in the family, the role of
Vietnamese women in both family and general society should not be underestimated. In addition to the aforementioned assets, a wife must obey her mother-in-law, and, in general, women are prescribed to focus on the household and childbearing tasks (Salinas, n.d.). Along with the housework, they partake in domestic activities such as petty commerce or family businesses including, but not limited to, selling woven goods, vegetables, fruit, or fish at the village market. The economic uncertainties of post-war
Vietnam combined with the establishment and maintenance of social control, had a comprehensive impact on women’s gender roles, simultaneously boosting individual self- sufficiency (Long, 2008).
We still hear proverbs in the United States such as, “a Woman’s place is in the home,” that redirect and reinforce a woman’s subordination to a man (Bergman, 1974).
As women in Vietnam began to engage in a variety of non-traditional money making
35
enterprises in America, women’s financial contributions have ascended in comparison to
men’s. In Bui and Morash’s 1999 study of 20 Vietnamese women, they found that 90
percent worked and contributed to the family income. Although the women were more
likely to be employed in low status occupations, the majority of them (60%) contributed
at least 50 percent to meeting their family’s expenses (1999). The researchers found that
this was possible because the array of job opportunities available to women were more
readily accessible than those available to men. They listed women’s jobs such as a house
cleaner, a hotel maid, or a food service worker for example, while the traditional
unskilled male occupations that the husbands sought were not as necessary in America.
These changes experienced in America lead to a role reversal compared to what was considered traditional in Vietnam. Freeman (1995) claims that one or two males would be able to make sufficient income to maintain even an extended family in
Vietnam; the same could not be said in America. Kibria (1993) found that in Vietnam a woman’s economic participation is inferior and marginal to that of a man, who is viewed as the primary breadwinner. The menial wages the men earn in America (Tseng, 2007) lead to women entering the workforce. The workplace introduced alternative options for transforming family and gender relations, and at times required it (Freeman, 1995). As women were more occupied with work, they were not investing as much time in their traditional roles in the family. However, after being exposed to the concept that women can achieve freedom and self-sufficiency, Vietnamese women may respond more strongly against the traditional role than their American counterparts (L. Nguyen, n.d.).
36
The increasing economic opportunity for women caused strain between men and women in Vietnamese American families (Kibria, 1993). L. Nguyen (n.d.), noted that husbands were not used to the change and began to feel threatened. Nevertheless women did not intentionally shy away from the traditional family system. Kibria (1993) indicated that women use this to their advantage to support the family; as Vietnamese
American women still value some aspects of the traditional family system like its indigenous collectivism and cooperation. What was considered to be the weakest link in the Confucian chain was the strength and determination of the peasant rebellion
(Bergman, 1974). A tradition of people persevering oppression overtime gave women the willpower to fight back. Long (2008) suggests that as Vietnamese women became more Americanized, they were also transforming into liberated feminists, either knowingly or unknowingly.
Through European occupations, wars, and urbanization in Vietnam, the concept of Western feminism created changes in manners and customs, but Vietnamese immigrants have retained characteristics of the traditional Vietnamese family while in the
United States (Bui & Morash, 1999). Nguyen and Sanguinetti (1984) anticipated that
Vietnamese women would adopt multiple Americanized beliefs, attitudes, and practices, yet concluded their identity as Vietnamese women would remain. Nguyen and
Sanguinetti announced the likelihood of the Vietnamese adapting to the American educational and economic systems, in which, women have the opportunity to work outside the home, are educated equally or more so than men, and can still ensure a good family life (Booth, n.d.).
37
Education.
Another facet of the Confucian tradition is the importance of education. T. Tran
(n.d.) wrote that “Vietnamese Confucianism teaches that human nature is basically good, and the best way of all to maintain and develop this human goodness is through education and self-cultivation” (p.55). Kim (2002) contends that cultural values influenced by the
Confucian tradition place a high value on education, hard work, and social solidarity as a means of achieving mobility. A tradition immersed in respect for an educated person is based on the strength of the individual to pursue a better life for himself and for his family (Jackson, n.d.).
Historically, Vietnamese women had limited education, if any, and were easily occupied by the many expectations that society and the men in their family had for them
(Salinas, n.d.). The Vietnamese adopted the Chinese system of education that circumvented women from scholarly pursuit. It was believed that they had no need for education, and should not obtain any more than the basic reading and writing skills and the four basic math operations, insultingly suggesting that education was wasted on women (Bergman, 1974).
In her book Women of Vietnam (1974), Bergman pointed out women’s movements through associations. She noted that for Vietnamese women, their political agenda focused on socialism as a solution. One major feature of the book was women’s focus on attaining access to education. The majority of the women who initiated these associations were daughters of middle-class families and the educated elite. In 1918,
French money sponsored the first Vietnamese women’s periodical, a weekly called
38
Women’s Bell. Its editor proposed that women should be allowed enough general
education to be able to improve the performance of their duties as wives and mothers. By
1919, the French had opened up the educational system to women, but only to those who
could afford it. At that time, about eight percent of all women were in school.
By 1926 some of these educated women organized, and cautiously proposed more
radical changes. One individual, Dam Phuong, founded a local group called the
Women’s Labor-Study Association. For the association’s opening ceremony, she sought
verbal support from a renowned revolutionary nationalist male figure, Phan Boi Chau.
The goal of this association was “To build for women a sense of self-development by means of new occupational skills and within the boundaries of both Eastern and Western virtue and intelligence” (p. 49). This Association organized women’s classes in cooking, sewing, weaving, and other skills considered acceptable for women, however they also made a soft-spoken call for women to reject the “Three Obediences” and to travel.
Eventually other coalitions were formed, such as the Union of Women for the Liberation of South Vietnam in 1961, and the Women’s Committee to Defend the Right to Live in
1970, a feminist organization.
Many Vietnamese families who came to America did not expect their children to be able to pursue education, especially higher education, in their home country. At the time, education, especially at the higher levels, was obtainable only for the elites, not the masses (Freeman, 1995). In the past century Vietnamese society underwent numerous changes, yet the Vietnamese held on to specific behaviors and values regarding
39
education, and carried it with them to the United States (Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore,
1991). Freeman (1995) confirmed their great love and enthusiasm for learning.
Family is highlighted as a key component of a refugee student’s success.
According to Freeman (1995), parents who commend their children to do well for the pride of the family resulted in high- achieving students, and those students, for whatever the reason, who did not do well, were shamed if they fell below expectations. In contrast,
Freeman reported children that perform poorly due to their parent’s lack of involvement, attention, or focus. Tseng (2007) additionally mentioned that some parents, being less acculturated, did not fully comprehend the education expectations, and lacked the knowledge, even if they wanted, to help. In corroboration, Vietnamese students feel obligated to succeed for the sake of their parents and other family members.
Refugees and immigrants endured a life changing journey to acquire the economic and educational opportunity presented in America that will allow them to become self-reliant. There is a long tradition of admiring and longing for higher education, something from which most people were excluded and could only imagine. It is now their prerogative to take advantage of these opportunities (Freeman, 1995). There is no doubt Vietnamese families have an unconditional commitment to support the pursuit of an education. The difference in America is the opportunity to attain higher education.
A study of educational success among children of the boat people conducted by
Caplan, Choy, and Whitmore (1991) found that acknowledgement lays in the values the refugee families brought with them. These researchers asked the refugee family
40 participants “what values they held to be the most important?” and found that 98 percent referenced education and achievement, a cohesive family, and hard work. They also reached the conclusion that the two values of least importance were fun and excitement and material possessions. Kim (2002) found that the perilous journey, resettlement challenges, adaptation process, and social structure disadvantages were all difficult, not to mention adjusting to the unfamiliar social construct of the American school system those immigrants encountered. And yet in terms of educational achievement, Vietnamese immigrants excelled academically in spite of their hardships (Kim, 2002). Freeman
(1995) presumed the younger the student and the longer they were associated with
American schools the higher their GPA, as it was assumed the more fluent in English a student was, the more successful they would be.
Freeman (1995) found that many Vietnamese students came to America as boat people and possibly missed up to three years of schooling while they were in refugee camps. Among this group were families with limited or no ability to speak English.
According to Kim (2002), the resettlement process, along with the dilemma of language and acculturation barriers, may have prohibited some immigrants from entering age appropriate grade level schooling. Chuong (1994) wrote that immigrant parents, being unfamiliar about practices in American schools and concerned for their children’s education, attempted to rectify this lack of knowledge by fabricating their children’s ages by subtracting a couple years. This was done in the hope that by starting their children at a lower grade level, their children would have time to recuperate from their time lost in the camps to be able to perform adequately in school. Due to students facing tremendous
41 language, cultural adaptation, and psychological readiness obstacles, preparation for
American schools, if offered in the refugee camps, was insufficient without appropriate assistance. Le (1991) declared that immigrant and refugee children had two educational objectives, achieving basic knowledge and skill and sustaining the acculturation process of mainstreaming in the new culture and society.
