STUDIES ON URBAN LAND USE AND URBAN GHflWTH IN GHANA
Department of Housing S. Planning Research Faculty of Architecture U.S.T. Kumasi Ghana J STUDIES ON URBAN LAND USE AND URBAN GROWTH IN GHANA
Frants Albert Associate Professor Washington University St. Louis, Missouri. Senior Lecturer, U.S.T. Kumasi. 1968-1970
and
C.C.T. Blankson Research Fellow Department of Housing and Planning Research, Faculty of Architecture U.S.T. Kumasi.
Published by
DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING AND PLANNING RESEARCH FACULTY OF ARCHITECTURE, U.S.T. KUMASI.
1974
PREFACE
These papers were written in 1972.
Special thanks are due all who helped in one way or the other to make these studies possible.
Special mention should be made of Mr. P.N.K. Turkson's Town and Country Planning Department in Accra which provided the funds for these studies. The Research Department and the University of Science and Technology are grateful to the Town and Country Planning Department for this very worthwhile contribution to knowledge.
Mention and thanks also go to Mr. Andrew Afrifa of the Research Department who typed most of the manuscript. This has been quite an ordeal for him in view of the fact that it has been his first major work. Readers should therefore bear with him for the not altogether first class work done.
C 0 N T E N T S
1. Urban Land Use in Ghana: A Pilot Study Frants Albert
Introduction • » • • • • ••• The • á • Study • • • p. 1 ••• • • « aar Findings a- a a 7 a • a ••« ••• Conclusions • •• 8 • • • ••• Notes ••• a a a 20 ••• a • a • • « Appendix 1 - Tables and . 27 Maps ...... 2 - . 33 Appendix Statistics of Individual Centres 44
2. An Examination of the Urban System of Ghana C.C.T. Blankson
Introduction ...... Ghana's Urban ... p. 65 System ...... Summary and ... .. 71 Conclusions ...... Appendix 1 ... 95 ......
Appendix 2 ... 103 ...... Notes ...... 104 ...... 105
3. Towards an Urbanization Policy for Integration for Spatial With Developing Countries in Africa - Special Reference to Ghana.
C.C.T. Blankson
Why an Urbanization Policy ...... Core-Periphery p.108 Policy Relationship • • • • • • • • 112 • • • Recommendations • • •
Notes ...... 120 ...... «o. .. 139 TABLES AND CHARTS
Percent of Total Developed Land ... 9 Urban Land Per Capita and Densities of Population ... 10 Land Use - Average of 55 Centres ...... 12 Land Use - Analysis by size of Centre ... 12 Land Use - Analysis by Cultural Group ... 13 Land Use - Analysis by Geographic Zone ... 13 Total Land Use in Ghana, 1970 34 Ghana's Population, Growth and Distribution, 1960-1970 35 Urbanization in Ghana by Region, 1970 35 Urban Centres and Settlements in Study ...... 36 Land Use Classification ...... 38 Residential Land According to Class 39 Statistics of Individual Centres ...... 44
Population and Growth of the Seven Urban Centres ... 73 Population Increases and Annual Growth Rates of Centres 79 Relation of Accra's Population size to next Six-Ranking Cities ... 79
Rank - Size Distributions for the Seven Centres ... 80 Regression Lines fitting the City - Size Distributions.. 81 Lognormal Plots of City - Size Distribution ...... 82 Distribution of Expatriate Civil Servants, 1931.. ... 86 Distribution of Expatriate Engineers 1931 87 Distribution of Expatriate Medical Doctors, 1931.. ... 88 Distribution of Male Civil Servants, 1948.. ... 92 Distribution of Administrative, Executive and Managerial Staff, 1960 92 Distribution of Professional Medical Staff, 1960 94 Distribution of Female Professional Medical Staff, 1948 104 MAPS
Administrative Regions ...... 42
Geographic Regions ...... 42
Cultural Groupings ...... 43
Position of Ghana ...... 70
Positions of the Seven Urban Centres ...... 72
Urban Centres and Developmental Regions, 1960 ... 100 URBAN LAND USE IN GHANA; A PILOT STUDY
This study was done by Prof. Frants Albert, Associate Professor of Architecture, Washington University, St. Louis, U.S.A.; Mr. C.C.T. Blankson a Research Fellow of the Housing and Planning Research Department, U.S.T., and Mr. Phil Seaman, a Peace Corps volunteer attached to the B,R.R.I,, Kumasi.
This report was compiled and written by Prof. Frants Albert. INTRODUCTION
A process of rapid urbanization is taking place in Ghana,
and, as is the case in commonly developing countries, the
brunt of the growth is borne by a small number of major
towns whose facilities and institutions are already over¬
burdened. Hence, a pilot study to identify prevailing
patterns of urban land use was begun in 1969 as part of a
project to determine criteria for space allocation in urban
planning and the design of essential improvements.
Findings of the study show the composition of urban land
use and per capita allocations for each category of use.
They show that, while the amount of land developed for
whole urban areas in Ghana is roughly similar to conditions
in a more industrialized setting, Ghana has smaller ratios
of land devoted to commercial, industrial, and transpor¬
tation uses. Residential areas account for a larger share
of the total. At the same time, the distribution of land
is such that, in terms of absolute area, Ghanaian towns
have much more land per capita given over to public and
educational uses than is the case in a country such as
Great Britain. This, together with the fact that the land
surface has not been built up to its full carrying capacity,
suggests that Ghanaian towns contain an unutilized space
reserve which ought to be developed insofar as possible before further outward expansion takes place.
1 2
The austerity of Ghana's economic condition supplies the imperative. The concept of optimum utilization or resou¬ rces is also applicable here as elsewhere.
The findings also indicate that occupants of medium-sized towns enjoy more space than inhabitants of both the smaller settlements and the largest cities, and that cultural affi¬ liation exerts greater influence on settlement patterns than locational or environmental factors.
Ghana's urbanization must be viewed against a background of people, land, and other resources. (See Table 1 in the
Appendix on Total Land Use in Ghana.) In 1970 the popula¬
tion numbered approximately 8,500,000. This represented
an increase of 27% for the preceding decade. Correspon¬
ding to natural conditions such as soil fertility and vege¬
tation, climate, and access, nearly four-fifths of the
population is clustered in the southern half of the country.
Nevertheless, some of the highest concentrations are found
in the arid north-eastern corner where settlements of the
subsistence-farming Frafras attain densities of more than
. , 2 200 persons per square mile.
Of the total population of 8.5 million, 2,442,000 persons,
or 28.5%, lived in urban centres in 1970 compared with
1,551,000, or 23.1% in I960.3 That is, during this period
the urban population increased by almost 64%, two—and-one—
half times the rate experienced for the country as a whole. 3
It is interesting to note that the migration to urban
centres was discernible also in medium sized centres in
slower growing areas. (See Tables 2 and 3 in the Appen¬
dix.) For example, the town of Bolgatanga, which became
a regional capital only a few years ago, more than tripled
even though the region in which it is located has the lowest
net growth rate in the country. However, the five largest
centres alone accounted for one-fourth of all new urban
dwellers. The population of metropolitan Accra, the national capital, grew to be nearly three times that of
Kumasi and seven times that of Sekondi-Takoradi, the third ranked town. Its primacy will become more pronounced if
continue. present trends Medium-sized towns gained at a moderate rate whereas many smaller centres grew rapidly.
(See Table 4 . )
Contributing to the move away from the land and threatening the welfare of the entire population is the over-utiliza¬ tion and misuse of agricultural and forest areas. In parts of the north, the present carrying capacity of the land is being approached. Thus, as one writer has observed;
Frafra may indeed have reached the point of no return, with recovery impossible in the fore¬ seeable future. It has been realised for two decades that the maintenance of an agricultural population of the present density, with an adequate standard of living, is impracticable: it may be that the area must pass through a depopulation stage before recovery may be con¬ sidered feasible. There is little hope that riverine areas, now deserted, will become of much use in absorbing surplus population.4 4
Critical densities of population5 are also being approached to the south in the forest zone, where areas available for cultivation and food cropping on a rotational basis are allowed insufficient fallow periods, from six to ten years only:
... too short to prevent soil degradation in the absence of manurial treatment. It is therefore imperative that some other method of husbandry be introduced and generally adopted. It is no longer a matter which is merely desirable; it is an absolute essential if the country is to maintain its present population and continue to develop.®
Mere existence and survival will become increasingly press¬
ing issues in the context of present patterns of settlement
and land use.