Tseng (2007) reported that the percentage of Asian Americans at major public and private universities nationally has increased dramatically over the last three decades.
Reeves & Bennett (2004) reported on the 2000 United States Census findings of
Vietnamese population for educational attainment, age 25 and older, that 23.4% have some college or an associate’s degree and 19.4% have a bachelor’s degree or more.
Vietnamese refugees and immigrants have come a long way to get to where they are today. They endured a perilous journey as they escaped their homeland due to
Communism. They were faced with multiple barriers in their new home such as language and culture. Despite these barriers, women had the opportunity to progress as their roles changed. Traditionally, women did not have the opportunity to get an education, and now it was possible for them to succeed.
Summary
After reviewing the literature it can be stated that the Vietnamese migration was not an easy journey to endure. On top of that, they also struggled through the acculturation process. This chapter intended to illustrate to the reader the migration experience and the comparison under each heading of acculturation, how the Vietnamese experienced their traditional culture in Vietnam and the American culture in the United
42
States. There was a concentration on Vietnamese women and a discussion of how this process was a struggle for them. It challenged them against their traditional society, culture, and values, as well as, how to cope and learn to adapt to their new society. The next chapter will introduce the method utilized to administer surveys to collect data from
Vietnamese women participants based on their experience on the impact of their acculturation process in the United States.
43
Chapter 3
METHODS
Design
This is an exploratory research study utilizing quantitative design, as the rate of
acculturation to America for Vietnamese women that were born and raised in Asia is still
not clearly understood. Because the impacts of acculturation on Vietnamese women have
not been thoroughly explored, and because there is a lack of knowledge on the topic
(Royse, 2008), an exploratory design was most appropriate to gather the information
needed. This research project will examine the transformation of the Vietnamese culture,
its language and communication skills, women’s roles, and perspectives on education as a
result of acculturation due to Vietnamese women living in the U.S.
Variables
The major questions are:
Question 1. How has acculturation helped or hindered Vietnamese women living in
America?
The dependent variable for question 1 is the life of Vietnamese women living in
America. The independent variable is acculturation in reference to language,
communication, and culture. This variable was measured by asking participants to identify their language proficiency in Vietnamese and English, to agree or disagree with the provided examples of communication behaviors, and whether they identified with
Vietnamese or American customs.
44
Question 2. Have Vietnamese-born women living in America changed their previous cultural traditions and beliefs?
The dependent variable for question 2 is the Cultural traditions and beliefs. This variable was measured by asking participants their racial identity, Vietnamese or
Vietnamese American, how important it is for them to maintain Vietnamese traditional culture, and if they intend to raise their children the same way they were raised. The independent variable is their perspectives on family and women’s roles. This variable was measured by their perspective through a series of questions and their opinion of provided statements regarding housework, work outside the home, and education.
Question 3. Has higher education lead to more independence for these women?
The dependent variable for question 3 is the independence of these women, in terms of their ability to survive on their own successes and finances in order to care for themselves and their family unit; this is to include the individuals’ education attainment in the United States and current employment status. This variable was measured by a series of questions on their current state of being regarding the subject matter. The independent variable is their perspective on their own educational attainment while living in America. This variable was measured by asking participants to verify their satisfaction level in relation to their education level, identify their highest level of education completed in the United States, as well as identify the barriers they faced in attaining their education.
45
Participants
All 30 Vietnamese women who participated in this research project reside in
Sacramento, CA. The participants were all over the age of 18, and were born in Asia prior to coming to the United States. Vietnamese women born in the U.S. were not eligible as research subjects. Before administering the surveys, this researcher developed a Vietnamese language version of the consent form and survey in order to not exclude those who may not be able to read and write English.
The snow ball sampling method was used to recruit prospective participants. This sampling method is intended to increase the number of participants who are linked in some way in situations where participants are difficult to locate (Royse, 2008). This researcher initially began recruiting prospective participants for this study, and receiving referrals for other potential candidates at Asian Resources, located at 5709 Stockton
Blvd, Sacramento, CA 95824. Asian Resources is a nonprofit social and human service organization that offers a variety of services that includes ethnic services, refugee programs, education workshops, welfare, counseling, vocational trainings, social services, community services, and referrals. Permission from Asian Resources was obtained prior to any recruitment.
Instrumentation
The instrument used in this study was a survey designed to obtain information from research subjects and measure variables. This survey was developed by the researcher (see Appendix C). The survey contains four sections with a total of 22 questions for Vietnamese women covering demographics, acculturation in reference to
46 language, communication, and culture, family/women’s roles/perspectives, and their perspective on educational attainment. There are seven demographic questions in regards to the participants’ age, place of birth, immigration status, marital status, and level of education prior to arriving in America. There are four questions in regards to the participants’ proficiency in reading, writing, speaking, and understanding the Vietnamese and English languages. There is one section with seven statements in regards to their behavior while communicating with elders. There are four questions in regards to the participants’ perspective of preference of culture. There are five questions that focus on the participants’ perspectives of family and the role of women. There are eight questions in regards to the participants’ current perspective of their educational attainment, barriers, and satisfaction. Additionally, there is one optional question at the end where participants can comment on their greatest success and greatest barrier while living in the
US.
Data Gathering Procedures
This researcher began to recruit prospective participants by first searching the web for local Asian/Vietnamese agencies. Of the multiple agencies this researcher contacted and left messages for, only Asian Resources returned the call with interest and followed through by agreeing to participate. However, a few of the other agencies did refer this researcher to prospective participants. I contacted these individuals via phone or email, and requested that they complete the survey at Asian Resources at their convenience within the timeframe.
47
After this researcher introduced herself and the research topic to Stephanie
Nguyen, contact personnel for Asian Resources, we discussed the requirements for
participants, the consent form, the survey, and how this researcher would like to
distribute them. After being notified of the agency’s guidelines, we agreed on the best
compromise for both parties.
This researcher’s main contact through Asian Resources was Stephanie Nguyen.
Stephanie noted that due to confidentiality this researcher could not physically meet with
Asian Resources’ clients, but she allowed this researcher to drop off the consent forms
and surveys to her. She noted that she and her co-workers would encourage clients who met the criteria to participate in this research project, and would ask if the clients were interested in participating. If the clients agreed, Stephanie stated that she or her co-
workers would distribute the consent form and survey to the clients. Once the clients
completed the survey, the workers placed the consent forms and surveys in designated
folders located in Stephanie’s office. This researcher dropped off 30 surveys, 60 consent
forms, and two folders to Stephanie. More was provided as needed. This researcher
collected the surveys and consent forms weekly until the minimum number of required
participants were met.
All of the surveys were collected from Asian Resources. The data gathered was
entered and analyzed by using a statistical SPSS program. This researcher personally
inputted the information into SPSS for statistical testing and analysis. The surveys were
checked for errors or missing data before entering into SPSS. The information was
labeled and coded in the software.
48
Not having any physical control over self-administering the surveys, made collecting data difficult in a timely matter. The best that could be done was to keep in constant contact the personnel from the agency for continual updates.
Protection of Human Subjects
A Request for Review by the Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects
was submitted and approved by the California State University, Sacramento Division of
Social Work, prior to administering the survey and collecting data. This study is
considered to have “minimal risk” as psychological discomforts may occur when
answering survey questions. Participants were encouraged to stop at any time if this
occurred and contact Asian Pacific Community Counseling at (916) 383-6783, or Mercy
Education Resource Center Counseling Department at (916) 737-6026.
Each participant’s right to privacy and safety was protected as no personal
information regarding the identity of the participants was collected with the data.
Subjects voluntarily decided whether to participate in the research or not, and indicated
informed consent before participating. Each participant in the study was given a consent
form (See Appendix A). This form explained the purpose of the survey, as well as the
risks, benefits, and their right to withdraw from the study or to stop answering questions.
The consent form also indicated that confidentiality would be strictly upheld in order to
protect their privacy. The participants consented by signing the consent form. The
signed consent forms and completed surveys were stored separately in a secured drawer
located at the researcher’s home. The data was destroyed approximately one month after
49 the project was filed with Graduate Studies at California State University, Sacramento.
The human subject approval number is 10-11- 110.
50
Chapter 4
FINDINGS
With the assistance of Asian Resources this researcher was able to successfully obtain 30 returned consent forms and surveys from the Vietnamese women who participated in this research. Of the 29 participants who answered the survey questions, there were nine participants (30%) who reported their age between 18-32 years old, seven participants (23.3%) who reported their age between 33-48 years old, and 13 participants
(43.3%) who reported their age at 49 years or older. Eight participants (26.7%) indicated that they were not currently married, while 21 participants (70%) indicated that they currently were married. When asked about the timeframe of when they entered the
United States, nine participants reported between 1975-1981, ten participants reported between 1982-1996, and ten participants reported from 1997 to the present. One participant (3.3%) did not report themself in the previous categories. In reference to their racial identity, 17 participants (56.7%) consider themselves Vietnamese and 12 participants (40%) consider themselves Vietnamese Americans.
Table 1
General demographics of Vietnamese women living in the United States
Variables % Age 18-32 30.0
33-48 23.3
49 + 43.3
Missing 3.3 Current marital status
not married 26.7
51
married 70.0
Missing 3.3
Time frame entered the U.S. 1975-1981 30.0
1982-1996 33.3
1997-present 33.3
Missing 3.3 Racial Identity
Vietnamese 56.7
Vietnamese American 40.0
Missing 3.3
Total (N) 30
SECTION 1
Research Question 1: How has acculturation helped or hindered Vietnamese women living in America?
Table 2
Demographics for research question 1
Variables % Proficiency in reading
Vietnamese Proficient 40.0
Very Proficient 60.0 Proficiency in writing Vietnamese Not proficient at all 6.7
Proficient 36.7
Very proficient 57.6
Proficiency in speaking
Vietnamese Proficient 30.0
Very Proficient 70.0 Proficiency in understanding Vietnamese
52
Proficient 26.7
Very Proficient 73.3
Proficiency in reading English Not Proficient at all 26.7 Proficient 56.7 Very Proficient 16.7 Proficiency in writing English Not Proficient at all 26.7 Proficient 60.0 Very Proficient 13.3 Proficiency in speaking English Not Proficient at all 36.7 Proficient 46.7 Very Proficient 13.7 Proficiency in understanding English Not Proficient at all 16.7 Proficient 66.7 Very Proficient 16.7 Educational Level in Vietnam Elementary 16.7 Middle School 33.3 High School 33.3 N/A 16.7 Considered themselves Self-reliant Neutral 6.7 Agree 70.0 Strongly Agree 23.3 Preferred to work and earn money Neutral 3.3 Agree 66.7 Strongly Agree 30.0 Preferred to be a housewife Strongly Disagree 16.7 Disagree 16.7
53
Neutral 16.7 Agree 46.7 Strongly Agree 3.3 Total (N) 30
Hypothesis 1: The earlier Vietnamese women came to the United States, the more
proficient they became with the English language.
Table 3
Time frame entered the US * What is your proficiency level in reading Eng?
Crosstabulation What is your proficiency level in reading Eng?
not proficient very at all proficient proficient Total Time frame 1975- Count 0 7 2 9 entered the US 1981 Expected 2.2 5.3 1.6 9.0 Count 1982- Count 2 5 3 10 1996 Expected 2.4 5.9 1.7 10.0 Count 1997- Count 5 5 0 10 present Expected 2.4 5.9 1.7 10.0 Count Total Count 7 17 5 29 Expected 7.0 17.0 5.0 29.0 Count
Table 3 shows that the older generation may have better English reading skills than the younger generation, with marginal significance (χ2=8.629, p=0.071). None of the sample which entered the country between 1975 and 1981 reported “not proficient,”
54
while more than two of them were expected to do so. At the same time, five of the
younger generation participants, against the expectation of 2.4, reported they are not
proficient at all at reading English. Likewise, more older generation participants (two compared to 1.6) and less younger generation participants (zero compared to 1.7) reported themselves as “very proficient” in English reading skill.
The time frame of entering the United States is not significantly associated with the writing proficiency (χ2=7.736, p=0.102).
Table 4
Time frame entered the US * What is your proficiency level in speaking Eng?
Crosstabulation What is your proficiency level in speaking Eng?
not proficient very at all proficient proficient Total Time frame 1975- Count 1 5 3 9 entered the US 1981 Expected 3.1 4.3 1.6 9.0 Count 1982- Count 2 6 2 10 1996 Expected 3.4 4.8 1.7 10.0 Count 1997- Count 7 3 0 10 present Expected 3.4 4.8 1.7 10.0 Count Total Count 10 14 5 29 Expected 10.0 14.0 5.0 29.0 Count
Table 4 shows that the older generation may have better English speaking skills
than the younger generation, with statistical significance (χ2=9.888, p=0.042). Only one
55
of the participants that entered the country between 1975 and 1981 reported “not
proficient,” while more than three of them were expected to do so. At the same time,
seven participants from the younger generation, against the expectation of 3.4, reported
that they are not proficient at all in speaking English. Likewise, more older generation
participants (three compared to 1.6) and less younger generation (zero compared to 1.7)
reported themselves to be “very proficient” in speaking English.
The time frame of entering the United States is not significantly associated with
the understanding proficiency (χ2=5.942, p=0.203).
Hypothesis 2: The younger the Vietnamese women, the more likely they prefer to
work and earn money.
The age of Vietnamese women is not significantly associated with them being
more likely to prefer to work and earn money (χ2=4.024, p=0.403).
Hypothesis 3: The older the Vietnamese women, the more likely they prefer to be
a house wife.
The age of Vietnamese women is not significantly associated with them being more likely to prefer to be a house wife (χ2=11.588, p=0.171).
Hypothesis 4: Those who received some education in Vietnam continued to attend
school in the United States.
The relationship between those who received some education in Vietnam and continued to attend school in the United States is not statistically significant (χ2=13.786,
p=0.315).
56
Hypothesis 5: Regardless of their marital status, Vietnamese women still prefer to
work and earn money.
The relationship between marital status and Vietnamese women preferring to work and earn money is not statistically significant (χ2=0.578, p=0.749).
Hypothesis 6: Those who claim themselves to be self-reliant obtained a higher
level of education or are currently employed.
Those who claim themselves to be self-reliant is not significantly associated with obtaining a higher level of education (χ2=6.310, p=0.613) or being currently employed
(χ2=3.907, p=0.419).
Hypothesis 7: Those who came to the United States at an earlier time consider
themselves self-reliant.
Those who came to the United States at an earlier time are not significantly
associated with their self-reliance (χ2=3.245, p=0.518).
Hypothesis 8: Compared to traditional Vietnamese family roles, Vietnamese
women are now beginning to partake in family decisions
Table 5
Current marital status * Imagine that your family will decide to buy a house. Who would
make the final decision to do so?
57
Crosstabulation
Imagine that your family will decide to buy a house. Who would make the final decision to do so? reported reported reported other (no female male gender specified) Total Current not Count 6 4 0 10 marital married Expected 6.4 2.1 1.4 10.0 status Count married Count 12 2 4 18 Expected 11.6 3.9 2.6 18.0 Count Total Count 18 6 4 28 Expected 18.0 6.0 4.0 28.0 Count
Table 5 shows that women may begin to partake in family decisions regardless of
their marital status, with marginal statistical significance (χ2=4.770, p=0.092). Six
participants who are not married reported that the “female” would make the final
decision, while more than six were expected to do so. Twelve participants, who are
married, against the expectation of 11.6, reported that the “female” would make the final
decision. At the same time, four participants who are not married, compared to the
expected 2.1, and two married participants, compared to the expected 3.9, reported that
the “male” would make the final decision to buy a house. Four married participants reported “other” with no gender specified. Of those who are not married no one reported
“other.” This may be due to the possibility of multiple family members living with married couples.
58
SECTION 2
Research Question 2: Have Vietnamese-born women living in America changed their previous cultural traditions and beliefs?
Table 6
Demographics for research question 2
Variables % Importance of maintaining Vietnamese traditional culture Important 40.0
Somewhat Important 16.7
Very Important 43.3 Intension of raising their children the same way they
were raised growing up Absolutely No 3.3
Maybe 20.0
Absolutely Yes 76.7
Family influence in their Education No influence at all 16.7 Moderate influence 20.0 Adequate influence 33.3 Heavy influence 26.7 N/A 3.3 Importance of education
Not important at all 3.3
Important 46.7
Very important 50.0 How often do you wear Vietnamese style clothing? Not at all 33.3 Often 56.7 Very often 10.0 How often do you wear non-Vietnamese style clothing? Not at all 20,0
59
Often 43.3 Very often 36.7 How often do you listen to Vietnamese music? Not at all 6.7 Often 60.0 Very Often 33.3 How often do you listen to non-Vietnamese music? Not at all 23.3 Often 63.3 Very often 16.7 How often do you celebrate Vietnamese holidays? Not at all 6.7 Often 43.3 Very often 50.0 How often do you celebrate Non-Vietnamese holidays? Not at all 10.0 Often 70.0 Very often 20.0 Total (N) 30
Hypothesis 1: Older Vietnamese women may identify themselves as Vietnamese, while younger Vietnamese women may associate themselves more as Vietnamese
Americans.