The level from which development must proceed may be des¬
cribed in economic terms. The per capita Gross National
Product of Ghana in 1969 was $266.00 at then current market
prices. Yet, during the mid-1960s, it was among the
highest for any nation in black Africa, excluding South 8 Africa. The average monthly wage in all establishments 9 with more than ten employees was just over $50.00 . The
growth of the economy, however, has not kept pace with the
increase in population during the last decade. Between 1963 10 and 1968 the per capita GNP dropped nearly 8%. In 1969 11
more than one quarter of the adult labor force was unemployed.
The country relies heavily on imports for both consumer goods
and raw materials for industry and manufacturing. 5
Principal exports are cocoa, timber, diamonds, and gold, but these do not generate enough foreign exchange for the
simultaneous amortization of external debts, unrestricted
import of consumer goods, and the procurement of equipment and materials necessary to accelerate the growth of the basic economy. Thus, it is a measure of the country's
economic distress that on January 13, 1972, the then parlia¬
mentary regime was deposed. After a two-year period of legislative democracy, policy and managerial functions of
the government once more became tightly centralized in
military hands. The new government immediately reimposed
import controls which had been relaxed and repudiated a 12 number of external debts.
In these circumstances, with the possibility of a widening
disparity between requirements and means, strategies for
development must of necessity list plans for urbanization
among items with maximum priority. Increasingly, capital
formation and expenditure will be associated with urban
centres and their surrounding regions. Such plans, if
deliberate, may very likely promote a spatial distribution
of the population, nationally, which differs from current 13 trends. The growth of particular centres may be facili¬
tated while steps are taken to contain others. This study
does not suggest a course for new national growth policies of this kind; see the two other articles in this volume, 6
but it is an attempt to determine minimum land needs for urban purposes and, if these vary, to isolate determinants and elements for further study.
Physical planning in Ghana has strong roots in British town and country planning. Most senior personnel in the planning profession hold English degrees, and master plans
for several towns were prepared under the direction of
British town planning advisors prior to the end of colonial
rule in 1957. The outstanding exception is the post-
independence planning of Tema, an industrial centre and
port city to Accra, by Doxiades Associates. Other influe¬
nces are also emerging as several planners in the last few
years have acquired American or Canadian education. However,
the University of Science & Technology at Kumasi has, in
the past decade and a half since its establishment, graduated
students with professional degrees in architecture and plan- 14 ning in sufficient numbers to have impact. Increasingly, professional and academic posts are being filled by Ghanaians
who have studied locally.
Therefore, it is both possible and timely to re-examine
planning and design practices for their relevance to Ghana¬
ian conditions. From the outset the curricula at the
University have emphasized empirical research into cultural,
socio-ecomomic, and environmental influences as a precondi¬
tion for design. But no methodological framework for 7
comparative analysis of indigenous land and space use had
emerged at the time when the effort described here was 15 initiated.
THE STUDY
Eighteen villages and 37 urban centres distributed through¬ out the nine Administrative Regions of the country were
studied. (See Table 4 and Map 1. 1960 figures) The com¬ bined number of inhabitants of the 37 urban centres was
1,024,106 or 66% of the total urban population. The sample
included all settlements and towns in Ghana for which land
use information was available and is extensive enough to
portray country-wide and l6 major group patterns. However, the validity of analyses dealing with sub-groupings is somewhat uncertain since there are instances where a type of centre, as defined, is 17 represented only by a single case.
The study pertains only to developed land, which was cate¬ gorized seven according to major uses.. (See Table 5 for a detailed explanation of the coding system.) They are:
R: RESIDENTIAL
P: PUBLIC
C: COMMERCIAL
E: EDUCATIONAL
I: INDUSTRIAL
T: TRAFFIC & TRANSPORTATION
0: OPEN SPACE & RECREATION 8
In this first effort to isolate variables which may affect requirements, the centres were classified pursuant to three criteria traditionally referred to in the description of towns: Class (Size of Population- See Figure 2 hereafter);
Geographic Zone; and Culture or Tribe (See Maps 2 and 3 in the Appendix)."*"^
The data was first analysed in these groupings for total
and sub-group characteristics. Thereafter the data was
cross-referenced. Two aspects were quèried for each centre:
1) total population; and 2) developed land in each category.
All inhabitants were assumed to reside exclusively within
the residential acreage, i.e. no mixed-use areas were re¬
cognized. Additional aspects were derived, including:
Percent of Total Land in each land use category
Density (persons per acre) within the residential acreage (net, excluding streets and any other uses), and overall, based on total developed land.
Developed Land per Capita (net usable) for each land use category and for total developed land, based on the resident population.
FINDINGS
Land use composition for all 55 centres is tabulated below
with corresponding figures for Great Britain and the United
States. This juxtaposition enables a crude comparison with
conditions in more developed areas whose material attain¬
ments are presumed, in part, to be desired goals. PERCENT OF TOTAL DEVELOPED LAND
R P C E I T 0
GHANA 49.7 7.9 2.1 14. 4 3.4 10. o 12.2 24.4
GREAT BRITAIN19 43.6 8.3 2.9 6.2 19.0 20.0 11.2
UNITED STATES20 40.8 2.9 7.2 32.7 5.5 13.8
The largest category of use, Residential, will be commented upon
It can be seen momentarily. that land classified Commercial is
given a relatively small ratio in Ghanaian settlements and towns,
less than three-fourths of the percentage devoted to this use in
the United States. Yet the combined percentage of land in Public
and Commercial use in Ghana exceeds British usage. Likewise, the percentage of land designated for Educational use in Ghana is
nearly five times that found in Great Britain. Consequently, with high ratios in Residential, Public, and Educational uses, only
smaller percentages remain for Industry, Traffic & Transportation, and Open Space & Recreation uses.
These ratios are not explanatory unless accompanied by data showing
absolute areas. If per capita allocations for the several land use
categories are derived from total urban areas, it is found that the
combined amount of area in Public and Commercial use in Ghana exceeds the British allocation. Similarly, the absolute amount of land in
Educational use in Ghana is approximately four-and-one-half times 10
larger than the corresponding area in Great Britain. This information, however, is not altogether useful for compara¬ tive purposes without knowledge about intensities of land use. This is particularly so with regard to non-domestic development which is traditionally measured in terms of 21 floor space and land coverage ratios. The generous allo¬ cation of land for several categories of use cannot be assumed to represent adequacy or surfeit of facilities fof these functions. On the contrary, it must be presumed that the urban land surface in Ghana is less intensely developed than is the case in either Great Britain or in the United
States. Hard data to confirm this supposition is not on hand and is not likely to become available for some time, but it is an obvious conclusion from the predominant low- rise character of Ghanaian towns and the comparative output 22 of the Ghanaian economy.
Land in Residential use is, on the other hand, normally measured with respect to site area per dwelling or density
of population. The table below shows per capita areas and
densities for Net Residential Land and for Total Urban Land.
URBAN LAND PER CAPITA AND DENSITIES OF POPULATION23
Net Residential Land Total Urban Land Area (sq.ft.) Density (ppa) Aröa (sq.ft.) Den- slty (ppa)
21 GHANA 44 2,092 18 GREAT BRITAIN 43 2,370
25" 9 UNITED STATES 1,500 29 4,750 11
The allocation of urban land in Ghana is equivalent to
slightly higher population densities than those which exist
in Great Britain. The corresponding allocations in the
United States are considerably greater and densities are
lower. It has been shown that the average composition of
urban land in Ghana includes a larger percentage of the
total, approximately 50%, in Residential use than is the
case in the technologically more advanced countries. At
the same time, per capita residential area in Ghana nearly
equals the British average. Therefore, in the context of
the comparison, the higher ratio of residential land in
the urban total may be viewed as a result of a more modest
provision for the other categories of use combined.