60
Table 7
Age * What do you consider yourself?
Crosstabulation What do you consider yourself?
Vietnamese Vietnamese American Total Age 18-32 Count 2 6 8 Expected Count 4.6 3.4 8.0 33-48 Count 3 4 7 Expected Count 4.0 3.0 7.0 49 + Count 11 2 13 Expected Count 7.4 5.6 13.0 Total Count 16 12 28 Expected Count 16.0 12.0 28.0
Table 7 shows that older Vietnamese women may identify themselves as
Vietnamese, while the younger Vietnamese women may associate themselves more as
Vietnamese Americans, with statistical significance (χ2=7.965, p=0.019). Eleven
participants from the 49 or older age group, against to the expected 7.4, considered
themselves to be Vietnamese, while only two participants from the 18-32 age group, compared to the expected 4.6, considered themselves Vietnamese. Likewise, six participants from the 18-32 age group, against the expected 3.4, considered themselves to be Vietnamese Americans, whereas only two participants from the 49 or older age group, compared to the expected 5.6, consider themselves Vietnamese Americans.
Hypothesis 2: Those individuals who resided in America for a longer period of
time may associate themselves as Vietnamese Americans while the recent
newcomers may associate themselves as Vietnamese.
61
The relationship between individuals who resided in America for a longer period of time and associate themselves as Vietnamese Americans, or recent newcomers associating themselves as Vietnamese is not statistically significant (χ2=0.551, p=0.759).
Hypothesis 3: Those individuals who claim that it is important to maintain
Vietnamese traditions intend to raise their children the same way they were raised
growing up.
The relationship between how important it is to maintain the Vietnamese traditions and intentions of raising their children the same way they were raised is not significant (χ2=2.059, p=0.725).
Hypothesis 4: The older Vietnamese women agree more with the provided
examples of communication behaviors found in Vietnam.
The relationship between older Vietnamese women and agreement with the statement “I communicate with dignity and respect when communicating with my parents or elders” is not statistically significant (χ2=2.193, p=0.334).
62
Table 8
Age * When addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or being spoken
to is a sign of respect.
Crosstabulation
When addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or being spoken to is a sign of respect.
strongly disagree disagree neutral agree strongly agree Total Age 18- Count 2 2 3 8 2 17 56 Expected 1.8 1.8 3.5 4.7 5.3 17.0 Count 57 Count 1 1 3 0 7 12 + Expected 1.2 1.2 2.5 3.3 3.7 12.0 Count Total Count 3 3 6 8 9 29 Expected 3.0 3.0 6.0 8.0 9.0 29.0 Count
Table 8 shows that older Vietnamese women agree with the statement “When
addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or being spoken to is a sign
of respect,” with statistical significance (χ2=10.907, p=0.028). Two participants from the
18-56 age group, against the expectation of 1.8, and one participant from the 57 or older age group, while more than one were expected to agree, reported that they “strongly disagree” with the statement. The older generation (seven compared to 3.7) and less younger generation (two compared to 5.3) reported that they “strongly agree” with the
statement.
63
Table 9
Age * When addressing teachers or professors, sitting quietly, but attentively during class
shows that you are respectful.
Crosstabulation
When addressing teachers or professors, sitting quietly, but attentively during class shows that you are respectful. disagree neutral agree strongly agree Total Age 18- Count 1 4 11 1 17 56 Expected 1.2 2.9 8.2 4.7 17.0 Count 57 Count 1 1 3 7 12 + Expected .8 2.1 5.8 3.3 12.0 Count Total Count 2 5 14 8 29 Expected 2.0 5.0 14.0 8.0 29.0 Count
Table 9 shows that older Vietnamese women agree with the statement “When addressing teachers or professors, sitting quietly, but attentively during class shows that you are respectful,” with statistical significance (χ2=10.316, p=0.016). One participant from the 18-56 age group, compared to the expectation of 1.2, and one participant from the 57 or older age group, against the expectation of .8, reported “disagree” to the statement. Most of the older generation (seven compared to the expected 3.3) and only
one of the younger generation (compared to 4.7) reported “strongly” agreeing with the statement.
These three statement examples were taken from the literature review section of traditional communication behavior for the Vietnamese. These results may be accurate
64 due to older Vietnamese women having more knowledge and identifying more with the traditional customs than compared to their younger counterparts.
Hypothesis 5: That older Vietnamese women hold onto the Vietnamese culture
more than the American culture, while younger Vietnamese women adopt the
American culture more than the Vietnamese culture.
Table 10
Age * When you are at home, how often do you cook Viet food?
Crosstabulation When you are at home, how often do you cook Viet food? often very often Total Age 18-56 Count 12 5 17 Expected 7.6 9.4 17.0 Count 57 + Count 1 11 12 Expected 5.4 6.6 12.0 Count Total Count 13 16 29 Expected 13.0 16.0 29.0 Count
Table 10 shows that older Vietnamese women tend to cook Vietnamese food more often than their younger counterparts, with statistical significance (χ2=11.023, p=0.001). Eleven participants from the 57 or older age group, against the expectation of
6.6, reported cooking Vietnamese food “very often.” At the same time, seven of the younger generation, compared to the expected 9.4, reported cooking Vietnamese food
65
“very often.” Likewise, the more older generation (one compared to 5.4) and less
younger generation (12 compared to 7.6) reported cooking Vietnamese food “often.
Table 11
Age * When you are at home, how often do you cook non-Viet food?
Crosstabulation
When you are at home, how often do you cook non-Viet food? not at all often very often Total Age 18-56 Count 3 14 0 17 Expected 5.9 10.6 .6 17.0 Count 57 + Count 7 4 1 12 Expected 4.1 7.4 .4 12.0 Count Total Count 10 18 1 29 Expected 10.0 18.0 1.0 29.0 Count
Table 11 shows that younger Vietnamese women tend to cook non-Vietnamese
food more often than their older counterparts, with statistical significance (χ2=7.517,
p=0.023). Fourteen participants from the younger generation, against the expectation of
10.6, reported cooking non-Vietnamese food “often.” At the same time, only four of the
older generation, compared to the expected 7.4, reported the same. On the other hand,
the majority of the older generation (seven compared to 4.1) and only three of the
younger generation (compared to 5.9) reported “not at all.”
The frequency results of cooking Vietnamese and non-Vietnamese food according
to the participant’s age may be due to their experience and exposure to a specified
66 cuisine. More obvious, older Vietnamese women have resided in Vietnam for a longer period of time, are more familiar with the cuisine and therefore cook Vietnamese food more frequently. Whereas, younger Vietnamese women may have less exposure to
Vietnamese cuisine due to their length of stay in Vietnam and have an open palate to try non-Vietnamese cuisine in America
The relationship between older women and wearing Vietnamese style clothing often is not statistically significant (χ2=3.165, p=0.205)
Table 12
Age * When you are at home, how often do you wear non-Viet style clothing?
Crosstabulation
When you are at home, how often do you wear non-Viet style clothing? not at all often very often Total Age 18-56 Count 1 9 7 17 Expected 3.5 7.0 6.4 17.0 Count 57 + Count 5 3 4 12 Expected 2.5 5.0 4.6 12.0 Count Total Count 6 12 11 29 Expected 6.0 12.0 11.0 29.0 Count
Table 12 shows that younger Vietnamese women are more likely to wear non-
Vietnamese style clothing more often than their older counterparts, with marginal significance (χ2=5.795, p=0.055). Seven participants from the younger generation, against the expectation of 6.4, reported wearing non-Vietnamese style clothing “very
67 often.” At the same time, four of the older generation, compared to the expected 4.6, reported the same. On the other hand, the more older generation (five compared to 2.5) and less younger generation (one compared to 3.5) reported “not at all.”
Table 13
Age * When you are at home, how often do you listen to Viet music?
Crosstabulation
When you are at home, how often do you listen to Viet music? not at all often very often Total Age 18-56 Count 2 13 2 17 Expected 1.2 10.0 5.9 17.0 Count 57 + Count 0 4 8 12 Expected .8 7.0 4.1 12.0 Count Total Count 2 17 10 29 Expected 2.0 17.0 10.0 29.0 Count
Table 13 shows that older Vietnamese women tend to listen to Vietnamese music more often than their younger counterparts, with statistical significance (χ2=9.794, p=0.007). Ten participants from the older generation, against the expectation of 4.1, reported listening to Vietnamese music “very often.” At the same time, only two of the younger generation, compared to the expected 5.9, reported the same. Alternatively, the more older generation (zero compared to 0.8) and less younger generation (two compared to 1.2) reported “not at all.”
68
The relationship between younger Vietnamese women and listening to non-
Vietnamese music is not statistically significant (χ2=3.610, p=0.164)
Table 14
Age * When you are at home, how often do you celebrate Viet holidays?
Crosstabulation
When you are at home, how often do you celebrate Viet holidays? not at all often very often Total Age 18-56 Count 1 12 4 17 Expected 1.2 7.6 8.2 17.0 Count 57 + Count 1 1 10 12 Expected .8 5.4 5.8 12.0 Count Total Count 2 13 14 29 Expected 2.0 13.0 14.0 29.0 Count
Table 14 shows that older Vietnamese women tend to celebrate Vietnamese
holidays more often than their younger counterparts, with statistical significance
(χ2=11.355, p=0.003). Ten participants from the older generation, against the expectation
of 5.8, reported celebrating Vietnamese holidays “very often.” At the same time, only
four of the younger generation, compared to the expected 8.2 reported the same.
Alternatively, the more older generation (one compared to 0.8) and less younger
generation (one compared to 1.2) reported “not at all.”
The relationship between younger Vietnamese women and celebrating non-
Vietnamese holidays is not statistically significant (χ2=1.310, p=0.519).
69
Hypothesis 6: Education is more important to an individual when they have
family influence.
The importance of education is not significantly associated with an individual when they have family influence (χ2=8.055, p=0.234).
SECTION 3
Research Question 3: Has higher education lead to more independence for these women.
Table 15
Demographics for research question 3
Variables %
Highest education level in the United States N/A 23.3 Master Degree 3.3
Bachelor Degree 13.3
Associate Degree 20.0 High School 40.0
Diploma/Adult Ed Satisfaction of current education level Yes 50.0
No 43.3
Missing 6.7 Current employment status
Full time 46.7
Part time 16.7
Not working 36.7
If still living at home or with other family members, how motivated are you to be independent? Somewhat motivated 10.0
70
Very motivated 20.0 Extremely motivated 33.3 Does not apply to me 33.3 Missing 3.3 Total (N) 30
Hypothesis 1: Those who have lower levels of education prefer to be a housewife.
Those who have lower levels of education are not significantly associated with a preference to be a housewife (χ2=23.255, p=0.107).
Hypothesis 2: Those who have lower education levels still live with family
members.
The relationship between having lower education levels and still living with family members is not statistically significant (χ2=15.125, p=0.235).
Hypothesis 3: Vietnamese women who obtained no higher than an Associate’s
degree while living in America can still work and provide for their families
financially.
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Table 16
What is your highest level of education in the US? * Are you currently working?
Crosstabulation
Are you currently working?
full part not time time working Total What is your highest high school Count 4 2 6 12 level of education in the diploma/adult ed Expected 5.6 2.0 4.4 12.0 US? Count Associate degree Count 3 3 0 6 Expected 2.8 1.0 2.2 6.0 Count bachelor degree Count 4 0 0 4 Expected 1.9 .7 1.5 4.0 Count master degree Count 1 0 0 1 Expected .5 .2 .4 1.0 Count N/A or does not Count 2 0 5 7 apply to me Expected 3.3 1.2 2.6 7.0 Count Total Count 14 5 11 30 Expected 14.0 5.0 11.0 30.0 Count
Table 16 shows that Vietnamese women who obtained no higher than an
Associate’s degree while living in America can still work, with statistical significance
(χ2=16.932, p=0.031). Four of those who have obtained no more than a high school diploma or equivalent (compared to 5.6) and three of those who have obtained at least an
72
Associate’s degree (compared to 2.8) reported working full time. In contrast, six of those
who have obtained no more than a high school diploma or equivalent (compared to 4.4) and zero of those who have obtained no more than an Associate’s degree (compared to
2.2) reported not working. However, by looking at the overall results, it suggests that those who have no more than a high school education or equivalent are more likely to be unemployed, while those who obtained higher education have all indicated that they are employed. This may be the result of old age at the time of arrival to America or having less opportunity to access education due to job searching for financial means upon arrival to America.
The relationship between Vietnamese women who obtained no higher than an
Associate’s degree while living in America and providing for their families financially is not statistically significant (χ2=7.722, p=0.461).
73
Chapter 5
CONCLUSION
This chapter will discuss significant findings and address the research questions regarding the impact of acculturation on Vietnamese women in the United States. In addition, implications of the findings for social work practice and policy, limitations for this particular study, and recommendations for future research will be discussed.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to explore the experience and journey of
Vietnamese women through their process of acculturation in America. By doing so, this researcher developed the following three research questions: 1) How has acculturation helped or hindered Vietnamese women living in America?; 2) Have Vietnamese-born women living in America changed their previous cultural traditions and beliefs?; and 3)
Has higher education lead to more independence for these women? These questions assisted this researcher in exploring Vietnamese women’s experiences while living in the
United States. In order to better assist this population, we, as social workers, should learn more of their background as well as their past and present experiences to better understand this population.
For the first question, this researcher hypothesized that the longer Vietnamese women resided in America, the more proficient they would be with the English language.
This study found that Vietnamese women who arrived in America at an earlier period of time may have more proficiency in English reading and speaking skills than those who arrived more recently. The same could not be said about writing and understanding
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English. Considering that historically, a majority of women in Vietnam were not able to attain education, this result is rather impressive. In total, at least half of all participants reported having at least some proficiency in the English language encompassing reading, writing, speaking, and understanding.
Another hypothesis was that Vietnamese women in America are now beginning to partake in family decision making. The participants were given a hypothetical statement and question that read “Imagine that your family will decide to buy a house. Who would make the final decision to do so?” Traditionally in Vietnam, as the bread winner and man of the house, the father or husband, depending on the family dynamic, would usually make the final decision for the family. Of the 28 participants who responded to this question, 18 reported a “female,” 6 reported a “male,” and 4 reported “other” with no gender specified, would make family decisions of importance.
In regards to the second question, this researcher assumed correctly that older
Vietnamese women would consider themselves Vietnamese and younger Vietnamese women would consider themselves Vietnamese American. The sense here is that older
Vietnamese women would always consider themselves Vietnamese because it is ingrained in them based on the fact that they are originally from Vietnam and that it may be difficult for them to associate themselves as Americans. Also, that they hold onto their culture and traditions more so than their younger counterparts. Younger
Vietnamese women may consider themselves Vietnamese Americans, possibly due to the fact that assimilation and learning American culture could have come easier to them.
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Also being younger, they may not have been old enough at the time they left Vietnam to
adapt to the traditions of their country of birth.
According to another hypothesis, two of the three given statements were found to
be true to older Vietnamese women in regards to communication behaviors. Statements
of making no eye contact and sitting quietly but attentively are signs of respect when
conversing with elders, as stated in the literature review.
This researcher also hypothesized that older Vietnamese women hold onto the
Vietnamese culture more so while younger Vietnamese women are more likely to adopt the American culture. This was determined by asking how often participants cooked, wore clothes, listened to music, and celebrated holidays of Vietnamese or non-
Vietnamese origin. The data suggests that older Vietnamese women reported cooking
Vietnamese food, listening to Vietnamese music, and celebrating Vietnamese holidays
“very often.” Meanwhile, younger Vietnamese reported cooking non-Vietnamese food
and wearing non-Vietnamese clothing “often.” All other variables indicated were not
significantly associated and therefore not reported here. As mentioned before, these
preferences can be due to their familiarity and experience with each culture.
Lastly, for the third question this researcher hypothesized that Vietnamese women
who reported having lower levels of educations, particularly no higher than an associate’s
degree, can still work. Of the 18 respondents (60%) who obtained at least an associate’s
degree, seven reported currently working full-time, five reported working part-time, and
six reported not working at all. This may be associated with the older Vietnamese
women who arrived in America during the earlier period. As these immigrants may have
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abruptly left their country and entered a new one, they had less of an opportunity to attain
education, as their priority was to search and obtain employment to earn money for their
families.
As part of the survey, a question regarding barriers encountered while receiving
education in America was asked. The top three barriers chosen by participants were lack
of finances, lack of communication (language barrier), and, tied for third place, lack of
transportation and lack of knowledge regarding how to register for classes. However, 50
% of the participants reported being satisfied with their current education level.
Participants were also given an optional question at the end of the survey. It
asked about participants’ greatest success and hardest barrier while they have been living
in America. Common themes arose for those participants who opted to answer this question. For successes, some participants listed coming to America, getting an education, having a job, getting married, buying a home, or having children. For barriers, a few participants listed an array of opinions, such as having a language barrier, lack of finances, difficulty finding assistance or resources, trouble keeping the family together and raising children to be successful, and difficulty learning to adjust to American culture. One participant noted that both her greatest success and hardest barrier was raising five children on her own. About a third of the participants misunderstood this question, answering how a person can become successful (try hard, obtain an education, work harder) rather than what has been their greatest success.