The summary findings of the study are illustrated in
Figures 1 to 4,, which show average land use ratios for the 55 centres and absolute areas according to size of population, cultural grouping, and geographic zone.
Land Use and Size of Population
Two correlations between land use and class of urban centres are apparent and hold true for small and medium-sized towns.
First, as size of population increases, the ratios of land in Residential use and for Open Space & Recreation gradually decrease while other ratios generally increase. Only Com¬ mercial use remains fairly stable. Second, as size of 12
FIGURE I: LAND USE - AVERAGE OF 55 CENTRES
PERCENT OF TOTAL LAND
10T SQ.FT. a» RESIDENTIAL
IT n PUBLIC c: COMMERCIAL
E: EDUCATIONAL
li INSTITUTIONAL
TS TRAFFIC & TRANSPORTATION
O: OPEN SPACE Í. RECREATION DEVELOPED LAND PER CAPITA 46.4 56.3 34.0 31.7 82.4 34.7 7.1 3.4 10.0 12.2 49.7 7.9 2.1 14.4 PERCENT OF TOTAL 1 0.0 .6 TO .2 *T7J 0.0 82 180.4 59.2 DENSITY (person« per acre): S 1774 785.7 724.9 1266.6 768! 2501.2 685.2 134.3 1589.8 81.1 207.0 273.2 209! 989.7 173.8 41.5 325.6 DEVELOPED LAND PER CAPITA: 0.0 2.5 3.8 26! 241.4 5.4 2.1 12.3
mean, and low eaaa.
P c E 1 T O 1 1 R 123456 78 FIGURE 2: LAND USE - ANALYSIS BY SIZE OF CENTRE
CLASSIFICAT1CW BY POPULATION ERCE NT OF TOTAL LAND
1 (Di - 2,000 10T SQ.FT. 2 (IDs 2,000 - 3,000 IT 3 (lll)i 3,000 - 10,000
4 (IV)i 10,000 - 20,000
3 (V)l 20,000 - 30,000
6 (VI)i 30,000 - 100,000
- (KUMASX) 7 (Vll)l 100,000 500,000
• 1,000,000 (ACCRA) 8 (vm)s 300,000 DEVELOPED LAND PER CAPITA 13
FIGURE 3: LAND USE ANALYSIS BY CULTURAL GROUP
CULTURAL GROUPING
1: crus I
21 DAGBANI
3: AKAN
41 GA-ADANGBE
5: EWE 'developed land per capita
FIGURE 4ï LAND USE * ANALYSIS BY GEOGRAPHIC
ZONE 70
50
30
10
percent o total land
10T SQ.FT.
IT GEOGRAPHIC ZONES
100 It COASTAL THICKET Alto SAVANNAH
21 RAINFOREST l0 31 DERIVED SAVANNAH
4! INTERIOR SAVANNAH I eloped land per capita 14
population increases, there is a gradual augmentation in absolute area, or a tendency away from compaction.
The first observation substantiates the fact that smaller centres are closer to subsistence and rural life and there¬ fore support less non-domestic activity. Greater inclusion of open space within their urbanized areas probably does not reflect a conscious allocation of space for leisure and recreation. Rather, it results from less tidy, more informal growth culminating in the envelopment of odd areas which have become designated as "green space." It must be realized that open space, rightfully classified as an amenity may in the context of a highly improved area in fact be de¬ veloped, whereas in a simpler setting it may remain untouched
This circumstance complicates the task of land use classifi- 2 6 cation in centres close to a rural state. On the other hand, it is a reasonable premise that, as private living space is increased, there is a declining need for communal
areas, including public open space.
The tendency towards concentration found in the smaller
centres may be understood as a stage preceding the physical
expansion which accompanies the growth of activities and
upgrading of amenities in the medium-sized towns. That is,
instead of seeing the compaction of village conditions as
a sub-standard state, it may be viewed as a point of depar¬
ture for any norms. Wherever the built environment has 15
resulted from a direct, personal response to the natural setting, that environment quite likely reveals the sub¬ jective requirements of its inhabitants.
These patterns hold for centres up through Kumasi which, with a population of 234,274, is the only Class VII centre.
Following the trend, Kuirtasi has the lowest class ratio of developed land devoted to Residential use. Its per capita allocation for this purpose, however, falls below the 55 centre average and marks the deviation from the rise in living space seen to accompany population increase in smaller centres. Kumasi compensates for this reduction in private and communal space through an exceptionally generous provision for public Open Space & Recreation.
Called the Garden City, it has 21% of its area and the highest per capita allocation of any class in this use.
It has the highest class ratio for Commercial use, the second highest for Traffic & Transportation (13.2%), and high percentages for Education and Industry, as well as large amounts of absolute area in these categories. Con¬ versely, it has a low ratio for land in Public use, i.e. for government and institutions.
Finally, Accra presents patterns which differ markedly from those pertaining to smaller centres. It is the country's 27 only Class VIII centre and has a population of 633,880. 16
Of all cities in Ghana, it absorbs the greatest influx of migrants from the countryside and other towns, so that it is perhaps not surprising that it has the highest ratio of land in Residential use. The amount is disproportionate compared with the average for all other centres and re¬ presents a departure from the gradual diminution of this category. Similarly, it is not surprising that the per capita allocation for residential land in Accra is only
491 sq. ft., equivalent to an average residential density of 89 persons per acre, compared with the 990 sq. ft.
0 8 average, or 44 persons per acre, for the 55 centres.
The density within Accra's residential acreage varies from overcrowding at one end of the scale - to wit, Nima and similar areas where secondary dwelling structures are frequently placed in the normally open interior courts of compound houses - to the spaciously sited residences of the East and West Ridge for upper echelons of the civil 29 service and top posts in commerce. Also, not unexpectedly,
Accra has the highest ratio in Traffic & Transportation,
27.9% of the total, as opposed to the average of 10%. As the country's capital, its street network is more extensive 30 than that of any other city. It is an index of the human load on Accra that it provides close to the least absolute area per capita for all uses. Yet the greater utilization of Accra land is not per se an indication of overload; in several respects it may reflect economies of scale. 17
Residential Land Use Relationship to Class, Culture and and Geographic Zone
Several additional observations can be made in relation to
land in Residential use alone. Patterns related to size of
population are, in detail, not entirely consistent. The
increase in absolute area coincidental with increase in
population, until the two largest cities are encountered,
is not a uniform rise. There are instances in the sequence
which counter the trend. However, the deviations appear to
be substantially a result of the distribution of the data.
Classes are unevenly represented across cultural groups
and, in some cases, the data may be skewed by the special
attributes of one or more centres.
It is clear that cultural grouping is a key determinant,
and that factors which are consonant with city size are
effective secondarily until large-city status is achieved.
Trends within separate tribal affiliations confirm the variation of absolute area pursuant to size of population, but the magnitude of spread among culturally defined settlement patterns is greater than the range according to population. Thus, the Akan group, which encompasses more than two-thirds of the sample, shows the greatest concen¬ tration, and this massive inclusión of Akan centres has depressed per capita allocations in several class groupings.
(See Table 6.) 18
The average net area in Residential use within the Akan
group is approximately 800 sq. ft. per person. This is well
under the 55-centre average of 990 sq. ft. which, in turn, is
exceeded by allocations prevailing among the Dagbani, Ga-
Adangbe, and Ewe tribes: 1,145, 1,377, and 1,788 sq. ft. respectively. The maximum range recorded among tribal groups is the 1,060 sq. ft. spread between the Grusi average of 728 sq. ft.•- represented by the town of Wa only - and the Ewe norm of 1,788 sq. ft. In contrast, the maximum spread among class groupings is just 864 sq. ft., and considerably less if Accra is omitted.
Reviewing class characteristics against average alloca¬ tions within geographic zones, differences are less observable.
With some exceptions, the data still shows a rise in the per capita area, reaching a high point for medium-sized towns.
But since most geographic zones are represented by a mix of cultural groups, the average allocations are not far apart from one zone to another. Disparities which show up within the allocations of a cultural group from one zone to the next, noticeably within the Akan and Ga-Adangbe groups, seem largely the outcome of special circumstances. For example, patterns within the Ga-Adangbe sphere appear uniform both along the coastal zone and inside the rainforest area except where they are warped by the characteristics of Accra. (See Table 8.)
It may be postulated then that cultural affinity is more 19
influential in the development of residential sectors than environmental determinants within Ghana's geography. This hypothesis requires qualification. If culture is here thought of as the aggregate of a peoples history, material accomplishments, and way of life, it may be a fiction to separate culture for long from its environmental context.
But to do so helps explain diversity of human response to similar natural conditions or, conversely, behavioural continuity in dissimilar surroundings. Thus, one may speculate that Akan norms for modest living space encom¬ pass a long-standing confrontation with the difficulties of clearing open space in the rainforest and coastal thickets. The notion of cultural identity apart from place, or place of origin, is then supported by the existence of Akan settlements which, outside the confines of forest and heavy vegetation, display similar compaction.
It may be observed that these dwellers of hot-humid zones, themselves adapting to climate and surroundings, have
created an architecture which counteracts the build-up of heat and maximizes ventilation. Their domestic structures are linear elements, one room deep, disposed around and
shading narrow courts. These rectangular compounds are
closely spaced in a grid pattern to form lanes for public
circulation no wider than the open interiors of the com¬ pounds themselves. One may assume, therefore, that a balance of conditions has in fact been achieved to which 20
further dispersal offers no compelling advantages to the
Akans.
However, inasmuch as settlement patterns of other tribes in similar territory display different characteristics, it is obvious that the use of space cannot be interpreted 31 purely as a response to the natural habitat. It is, more¬ over, contrary to principles of environmental planning to
find settlements in the hot-arid north which are less densely
occupied than those of the Akans. On the grounds of thermal
comfort alone, whole villages and towns in dry country
should, uniformly, be the most tightly built in order to
present minimum exposure to the sun while maximizing inter¬
nal shading. The low humidity lessens the requirement for
ventilation and makes greater compaction of building mass
possible.
In short, it must be inferred that the space norms
under observation are, objectively, elastic and that a
complex of factors, here defined as culture, supersede
influences posed by the country's geography alone.
CONCLUSIONS
The foregoing raises some issues which ought to be
considered in the evolution of development policies.
First, with respect to residential areas, the oppor- 21
tunity exists in Ghana to uphold traditional settlement customs. Commercial, institutional, and industrial deve¬ lopment will undoubtedly follow functional and technolo¬ gical trends as they are standardized throughout the world.
The residential domain represents, at least potentially, one of the few remaining strongholds for cultural identity.
It should for example be possible for the planning depart¬ ments of the nine Administrative Regions of Ghana to esta¬ blish their own local guidelines for physical planning within the context of an overall residential mould for the whole country. With continued growth of the largest centres norms may ultimately merge in any case. However, so long as building construction in the residential sector relies for the most part on traditional self-help methods outside the cash economy and does not divert industrial resources from more essential development, there would seem to be no obvious reason for insisting on sameness.
More generally, it may be assumed that many of Ghana's urban centres already have considerable reservoirs of unrealized potential for development within existing confines. The amount of urban land per capita in Ghana
is not much less than the British norm. As previously noted, in two categories Ghanaian allocations exceed the
British while in others they fall below. A certain amount 22
of redesignation may be possible. It has also been surmised
that the urban land surface in Ghana in the income-producing
and service-related sectors is less intensely built up than
is the case in a technologically and economically more
developed country. However, the extent of the land reser¬
voir is tempered by the condition that present levels of
construction technology and cost in Ghana tend to limit
buildings to heights attainable through masonry with
minimal reinforced concrete framing, to story-heights which
can be negotiated without elevators, and to smaller massings
which do not require air-conditioning of interiors. These
circumstances may render much of the existing in-town site
potential uneconomic and insufficient to meet coming needs
for additional floor space in given locations. Moreover,
the reservoir may be eroded by rising levels of amenities.
Even though it is not expected that Ghanaian land use re¬
quirements in the foreseeable future will exceed standards
now adhered to in more developed areas, trends do show a
gradual increase in the per capita demand for urban land
and floor space in the course of escalating expectations 32 everywhere.
Guidelines for development must of necessity be concerned not merely with standards but with feasibility. Ghana's
economy and capacity for development have already been 23
described briefly. More specifically, in recent years annual
investment in Ghana's building industry, referring to per¬ manent construction alone, has averaged $78,550,000.00. This
amount is significantly less than what is required if the
country's demand for new building is to be met pursuant to 33 past rates of consumption. It must be assumed that while
particular projects may go ahead without compromise, building
and construction activity within whole sectors may decline
in relation to per capita norms.
This anticipated growing gap between supply and demand
is by itself sufficient grounds for economy. Inescapably,
physical planning must attempt to minimize the cost of the
built environment. This implies, in the planning of new
communities and towns, adherence to modest land use practices
and a search for optimalities. In the growth of existing
towns, complete utilization of land and improvements already
contained must be achieved before the boundaries of develop¬
ment are extended. These criteria are synonymous with
maximum concentration of buildings and functions consistent
with social values, the carrying capacity of infrastructure,
and full exploitation of local construction technology.
This approach suggests that appropriate minimum intensities
of use be established for particular locations and that,
similarly, minimum norms be determined for types of building
occupancy. 24
Since neither the amount nor the location of various
types of required space are constant, it is clear that the difficulties with which buildings accommodate to changes in occupancy and function are barriers to organic urban growth. The relative permanency of the built environment implies that the better the fit for any given stage, the more strenuous may be the transition to successive ones.
Ghana's towns are exposed to rapid, quantum change. They must be habitable now and yet be capable of reorganization.
They are subject to both peripheral, outward pressures for space as a result of accretion and to internal pressures caused by the demand for greater amenities and shifting emphasis within the existing fabric. Solutions must be open-ended both externally and internally. But the continued maintenance of idle, internal margins for future growth will mean that land and infrastructure are under-utilized at given points in time. Hence the capacity for growth more promisingly implies the ability to change building use, occupancy, and location of activities with relative ease.
The difficulty of achieving a balance among these aims and the associated practical problems is demonstrated by the gradual construction of the new port city of Tema according to a plan which is scaled for the 21st century but which is a vast, semi-barren grid to be endured in the present.
Infrastructure networks envelop extensive areas jput 25
to light use only. Workers must travel enormous distances to places of employment. The transportation system is minimal, and pedestrians trek across the treeless land¬ scape under the hot sun. Housing construction to pres¬ cribed standards does not meet the demand for low-rent accommodations, and a sizable squatter settlement is growing outside the planned bounds of the city.
It has been pointed out that information on existing rates of land utilization is not yet available. Moreover, the data on hand, given for whole categories only, does not disclose anything about locational relationships. Idiosy- ncracies of urban form and structure are not brought out.
For example, the effects of dispersal are not measureable although it is known that the developed portions of several centres in the study encompass rural areas not counted as part of the urbanized area. Such conditions bear on the inferences made from the data. For one, infrastructure requirements may be affected. Secondly, impressions of habitability gained from density figures may be misleading.
What may appear to be extreme, local confinement may be
acceptable if it is alleviated by open space in close proximity, improved or not. Conditions may exist which
cannot be understood without reference to levels of
physical development. High population densities with 26
respect to the land surface ma,y be counterbalanced by floor
space which, at a premium and with increasingly advanced
levels of technology, may be multi-storied. Where construe tion materials and methods demand that buildings hug the ground, high densities may be synonymous with crowding.