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Implications
As social workers work with diverse populations, it is good practice to be culturally competent. Not only is it important to be culturally competent, the work product may be enhanced further if workers were able to immerse themselves in different cultures. This way, workers would be able to truly understand their clients and know how to better serve them without stereotyping or discriminating against them. If social workers become even minimally aware of different cultures, it can help social workers to identify what services are needed or how to better work with and assist these individuals.
This study will help service providers and social workers to learn about
Vietnamese people and their culture. Often, when Vietnamese people, especially women, have issues, they tend to keep their problems within the family and hope to resolve their own issues instead of searching the outside world for help. The Vietnamese people tend to feel discontent reaching out to others for help, unless there are workers or agencies who they can identify with to help ease that discomfort. Once workers become more familiar with the Vietnamese, they can better identify their support systems and reach out to this population.
In essence, social workers are inclined to search for resources for their clients. At the same time, they should also be searching and networking with other possible ethnic communities and agencies, which can open up more opportunities for both the worker and the client. In this sense social workers would obtain an abundance of resources and clients could receive the assistance and resources they require.
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Social workers should advocate for something similar to a Vietnamese resource center. A center could welcome all Vietnamese, but be catered specifically to
Vietnamese women. This center should function as a one stop shop, with Planned
Parenthood or Birth and Beyond for mothers, drug and alcohol rehabilitation or treatment centers for addicts, and generally providing the necessities for Vietnamese women and families. Service providers could facilitate classes or support groups to discuss possible topics such as men vs. women or traditional vs. American culture. This center could address communication barriers by offering English learning classes, discuss how to better communicate within families, as well as tackling self-esteem problems and empowering individuals. Essentially, this could be a place that offers educational courses, support groups, counseling services, and resources to the Vietnamese. If successful it could possibly expand to cater to a majority of Asians that reside in a certain geographical area.
Limitations
There were several limitations to this study. First the sample size was small because this researcher was not able to obtain a large number of participants who were willing to take the survey. Second, all of the participants were associated with Asian
Resources in Sacramento, CA. Due to confidentiality concerns from Asian Resources, this researcher was not able to meet with the participants directly, and therefore the surveys were administered and collected by Asian Resources. Third, not all of the participants fully completed the surveys; some chose not to answer all of the questions, resulting in missing data. In addition, there was no standardized instrument used. This
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researcher prepared a survey that seemed long to the participant’s eyes, which may have
resulted in them not thoroughly completing the survey.
Recommendations
This researcher recommends further research on this topic. Since this particular
study had several limitations, this researcher would like to see those limitations addressed
to achieve more accurate results. A larger sample size would be preferred, and, if
possible, that sample should come from a more widespread geographic location, in order
to attain more realistic statistics. As this study was limited to only Vietnamese women
born outside of the United States, maybe including American-born Vietnamese citizens would allow for a comparison of topics noted in the survey. Also, perhaps providing incentives for a fully completed returned survey in order to retrieve better more accurate outcomes would be helpful. In addition, it would be helpful to explore more details about what barriers participants faced, what they believe would have been helpful in their stay in America, and how to incorporate the two worlds in order to be successful in America.
In another direction, future study can explore what barriers they are currently facing and what can be done to assist them if resources are scarce. This way, service providers and social workers can gain information and see if similar themes arise, and therefore be able to assist current and future clients.
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APPENDIX A
Consent Form (English Version)
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Consent Form You are being invited to participate in a research project being conducted by Dianna Hoang, a second year Masters of Social Work student at California State University, Sacramento, Division of Social Work. One of the major objectives for the research is to gain a better understanding of what the impacts of acculturation have on Vietnamese women that were born outside of the United States. Although the information gathered might not benefit you directly, what is learned from this survey could benefit future workers by helping them become aware of Vietnamese women’s perspective, attitudes, culture and values. If you agree to participate you will be asked to complete a survey about your experiences living in the United States. The survey will take between fifteen to twenty minutes of your time. After completion, please place the survey and signed consent form in their designated manila envelope provided by this researcher. The second copy of the consent form is for you to keep. The completed surveys and signed consent forms will be placed in separate envelopes and will be stored in a secured lock drawer. Only this researcher will have access to the drawer. Once this study is completed this researcher will dispose of all surveys and consent forms by shredding all paperwork. Unfortunately, you will not be receiving any kind of compensation for your participation. However, this researcher appreciates your participation. It is hoped that knowledge gained from you will help advance knowledge of Vietnamese women living in the United States. By signing this form, you acknowledge that your participation in this survey is entirely voluntary and indicates that you are consenting to participate in the survey. Your answers will be fully confidential. You may refuse to participate with no negative consequences. You are not required to answer questions that make you feel uncomfortable and may stop if you begin to feel any discomfort. If you experience any distress at any time after completing this survey, please contact the Asian Pacific Community Counseling at (916) 383-6783 or Mercy Education Resource Center Counseling Department at (916) 737-6026. If you have any questions you are more than welcome to contact this researcher. Dianna Hoang can be contacted at (xxx) xxx-xxxx or at [email protected]. Her advisor, Kisun Nam, research professor in the division of social work at California State University, Sacramento, can be contacted at (916) 278-7069 or at [email protected]. This researcher would like to thank you for your time and participation. ______/______Participant Signature Date
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APPENDIX B
Consent Form (Vietnamese Version)
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Hình Thức Tán Thành
Bạn đươc mời và tham gia trong chương trình dò hỏi dự án đươc tiến hành bơi Diana Hoang, la học sinh nam thứ II của cư nhân xã hội học tai California State University, Sacramento. Một trong những mục tiêu chính cho dư an đố hiểu biết hơn sư thay đôi văn hóa ma ngươi đan ba Việt Nam đã́ sanh ra không phản tai Hoa Kỳ.
Là một phụ mư Việt Nam sịnh ra ngoái nước Mỹ, tôi tinh chắc răng sư hiêư biêt vê thay đổi văn hoa của họ đã thấm nhần kinh nghiệm trongơ ngư i đan ba Việt Nam. Thiết nghĩ nhủng tin tức này sẽ giúp bạn có một đường hướng rỏ rêt. Học hoi được trong sư tìm hiêu nay co thê giup ban lam việc trong tương lai đê tranh được quan điệm của ngươi đan ba Việt Nam, thai độ, văn hoa, va gia trị. Nếu bạn đồng ý tham gia, bạn sẽ được yêu cầu hoàn thành một tham nghiệm nhưng câu hoi vợ́ i nhưng kinh nghiệm sống của ban tai Hoa Kỳ. Cuộc trắc nghiêm chỉ tốn khoảng 15 phut cho tối 20 phut của ban. Sau khi hoan thanh, lam ơn bo va phong bì. Cho ngươi nghiên cứu.
Khi hoan thanh thưc nghiệm va ky tên vao sư ưng thuặn đơn nay rôi se đê vao nhưng phong thư khac nhau, va được cất giư cận thẩn trong ngăn kéo mật đượi bảo vệ. Chỉ có ngươi quản ly chương trình nay mơi co quyền điều hanh va mở nhưng tủ kéo nay. Cho tơi luc ngươi thanh tra nghiên cứu va học xong thì hô so se được bãi bo bằng ac ch thủ tiẻu hô so nay.
Nêu ma ban không nhân đươc thù lao cho công việc nay. Dù sao, người đề án sẽ cám ỏn viêc làm của bạn. Hy vọng rằng sụ̉ hiêu biêt của ban se giup cho nhưng ngươi đan ba Việt Nam đang sống tai my nên biêt thêm.
Ky trong đơn này, bạn hiêu rằng sư tham gia trong đề an nay la ban đông ỳ nhưng gì đã tìm hiêu. Nhưng câu trả lời của bạn sẽ được bì mât. Bạn có quyền từ chôi tham gia nhưng hậu qủa tiêuư c c. Ban cũng không phải trả lò́ i nhưng câu hoi ma ban cảm thầy không thoải mai. Nếu bạn cảm thấy bi tộn thương bất cứ lúc nào làm ỏn gọi tới Asian Pacific Community Counseling at (916) 383-6783 hoặc Mercy Education Resource Center Counseling Department at (916)737-6026.
Nếu bạn có thắc mắc, ban hãy vui còng liên lac vơi ngươi nghiên cứu chương trinh la Diana Hoang. Tai số điện thoai (xxx) xxx-xxxx. Ngươi cô vần cứa cô la Kisun Nam, la giao sư tìm hiêu trong lanh vưc xã hội học tai California State University, Sacramento, hoặc gọi số (916) 278-7069, [email protected].
Nghiên cứu này muốn cảm ơn bạn đã dành thời gian và sự tham gia của bạn.