On the other hand, concentration may be preferable if means for transportation are not available. Technology and labour-saving conveniences may in one place modify space needs encountered elsewhere.
In sum, the present study gives some indication of current norms of urban land use in Ghana. It is also clear that more research is needed to uncover facts and their context before meaningful ranges of minimum space requirements can be determined for the diversity of changing urban environments to be built. 27
NOTES
1. Ghana's population was 6,726,815 according to the 1960 Census. The March 1970 Census recorded 8,545, 561 persons. The intercensal annual growth rate was 0.3% less than the 2.7% generally expected. However, the enactment of the Aliens Compliance Order in December 1969 caused non-Ghanaians to leave the country or, at any rate, to avoid the count. In 1960 aliens accounted for 12.3% of the total population according to the Census. Hence, Ghana's 1970 population may very likely include between one and two million persons in addition to the official enumeration. In 1960 one- third of the alien population lived in urban areas. (Data furnished by Charles C.T. Blankson of the Depart¬ ment for Housing and Planning Research, U.S.T., Kumasi.)
2. Walter Birmingham, I. Neustadt, and E.N. Omaboe, A Study of Contemporary Ghana, Volume II: Some Aspects of Social Structure (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1967), page 46.
3. From 1970 Census figures, respectively.
4. T.E. Hilton, "Population Growth and Distribution in the Upper Region of Ghana," in The Population of Tropical Africa, ed. by J.C. Caldwell and C. Okonjo (London: Longmans, 1968).
5. William Allan defined critical density of population as "the human carrying capacity of an area in relation to a given land use system, expressed in terms of po¬ pulation per square mile; it is the maximum population density which a system is capable of supporting perma¬ nently in that environment without damage to the land." William Allan, The African Husbandman (London: Oliver and Boyd, 1965), page 89.
6. A. Foggie, "The Role of Forestry in the Agricultural Economy," in Agriculture and Land Use in Ghana, ed. by John Brian Wills (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), pages 229-320.
7. Central Bureau of Statistics, Economic Survey, 1969 (Accra-Tema: Ghana Publishing Corporation, 1970), Table 2, page 15.
8. United Nations, Statistical Yearbook 1970 (New York: Statistical Office of the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 1971), Table 184, page 597. ir
28
9. Central Bureau of Statistics, Economie Survey, 1969 page 101. The income figure generally pertains to urban situation but is not descriptive of smaller enterprises and individual entrepreneurs, nor is it informative about cash income among rural households of which little is known.
10. Ibid, Table 2, page 15. The trend was reversed minimally in 1969 when the economy showed a real growth of 3.4%, having averaged less than 2% during the previous five years. Consequently, the per capita GNP advanced 0.7% in 1969.
11. The figure was quoted by Dr. Kofi Busia, then prime minister, in a speech on November 11, 1969, after his generally unsuccessful visits to the United Kingdom, U.S.A., and France for the purpose of rescheduling foreign debts. See African Contemporary Record, Annual Survey and Documents (Exeter: African Research Ltd., 1970-1971).
12. The two military governments which have assumed power in Ghana during the past decade appear to fit John Friedmann's definition of one of five political alter¬ natives during crisis: "...A progressive authoritarian government backed by the armed forces but enjoying wide popular support..." See John Friedmann, "The Strategy of Deliberate Urbanization," AIP Journal, November 1969, page 370.
13. To date, Ghana's largest effort in this direction is the Volta River Project, completed in 1966, which produced the world's largest man-made lake covering 3,275 square miles, a source for electric power and new industry. The lake has modified the climate over the eastern part of the country. Its creation entailed the resettlement of some 80,000 villages in 52 villages. The project replaced an old land use system with a new one of higher capacity. Exploitation of its potential has barely begun.
14. In 1969 the architectural and planning professions in Ghana comprised approximately 100 Ghanaian graduates of U.S.T. and other institutions with advanced degrees, See Frants Albert, ed., Tamale/Kumbungu Survey (Kumasi: Faculty of Architecture, University of Science and Technology, 1969), page vi.
15. The project was funded by the Ghanaian government and has, in part, provided for a two-year program of study 29
in Ghana and the United States for a Ghanaian planner who, as a staff member of the Department of Housing and Planning Research at U.S.T., will continue and broaden the work.
16. Some of the land use data was prepared especially for this study by the nine regional planning offices. Information covering nearly half of the centres in¬ cluded was obtained from student theses prepared during 1969 and 1970 at the University of Science and Technology at Kumasi for the Diploma Course in Commu¬ nity Planning. It should be noted that the Ghana Census defines a centre as "urban" if its population exceeds 5,000.
17. Other uncertainties include an unverified degree of accuracy of the original data. It has not been possi¬ ble to ascertain if all regional planning offices consistently adhered to the land use classification scheme.
18 The data was also analyzed according to service centre functions, pursuant to the definitions and ratings established by Grove and Huszar. See David Grove and Laszlo Huszar, The Towns of Ghana (Accra: Ghana Uni¬ versities Press, 1964). However, multiple functions and ratings occur, so that clear-cut definitions do not stand out for any one town. Hence, a town classi¬ fied, for a given analysis, according to its role as a transportation centre might have less area allocated to this category than a town designated as a commercial centre. The results of these analyses have not been included.
Analyses of two more obvious functional groupings are noteworthy, however. On the average, land allocations in the nine regional capitals exceed the 55-centre average for total urban areas. Their per capita allo¬ cation for residential land is 1,071 sq. ft., well above the overall average, presumably because of ample provisions for civil service estate housing. In con¬ trast, Ghana's five mining centres show compaction. Their average allocation for residential use is only 658 sq. ft. per capita.
19. The figures for Great Britain are a composite developed from data set forth in P.A. Stone, Housing, Town Deveu lopment, Land and Costs (London: the Estates Gazette Ltd., 1962). See Table 10, page 30, and Table 27, page 72. From the latter, land for Commercial ànd Public Buildings and Public Utilities has been combined, as 30
has land for Transport and Roads, etc. The figures apply to settlements of over 10,000 population.
20. See Harlan Bartholomew, Land Uses in American Cities (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1965), page 121. The data shown in this paper is a composite developed from figures for 53 central cities and 33 satellite cities.
21. Yet, information on land and built space is an in¬ complete index of commercial activity in many tropical areas where a large volume of small business is con¬ ducted in the streets by vendors.
22. A physical survey of Kumasi was completed during the summer of 1972 under the direction of the author, both in order to obtain information and to develop a method for computer-aided mapping and analysis of urban data, applicable to other Ghanaian towns.
23. Whereas absolute areas are frequently stated in terms of acres per 100, per 1,000, or 10,000 persons, they are here calculated on the basis of square feet per capita in order to have indices which more vividly describe environmental standards with respect to the individual. It is proposed that, for the purposes of physical planning, it is more meaningful to generate or aggregate the larger environment from micro-condi¬ tions, which are imageable, than it is to work down from gross statistics.
24. The figure for Net Residential Land is the unweighted average of a range from 420 to 1380 sq. ft., while Total Urban Land has a range from 975 to 3,250 sq. ft. Adapted from Robin H. Best and J.T. Coppock, The Changing Use of Land in Britain (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), Table VI, pages 174-175.
25. The figure for Net Residential Land is the unweighted average of a range from 1,190 to 1,810 sq. ft. and Total Urban Land has a range from 3,000 to 6,480 sq. ft. Adapted from Harlan Bartholomew, Land Uses in American Cities, page 121.
26. Similarly, in the near-rural setting, the amount of land which should be counted towards circulation in a strict sense is difficult to determine, since the entire surface not occupied by buildings may be bare and randomly used for pedestrian and vehicular traffic. 31
27. Assuming that aliens made up at least 15% of Accra's population prior to their official expulsion in Dece¬ mber of 1969, Accra's true population was closer to 750,000. The number of persons who actually left Ghana has not been verified. Similarly, Kumasi's population may be closer to 275,000.