______/______Chữ ký ngươi tham gia Ngày tháng năm
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APPENDIX C
Survey (English Version)
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The Impact of Acculturation on Vietnamese Women in the United States
Section I: Demographics Directions: Please examine the following questions or statements and mark the one that best applies to you. 1. Your current age: ___ (18-24) ___ (25-32) ___ (33-40) ___ (41-48) ___ (49-56) ___ (57+) 2. Please state your country of birth: ______. 3. With the following options, please identify the time frame when you came to the United States: ___ (1975-1977) ___ (1978-1981) ___ (1982-1996) ___ (1997-Present) 4. Immigration Status: ___Permanent Resident (green card) ___U.S. Citizen ___ Non-Resident Alien (Student) ___ Decline to State 5. Current marital Status: ___ Single ___ Live with a partner ___ Married ___ Separated ___ Divorced ___ Widowed 6. While living in Vietnam, did you attend any school? ___ Yes (If yes, proceed to question #7) ___ No (If no, go to section II) 7. If yes, which school did you attend when moving to America: ___ Not Applicable ___ Elementary ___Middle School ___ High school ___ Some College ___ College graduate
Section II: Acculturation LANGUAGE Directions: Please mark or circle the answer that best applies to you. 1. When you are at home, how often do you speak the Vietnamese language? (Please circle one) a. Not often at all c. Often
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b. Somewhat often d. Very often 2. Check only ONE that applies to you in each row of reading, writing, speaking, and understanding. When it comes to the Vietnamese Language, please identify what is your proficiency in…
1=Not 2=Moderately 3=Proficient 4=Somewhat 5=Very proficient proficient Proficient proficient at all
Reading
Writing
Speaking
Understanding
3. When you are at home, how often do you speak the English language? (Please circle one) a. Not often at all c. Often b. Somewhat often d. Very often 4. Check only ONE that applies to you in each row of reading, writing, speaking, and understanding. When it comes to the English Language, please identify what is your proficiency in…
1=Not 2=Moderately 3=Proficient 4=Somewhat 5=Very proficient proficient Proficient proficient at all
Reading
Writing
Speaking
Understanding
COMMUNICATION Directions: Please read the statements below, and check only ONE that applies to you in each row. Do you agree or disagree with the following:
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Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongl Disagree y Agree I communicate with dignity and respect when communicating with my parents or elders. I communicate using Western traditions when communicating with my parents or elders. I communicate how I see fit when communicating with my parents or elders. When addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or being spoken to is offensive. When addressing my elders, making no eye contact when speaking or being spoken to is a sign of respect. When addressing teachers or professors, sitting quietly, but attentively during class shows that you are respectful. When addressing teachers or professors, asking questions in class shows that you are respectful.
CULTURE Directions: Please choose the answer that best applies to you. 1. Do you consider yourself: ___ Vietnamese ___ Vietnamese American Explain why: ______2. Do you intend to raise your children the same way you were raised growing up? a. Absolutely Yes b. Maybe c. Absolutely No
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3. How important is it for you to maintain the Vietnamese traditional culture? Would you say…
1=Not 2=Slightly 3=Important 4=Somewhat 5=Very Important at all Important Important Important O O O O O
4. When you are at home, how often do you…
1=Not 2=Slightly 3=Often 4=Somewhat 5=Very at all Often Often Often
Cook Vietnamese food?
Cook non- Vietnamese food?
Wear Vietnamese style clothing?
Wear non-Vietnamese style clothing?
Listen to Vietnamese music?
Listen to non-Vietnamese music?
Celebrate Vietnamese holidays?
Celebrate non- Vietnamese holidays?
Section III: Family/Women’s Role/Perspective Directions: Please mark the one that best applies to you and your living situation.
1. Imagine that your family will decide to buy a house. Who would make the final decision to do so?
a. Mother c. Grandmother e. You
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b. Father d. Grandfather f. Other: ______
2. Who in your household is currently working and provides income for the family? (Circle all that applies) a. Mother c. Grandmother e. You b. Father d. Grandfather f. Other:______
3. Please read the statements below, and agree or disagree with the following:
Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree I prefer to work and earn money. I prefer to be a house wife. I am a self-reliant individual. I still believe in and follow the “three obediences” of traditional Vietnamese culture.
4. Answer the following questions if you had a spouse or partner while living in Vietnam.
Solely Solely Both, Both, but Both I He but mainly He equally mainly I
Who earned money for the family?
Who was responsible for the household chores?
5. Answer the following questions if you had a spouse or partner while living in America.
Solely Solely Both, Both, but Both I He but mainly He equally mainly I
Who earned money for the family?
Who was responsible for the household chores?
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Section IV: Perspective of Educational Attainment Directions: Please mark or circle the answer that best applies to you.
1. Your highest level of Education in the United States: ___ High School Diploma/Adult Ed ___ Associate Degree ___ Bachelor’s Degree ___ Master’s Degree ___ Doctorate Degree
2. A. Are you satisfied with your current level of education? ___Yes ___ No Please explain your reason: ______
B. If you answered “No” above, do you have plans to further your education level? ___ Yes ___ No
1. If Yes, you have plans to further your education level, but currently are not enrolled in school, what is preventing you from doing so at this moment? a. Finances b. Full time job c. Language barrier d. Don’t know what steps to take to enroll in school e. Other (Specify:______)
3. A. Are you currently working? ___ Full-Time ___ Part-Time ___ Self-employed ___ Not working
B. If yes, what is your current job title? ______
4. How important is education for you? Would you say…
a. Not important at all c. Important b. Somewhat important d. Very important
5. How much have your family members influenced you in achieving your education?
a. No influence at all c. Adequately influenced b. Moderately influenced d. Influenced a lot
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6. If you are currently in college, how motivated are you to complete your current degree objective? a. Not motivated at all d. Very motivated b. Slightly motivated e. Extremely motivated c. Somewhat motivated f. Does not apply to me
7. For those of you who are still living at home or with other family members, how motivated are you to be independent?
a. Not motivated at all d. Very motivated b. Slightly motivated e. Extremely motivated c. Somewhat motivated
8. Mark all that apply:
A. For those of you who attended high school in the United States, did any of these items below serve as barriers while you were getting your education during high school? ___Transportation ___Lack of communication/language ___Finances ___Discrimination ___Help with homework ___Lack of knowledge ___Does not apply to me ___Other (Specify:______)
B. For those of you who attended college in the United States, did any of these items below serve as barriers while you were getting your education during college? ___Transportation ___Lack of communication/language ___Finances ___Discrimination ___Help with homework ___Lack of knowledge ___Does not apply to me ___Other (Specify:______)
Please feel free to leave additional comments for the following question.
While you have been living in America, what would you consider to be your greatest success and what was you hardest barrier? ______
This researcher would like to thank you for your time and consideration.
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APPENDIX D
Survey (Vietnamese Version)
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Sự Thay Đỗi Văn Hóa Của Người Phụ Nữ Việt Nam Trong Xã Hội HoaKỳ Chương I: Hính Thức Hướng Dẫn: Lam on soan nhú̃ ng câu hoi hoặc y tưởng va điền vao nhưng gì ban cho la đung nhất. 1. Tuổi hiện tai: ___ (18-24) ___ (25-32) ___ (33-40) ___ (41-48) ___ (49-56) ___ (57+) 2. Lam ơn ghi nơi sanh: ______. 3. Vơi nhừng điều chọn sau đây, lam ơn khai năm tơi Hoa Kỳ: ___ (1975-1977) ___ (1978-1981) ___ (1982-1996) ___ (1997- hiện tai) 4. Trình trang di tru: ___ Thương tru vô han kỳ (thé xanh) ___ Quôc tich my ___ Thương tru không chinh thừc (học sinh)___ Miễn khai bao 5. Trình trang hôn nhân: ___ Độc thân ___ sống với đối tác ___ Hôn thú ___ Chia cách ___ Ly dị ___ Góa chông/vợ
6. Thơi gian còn ở Việt Nam, ban co đi học không? ___ Có (Nêu co, điền vao câu số 7) ___ Không (Nêu không, điền vao chương II) 7. Nêu co, ban đã học tơi đâu khi vao nươc my: ___ Tiêu học (tư lơp 1-5) ___ Trung học (tư lơp 6-12) ___ Vao đai học___ Học xong đai học
Chương II: Sự Thay Đội Văn Hóa Ngôn Ngư Hướng Dẫn: Lam on đanh dấu hoặc khoanh tròn nhưng gì ban nghi đung nhầt. 1. Khi ở nha ban co thương noi tiêng Việt? (Xin khoanh tròn một) a. Không thường xuyên c. Thường xuyên b. Cũng thường xuyên d. Rất thường xuyên
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2. Đanh đấu chỉ oc môt, ma ap dung cho ban cho mỗi hang cho tập đọc, viêt, nói, va hiêu biêt. Khi ap dung va tiêng Việt, lam ơn xac đinh khả năng của ban.