28. Adjusting the data for Accra to reflect the alien population component, the per capita allocation of net residential area was 415 sq. ft., equivalent to a residential density of 105 persons per acre. The city-wide gross density for developed land was 57 persons per acre. (Five centres have less area per capita for residential purposes: Anomabo, Dunkwa, Nkawkaw, Prestea, and Shama.) Figures for Kumasi, correspondingly adjusted, would be 713 sq. ft. per capita or a density of 61 persons per acre for net residential areas, and a gross density of 20 persons per acre.
29. For a detailed analysis of housing in Nima, see H.N.A. Wellington's unpublished Masters of Architec¬ ture thesis, University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, 1969. The Planning Department for the Accra- Tema Metropolitan Area estimates that upper and medium income residents occupy nearly 60% of the residential acreage. That is, the overwhelming majority of the populace resides on disproportion¬ ately small amounts of surface.
30. The Accra ratio for Traffic & Transportation is only exceeded in the town of Nkawkaw, a Class VI centre, although several smaller towns have larger per capita allocations. Obviously, neither ratios nor the amounts of land allotted to circulation in a given centre necessarily portray the degree of accessibility provided, since they are not informative about network design, rates of traffic flow, and modes of transpor¬ tation.
31. It has been amply documented that the amount of built space per occupant does not vary much among tribal dwelling types. (For example, see Frants Albert, Tamale/Kumbungu Survey, pages 41-49.) Thus, variance in the allocation of land primarily relates to the spacing of structures and may reflect agricultural prac¬ tices, defense, social customs, and other traditions. 32
32. For example, it has been estimated that whereas the United States population may increase by 50% by the year 2000, land requirements for urban purposes may increase by nearly 125%. See Herman D. Ruth, "Elements of a National Policy for Land Use" (paper presented at the American Society of Planning Officials, National Planning Conference, New Orleans, Louisiana, 1971). As another example, Stockholm reports that the city's working population will be reduced by 10,000 by the year 1980 if space standards continue to rise at current rates. See Department of Planning and Building Control, Land Use Plan 1970 (City of Stockholm, Sweden, 1970), page 2.
33. For the value of construction in place, see Central Bureau of Statistics, Economic Survey, 1969, Table 45, page 78. A rough calculation of space needs for the coming decade may be made, based somewhat intui¬ tively on a development pattern similar to that of Kumasi (see note 22 above) and the rate of population growth during the past ten years. If the lowest unit costs for construction prevailing in Accra during 1971 $6.50 per sq. ft.) are applied to this increment, one finds that space needs are more than twice the build¬ ing industry's present capacity for permanent const¬ ruction.
34
TABLE 1: TOTAL LAND USE IN GHANA, 19
* sq. miles t«l
AGRICULTURE* 20,400 2!
Peasant Farms 4,125 Cocoa 6,582 Large-scale Farms 193 Grazing 9,500
FOREST0 8,548 (
Closed Forest 5,839 Savanna and Other« 2,709
TRANSPORTATION® 160 1
Major Roads 150 Railroads and Ports 10
URBAN AREAS AND SETTLEMENTS 640 1
Urban Centers 185 Villages & Settlements 455
«• O Data for Peasant Ferma, Cocoa Plantation«, and Lorgo- MISCELLANEOUS USES* 66. acalo Parma fro« a pergonal communication to the author 58,595 from Dr» 8» Say, Ag» Doan of tho Faculty of Agricultura« l/» S. To e Kumaol, dated Jan. 28, 1970. National Defense Ar««« Service Area« 2) Data on grazing calculated by the author by applying appropriate grazing factors to tho Livestock Conçus for Extraction 1969, as furnished by tho Animal Health Division, Ministry of Agriculture. be So« a»,i) abovoe Forest data from same communication« OPEN SPACE •• i) Area taken up by Major Roads and Railroads calculated by multiplying lenghtà as given in Town and Country Planning 900 Division, Ministry of Lands, Rational Physical Development Open Space, Wildlife Areas £Aan> 1963 » 1970 (Accra-Temat State Publishing Corporation« Major Lake» (3,285) 1965) p. 12, by an average, developed right-of-way width of Unclassified AO 57,910 ft. Data rounded up.
2) Port areas: Terna Harbour Area (790 acres) from Doxlados Associates, Tema Final Master Plan (Dox-GHA 65) (Athens: NET TOTAL 88,558 1O0, Doxiadea Associates, 1965) p. Harbour A4; Sekondl-Takorad! (Gross less Inland water areas) " Area, Railway and Main Road (821 acrea) as reported by tho Physical Planning Department, Western Region, Jan» 2, 1970« Data rounded up» GROSS TOTAL® 91,843 4« Areas of Urban Centers and Villages & Settlements aro calculated on tho basis of 2,092 sq.ft. per capita and a population total of 8.545,561 for 1970, allocated 28.5% to Urban Centers and 71.5% to Villages & Settlements, approximately.
•. D Extent of Service and Extraction Areas not known, but minimal. See John Brian Wills, "Tha General Pattern of Land Use" in John Brian Wills, ed., Agriculture and Lan 2) Extent of National Defense Areas not known but also pre» sumed to be minimal. £• I) Wildlife Areas I Mole Game Reserve given as 900 aq. alias« Ibid, p. 170» Atoa of Lake Volte 2) is 3,272 oq. «Iles g Lake Bosontvl La 13 sq. miles« Ibid. a«e Chap. XX. 3) All u.a. doc lcSontlfUd pLoc.4 la UtoUo.lfUd cat«(ory. 35 TABLE 2: GHANA'S POPULATION, GROWTH AND DISTRIBUTION BY REGION 1960-1970® 1960 % Aver. Aver. REGION 1970 * of Total Incr. Ann.Gr . Density Rate per sq.mi. 13.20 1.3 81 UPPER 857,295 10.0 757,344 37.06 3.2 27 NORTHERN 728,572 8.5 531,573 29.72 2.7 50 BRONG-AHAFO 762,673 8.9 587,920 33.20 2.9 155 ASHANTI 1,477,397 17.3 1,109,133 22.70 2.1 83 WESTERN 768,712 9.0 626,155 18.79 1.7 234 CENTRAL 892,593 10.4 751,392 5.6 853 CAPITAL DIST. 848,825 9.9 491,817 72.59 15.42 1.5 164 EASTERN 1,262,882 14.8 1,094,196 21.84 2.0 119 VOLTA 947,012 11.1 777,285 27.04 2.4 93 ALL REGIONS 8,545,561 100.0 6,726,815 TABLE 3: URBANIZATION IN GHANA BY REGION 1970 a % of Urban % of Rural No. of No. in REGION total Population Regional Population Urban this Total Centers Study Centers 3 2 66 UPPER 62,146 7.3 795,149 9 5 56 NORTHERN 148,556 20.4 580,016 18 5 27 BRONG-AHAFO 164,410 21.6 598,263 b 16 6 (12) 37 ASHANTI 395,608 26.8 1,081,789 13 5 38 WESTERN 203,137 26.4 565,175 21 8 38 CENTRAL 247,373 27.7 643,220 4 1 25 CAPITAL DIST. 749,458 88.3 99,367 30 4 (12) 13 EASTERN 316,878 25.1 940,004 15 4 27 VOLTA 154,257 16.3 792,755 ( 5) 129 40 31 ALL REGIONS 2,441,823 28.5C 6,103,738 (55) * From data prepared by C. D. K. Kudiabor. Regional Resource Planning Division, Development Planning Secretariat, Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Accra, May 1971. b Numbers in parenthesis denote total number of centers Included in this study. As defined by the Ghana Census, centers with a popul¬ ation exceeding 5,000 are classified as urban. e Percent of National Total. 36 TABLE 4î URBAN CENTERS AND SETTLEMENTS IN STUDY NJ £ ■o CC j ^ REGION <3 and URBAN CENTER • 3S H O H O CO X U X NO.ID. 1970 POPULATION 1960 POPULATION w < O 1970CLASS ^ZONEGEO. CULTURE (TRIBE) FUNCTION 1960RANKING UPPER REGION 1 WA 21,155 14,340 8 J 4.8 V D Grusi-Lobi A TC ï 2 BOLGATANGA 18,719 5,515 3.5 23.9 IV D Male-Dagbmi ATCI 2 NORTHERN REGION 1 3 TAMALE 81,612 40,440 7.7 10.2 VI D Dagbani ATCS 51 YENDI 18,754 16,096 6.3 1.7 IV D Dagbani A TC 2 4 SAVELUGU 8,469 5,949 2.1 4.2 III D Dagbani T 3 5 SALAGA 6,447 4,199 4.9 5.1 III D Dagbani AT 5 6 KUMBUNGU 5,244 4,480 1.7 1.7 III D Dagbani - 4 BRONG-AHAFO 7 SUNYANI 23,872 12,160 8.4 9.6 VI B Akan AT 1 9 BEREKUM 14,420 11,148 6.3 2.9 IV B Akan ATCS 2 8 WENCHI 13,727 10,672 8.9 2.9 IV C Akan AC 3 10 TECHIMAN 7,102 5,583 7.7 2.7 III B Akan AT 4 11 DUAYAW-NKWANTA 6,581 5,576 1.9 1.8 III B Akan S 5 ASHANTI 12 KUMASI 234,274 180,646 8.4 3.0 VII B Akan ACTSI 1 15 MAMPONG 13,919 7,940 6.0 7.5 IV B Akan ACS 4 14 BEKWAI 11,614 9,090 6.1 2.8 IV B Akan ATS 3 13 KONONGO 10,868 10,770 4.4 0.1 IV B Akan TCSM 2 18 TE PA 6,700 5,410 9.3 2.4 III B Akan TC 6 17 KUMAWU 6,654 4,962 3.0 3.4 III B Akan S 7 16 OFFINSO (NEW) 5,149 6,297 1.8 (22) III B Akan ATS 5 20 JUABEN 4,990 3,426 4.2 4.6 II 8 Akan S 11 21 AKROFUOM 4,800 3,851 2.5 2.5 II B Akan ■ o» 9 22 JUASO 4,546 3,984 (LA) 1.4 II B Akan AT 8 19 NYINAHIN 4,117 3,818 4.6 0.8 II B Akan 10 23 NSUTA 2,710 2,285 3.4 (L9) II B Akan T 19 WESTERN REGION 24 SEKONDI-TAKORADI 89,686 75,450 5.7 1.9 VI A Akan ATCSI 1 52 PRESTEA 24,429 13,246 6.4 8.4 V B Akan M 3 25 TARKWA 11,001 18,860 0.3 (7.1) IV B Akan ATCSM 2 53 BIBLANI 10,022 12,942 5.0 (2.9) IV B Akan ATCSM 4 26 SHAMA 7,749 6,718 (LÛ) 1.5 III A Akan - 5 CENTRAL REGION 27 CAPE COAST 51,764 41,230 4.9 2.6 VI A Akan ACS 1 28 SWEDRU 19,280 18,290 4.4 0.5 IV A Akan TCI 2 54 DUNKWA 15,977 12,689 5.3 2.5 IV B Akan ACSI 3 30 SENYA BERAKU 9,591 7,984 (1J0) 2.0 III A Akan TC 4 29 KWANYAKU 6,646 6,694 3.7 (ai) III A Akan TC 5 32 KOMENDA 6,008 4,261 3.5 4.1 III A Akan CS 8 33 ANOMABU 5,944 5,423 (3^: 1.0 III A Akan T 6 31 ABODOM 5,173 5,085 2.5 0.2 III B Akan S 7 Table Continued on Following Page 37 TABLE 4: URBAN CENTERS AND SETTLEMENTS IN STUDY continued A S." b 1 N3 8* o ««ï i-l « s fil '-v REGION iS w g • z and < pi W M o g z; URBAN CENTER HS H O C/l tf äß o ^ ï 1960 w o GEO. S 1970 POPULATION POPULATION ACTUALANNUAL jRATZ(ã)GROWTH 1970CLASS ZONE FUNCTION CAPITAL DISTRICT 34 ACCRA 633,880 337,820 8.0 8.8 VIII A Ga-Adar^B ATCSI 1 EASTERN REGION 35 KOFORIDUA 44,768 34,860 5.2 2.8 VI B Akan ATCS 1 36 NKAl/KAW 23,405 15,627 2.7 4.9 VI B Akan TCI 2 40 AB URI 7,618 4,715 2.4 6.2 III B Akan ATS 6 39 NKWATIA-KWAHU 6,258 4,826 2.5 4.0 111 B Akan S 5 41 MAMPONG-AKWAPIM 6,167 4,449 2.5 3.9 III B Akan • 7 37 SOMANYA 5,552 9,258 (1.1) (6.7) III B Ga-Adangbe ATC 3 44 KPONG 4,924 3,251 1.7 5.1 II B Ga-Adan^he C 10 45 SENCHI 3,900 2,263 5.5 7.2 II B Ga-Adangbe T 11 38 PRAMPRAM 3,699 6,065 2.3 (&4) II A Ga-Adangbe A 4 42 ANYINAM 3,577 3,809 1.5 (0J6) II B Akan T 8 43 AKUSE 3,232 3,638 1.5 (L3 ) II B Ga-Adargbe ATC 9 mm - 12 46 AKOKOASO 2,300 1,813 2.7 II B Akan VOLTA REGION 47 HO 22,446 14,520 7.9 5.5 VI B Ewe ATCS 2 48 KETA 16,100 16,720 3.2,(0.4) IV A Ewe AS 1 3 55 HOHOE 15,566 9,502 4.4 6.4 IV B Ewe TCS 4 56 AFLAO 11,436 7,491 9.6 5.3 IV A Ewe C 5 49 SOGAKOFE 2,622 1,960 1.7 3.4 11 A Ewe AT 1« Identification number of center in this study. 2. 1970 population according to the Ghana Census, except for Accra and Senchi where figures are preliminary estimates. Final census data not available at time of study. 3. From Town and Country Planning Division, Ministry of Lands, National Physical Development Plan 1963 - 1970 (Accra-Tema: State Publishing Corporation, 1965), Table XXXIII. Growth- rates in parenthesis indicate decline. 4. Class according to size of population. See Fig. 2 for classification scheme. 5. For location of zones sea map 2. 6. For location of tribal grouping see Map 3. 7. Functional classifications according to David Grove and Laszlo Huszar, The Towns of Ghana (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1964). 8. 1960 rankings according to population, region for region, arranged in order of 1970 rankings. TABLE 5: LAND USE CLASSIFICATION Rt RESIDENTIAL RESIDENTIAL (housing areas Including communal open space for local residents, but not including neighborhood amenities such as local shopping, public facilities, schools, public open space and recreational areas) SANITARY (as adjuncts to housing areas) pj public - CIVIC and CULTURAL GOVERNMENT USE CLINICS and HOSPITALS PUBLIC UTILITY (not including SANITATY areas in RESIDENTIAL) worship special C: COMMERCIAL MARKETS LORRY PARKS (as on-site adjuncts to MARKETS) RETAIL SHOPS and WHOLESALE ENTERPRISES OFFICES MIXED RESIDENTIAL and COMMERCIAL (commercial predominant) ES EDUCATIONAL SCHOOLS COLLEGES and UNIVERSITIES EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS It INDUSTRIAL INDUSTRIAL (light and heavy) MANUFACTURING Tt TRAFFIC A TRANSPORTATION STREETS and ROADS PARKING AREAS (not Including required/optional on-site parking in other land uses) TRANSPORTATION RIGHT-OF-WAYS, TRANSIT and TERMINAL SITES, including RAILWAYS, AIRPORTS, SEAPORTS (excluding, insofar as possible, any in¬ tegrated commercial and public uses) Ot OPEN SPACE & RECREATION __ PUBLIC OPEN SPACE (not including local, communal spaces part of housing areas) SPORTS DEVELOPED OPEN SPACE CEMETARIES NATURE RESERVE UNDEVELOPED OPEN SPACE or GREEN AREAS* UNDETERMINED* *If insignificant (less than 5% of total Developed Land), such areas may included in OPEN SPACE & RE¬ CREATION. Otherwise, classify as VACANT. 