1= Không có 2= Khả năng 3= Co khả 4= Khả năng 5= Đủ khả khả năng vừa phải năng vừa biêt năng
Đọc
Viêt
Nói
Hiêu biêt
3. Khi ở nha ban co thương noi tiêng Anh? (Xin khoanh tròn một) a. Không thường xuyên c. Thường xuyên b. Cũng thường xuyên d. Rất thường xuyên 4. Đanh đấu chỉo c môt, ma ap dung cho ban cho mỗi hang cho tập đọc, viêt, nói, va hiêu biêt. Khi ap dung va tiêng Anh, lam ơn xac đinh khả năng của ban.
1= Không có 2= Khả năng 3= Co khả 4= Khả năng 5= Đủ khả khả năng vừa phải năng vừa biêt năng
Đọc
Viêt
Nói
Hiêu biêt
Xã Giao Hương Dẫn: Lam on đọc bản văn dươi dây, va khoăn tròn môt câu ma ban nghi ap dung cho ban co đống y hoặc không đống y nhưng gì sau đây:
Se Không Trung Đông Se không đông y lập ý đông đông y ý Tôi tìm hiêu đươc sư sư nhân phẩm và tôn trọng khi giao tiêp với cha mẹ hoặc người lớn.
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Tôi tìm hiêu đươc sư truyền thống phương Tây khi giao tiêp với cha mẹ hoặc người lớn. Tôi tìm hiêu đươc sư những gì bạ n nghi la đung khi giao tiêp với cha mẹ hoặc người lớn.
Khi hương dẫn ngươi lơn lam việc, ban không nhìn thẳng vào mắt của người lớn khi nói chuyện hay khi bắt đầu noi công kích. Khi hương dẫn ngươi lơn lam việc, ban không nhìn thẳng vào mắt của người lớn khi nói chuyện hay khi bắt đầu noi cư chi tôn trọng. Khi nói chuyện với thầy cô, ngồi im lặng, nhưng vẫn chăm chú đê chứng to ban kinh trọng. Khi nói chuyện với thầy cô, đặt nhưng cảu hoi chưng to ban co sứ tôn trọng.
Văn Hóa Hướng Dẫn: Làm ơn lự̃ a chọn nhưng câu trả lời đung nhầt.
1. Ban thiẻ́ t nghi ban la: ___ Ngươi Việt Nam ___ Ngươi Việt-My Lam on giải thích lý do: ______2. Ban dư đinh se nuoi con cưa ban như cuộc đơi của ban trong thơi thơ ấu? a. Tất nhiên b. Có thể c. Không bao giơ 3. Quan trọng thê nao khi ban gìn giu truyền thống Việt Nam? Ban se noi...
1= 2= Quan trọng 3= Quan trọng 4= Cuñg quan trọng 5= Rất quan không quan vừa phải trọng trọng [] [] [] [] []
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4. Khi ở nhà, làm thế nào bạn có thường xuyên …
1= Không 2= Hơi 3= 4= Cũng 5= Rất thường thường Thường thường thường xuyên xuyên xuyên xuyên xuyên
Nấu thức ăn Việt?
Nấu thức ăn nươc ngoai?
Mặc áo-quần của Việt Nam?
Không mặc oa -quân của Việt Nam?
Nghe nhac Việt Nam?
Nghe nhac ngoai quốc?
Mừng lễ hội Việt Nam?
Mừng lễ hộiơ nư c ngoai?
Chương III: Gia Đình/Địa Vị Đàn Bà/Quan Điểm Hương Dẫn: Lam on điền vao nhưñg gì ban nghi đuńg nhất cho ban va trong cuộc sống của ban. 1. Thiêt nghi gia đình ban se quyêt định mua nha. Ai la ngươi se quyêt định? a. Me c. Ba e. Ban b. Cha (ba) d. Ông f. Ngươi khác 2. Ai la ngươi trong gia đình ban đang đi lan va cung cầp tai chanh cho gia đình? (Khoan tròn nhưng gì ap dung cho ban) a. Me c. Ba e. Ban b. Cha (ba) d. Ông f. Ngươi khác 3. Lam ơn đọc dươi đây, va đông y hoặc không đầng y những gì dươi đây:
Se không Không Trung Đông Se đông y đông y lập ý đông y Tôi muốn đi làm và kiêm tiền.
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Tôi muốn trở thanh ngươi nội trợ. Tôi muốn tư lưc ca nhân. Tôi vẫn tin vao "Tam Tong" của truyền thống vắn hòaơ ngư i Việt Nam.
4. Trả lời nhưng câu hỏi dươi đây nếu bạn đã có bạ n đơi hay đã lập gia đình khiố s ng ở Việt Nam.
Chỉ Chỉ có Cả hai, Cả hai, Cả hai có tôi anh ta nhưng tôi nhưng anh bằng nhiều ta nhiều nhau nhất hơn
Ai la ngư ời kiếm tiền cho gia đình?
Ai la người ganh trách nhiệm cho cả gia đình?
5. Trả lời nhưng câu hỏi dươi đây nếu bạn đã có bạn đơi hay đã lập gia đình khi sống ở Hoa kỳ.
Chỉ Chỉ có Cả hai, Cả hai, Cả hai có tôi anh ta nhưng tôi nhưng anh bằng nhiều ta nhiều nhau nhất hơn
Ai la ngư ời kiếm tiền cho gia đình?
Ai la người ganh trách nhiệm cho cả gia đình?
Chương IV: Quan Điểm Trình Độ Học Vấn Hướng Dẫn: Lam on chấm hoặc khoắn tròn nhưñg câu trả lợ̀ ima ban nghi đung nhất. 1. Trình độ học vấn cao nhất của ban tai Hoa Kỳ: ___ Chứng chỉ trung học/chương trình học vấn ngươi lớn ___ Đai học ___ Cư nhân ___ Cao đặng ___ Tiên si
98
2. A. Ban co thoả man vơi sư học vấn của ban không? ___ Có ___không Lam on giải thích lý do: ______B. Nếu bạn trả lời không, ban co dư đinh cho sư học vấn trong tương lai của ban không? ___ Có ___không 1. Nêu ban co dư định sư học vấn trong tương lai , nhưñg hiệ́ n tai , thi chủa đi học, co sư gi đã ngăn ac n ban? a. Tài chính b. Bận rổn trong công việc c. Trở ngai trong ngôn ngư d. Không biêt ghi danh đi học e. Ý kiền khac: ______3. A. Bạn đang làm việc không? ___ Cả thời gian ___ Bán thời gian ___ Làm chủ ___ Không lam. B. Nêu co, bạn đang làm công việc gì? ______4. Sư học vấno c quan trọng cho ban không? Còn ban... a. Không quan trọng c. Quan trọng b. Cuñg quan trọng d. Rất quan trọng 5. Trong gia đình oc ảnh hưởng ban đạt đên sư học vấn không? a. Không ảnh hưởng mấy c. Ảnh hưởng vừa đủ b. Ảnh hưởng vừa phải d. Rất ảnh hưởng 6. Nếu bạn đang học đại học, Khả năng thuc đẩy bạn học xong nhưñg gì ban đang học? a. Không động cơ mấy d. Rất thuc đậy b. Thuc đậy một chút e. Quyêt cố gắng c. Thuc đậy phần nào f. Không áp dụng với tôi
99
7. Nếu bạn còn đang sống trong gia đình hoặc nhưñg ngươi khác trong nhà, ban co khả năng tư lập như thê nao? a. Không động cơ mấy d. Rất thuc đậy b. Thuc đậy một chút e. Quyêt cố gắng c. Thuc đậy phần nào 8. Điền vao tất cả nhưñg câu đung: A. Nếu bạn đã học trung học tai Hoa Kỳ, nhưñg điều gì sau đây đã ngăn cản ban trong thơi gian đang học trung học? ___ sự vận chuyển ___Anh văn kèm ___ Không áp dụng với tôi ___ Tài chính ___ Kỳ thị ___ Cần giúp lam bai tập ___ Kém học vấn ___ khác (đặc biệt:______) B. Nếu bạn đã học đại học tai Hoa Kỳ, nhưñg điều sau đây đã ngăn cản ban trong thơi gian đang học đại học? ___ sự vận chuyển ___Anh văn kèm ___ Không áp dụng với tôi ___ Tài chính ___ Kỳ thị ___ Cần giúp lam bai tập ___ Kém học vấn ___ khác (đặc biệt:______)
Ban cứ thoai mai vơi nhưñg ý kiến của ban. Thơi gian ban đang sông tai Hoa Kỳ, ban cảm nhận thê nao đê trở nên ngươi thanh công nhất, va nhưñg gì đã cản trở ban? ______La ngươi tìm hiêu, chung tội ac m ơn thơi giơ vơi sư hiểu biết của ban.
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