39 TABLE 6: RESIDENTIAL LAND ACCORDING TO CLASS AND CLASS VS. CULTURE C U L T U R E GRUS I DAGBANI AKAN GA-ADANGBE EWE AREA N AREA N AREA N AREA N AREA N T OTAL CULTURE 726.8 1 1,145.3 6 800.9 37 1,376.8 6 1,788.3 5 CUSS POPULATION AREA N VIII 500,000-1,000,000 490.6 1 490.6 1 VII 100,000- 500,000 836.5 1 836.5 1 300,000- 500,000 100,000- 300,000 836.5 1 836.5 1 VI 50,000- 100,000 1,354.5 3 1,455.4 1 1,304.1 2 Sekondi-Takoradi 1,691.1 1 Cape Coast 917.0 1 V 20,000- 50,000 776.3 6 726.8 1 563.3 4 1,678.0 1 Leas Akan centers 1,202.4 2 30,000- 50,000 1,093.6 1 1,093.6 1 20,000- 30,000 712.9 5 726.8 1 386.5 3 1,678.0 1 IV 10,000- 20,000 1,188.7 14 1,201.5 2 941.2 9 1,922.7 3 Less Akan centers 1,634.2 5 III 5,000- 10,000 829,4 18 1,004.5 3 703.2 14 2,071.2 1 Less Akan centers 1,271.2 4 8,000- 10,000 812.8 2 937.6 1 688.0 1 7,000- 8,000 619.9 3 619.9 3 6,000- 7,000 734.1 8 1,162.1 1 673.0 7 5,000- 6,000 1,114.1 5 913.7 1 861.9 3 2,071.2 1 II 2,000- 5,000 1,104.5 11 826.0 6 1,424.7 4 1,495.1 1 Less Akan centers 1,438.8 5 4,000- 5,000 859.2 5 833.0 4 964.2 1 I 3,000- 4,000 1,396.8 4 852.4 1 1,578.2 3 2,000- 3,000 1,133.3 2 771.5 1 1,495.1 1 I 2,000 665.7 1 665.7 1 AREA: per net 55-center average 989.7 55 Sq.fc. capita, residential land N: Number of centers in sample 40 TABLE 7î RESIDENTIAL LAND ACCORDING TO CUSS AND CLASS VS. ZONE Z 0 N E D c B A AREA N AREA N AREA N AREA N TOTAL ZONE 1,085.5 7 1,075.7 1 957.7 34 1,015.4 13 CUSS POPULATION AREA N VIII 500,000 -1» 000,000 490.6 1 490.6 1 VII 100,000 Ml 500,000 836.5 1 836.5 1 300,000 500,000 100,000 e> 300,000 836.5 1 836.5 1 VI 50,000 - 100,000 1,354.5 3 1,455.4 1 1,304.1 2 V 20,000 - 50,000 776.3 6 726.8 1 786.2 5 30,000 - 50,000 1,093.6 I 1,093.6 1 20,000 - 30,000 712.9 5 726.8 1 709.4 4 IV 10,000 20,000 1,188.7 14 1,201.5 2 1,075.7 1 1,077.0 8 1,515.8 3 111 5,000 - 10,000 829.4 18 1,004.5 3 937.6 10 507.9 5 8,000 - 10,000 812.8 2 937.6 1 688.0 1 7,000 ■a 8,000 619.9 3 797.7 2 264.2 1 6,000 «a 7,000 734.1 8 1,162.1 1 698.0 5 610.4 2 5,000 <*a 6,000 1,114.1 5 913.7 1 1,430.1 3 336.4 1 II 2.000 ws 5,000 1,104.5 11 1,015.1 9 1,507.1 2 4,000 m 5,000 859.2 5 859,2 5 3,000 o» 4,000 1,396.8 4 1,356.0 3 1,519.1 1 2,000 us 3,000 1,133.3 2 771.5 1 1.495.1 1 I es 2,000 665.7 1 665.7 1 AREA£ Sq.ft. per capita» net residential iand 55-CENTER AVERAGE 989.7 55 Ns Number of centers in sample 41 table 8ï residential land according to culture and culture vs. zone ZONE D C E A AREA N AREA N AREA N AREA N TOTAL ZONE 1,085.5 7 1,075.7 1 957.7 34 1,015.4 13 ZONE 0 less Tamale 1,023.9 6 ZONE B less Kumasi 961.4 33 ZONE A less Accra, CC,S-T 1,010.1 10 CULTURE AREA N GRUS I 726.8 1 726.8 1 DAGBANI 1,145.3 6 1,143.3 6 less Tamale 1,083.3 5 1.083.3 5 Tamale 1.455.4 1 AKAN 800.9 37 1,075.7 1 816.8 28 711.2 8 less Ksi, CC, S-T 770.3 34 less Rumasi 816.0 27 Kumasi 836.7 1 less CC, S-T 513.6 6 Cape Coast 917.0 1 Sekondi-Takoradi 1,691.1 1 GA-ADANGBE 1.376.8 6 1.562.8 4 1,004.9 2 less Accra 1,554.0 5 1,519.1 1 Accra 490.6 1 EWE 1,788.3 5 1,720.5 2 1,833,5 3 AREA: Sq.ft. per capita, net residential land Ni Number of centers in sample 42 MAP 1: ADMINISTRATIVE REGIONS * Located centrally en the Vast African coaat, 5e north of the Kquatorï Ghana atrotchea inland for a dlatanca of 400 reliai, lta width varlaa from 250 to 300 mllea. The Oreanwleh marl- dian cuta through Toma, Juac eaat of Accra. With 91.843 aq, mllea of territory, the country la aqual to Great Britain In area. It la divided Into nine Adralnl» trat Iva Regional Ul UPPER HI NORTHERN Bl BRONG-AHAFO AI ASHANTl Wl WESTERN CI CENTRAL CD I CAPITAL DISTRICT El EASTERN VI VOLTA MAP 2: GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS D Pour geographic zones are traversed from south to north. A narrow atrip of coastal thicket and savannah la found along most of the Gulf of Guinea. This la followed by a zona of dense rainforaet which covers the majority of the southern third of the country, extending to parta of the coast. A band Of derived savannah separates the forest from the In¬ terior savannah which bocomes increasingly dry and barren towards the north - continuing into Upper Volta and Kali, whsre tha countryside finally becomes desert. The landscape is basically flat, ascending gradually from the coaat to a plateau which never exceeds 1,000 ft. in elevation except along a few scattered escarpments thae rise up in forest and savannah areas. Tha Volta River basin is an extensive, low plain In the Interior. Ghana's climate la tropical, with a wet and a dry season in the north and two wet seasons in the south, separated by dry periods of short duration. The four gooes are noted aa foilowaI At COASTAL THICKET AND SAVANNAH Bt RAINFOREST Ci DERIVED SAVANNAH Dt INTERIOR SAVANNAH a. Fron Town and Country Planning Division, Ministry of Lands, National Physical Development Plan 1963 - 1970 ' (Accra-Terns! State Publishing Corporation, 1965), Fig. 12a. b. Ibid. Fig. 2. » Urban Canter (over 5,000 population) o Village or Settlement (2) Numbers In parenthesis are identification numbers of centers in this study. Numbers without parenthesis indicate servie» center rating according to Grove and Huazar. See David Grove and Laszlo Huszar, pie Town« of Ghana (Accra! Ghana Universities Press, 19o4). 43 MAP 3 î CULTURAL GROUPINGS c lOfej^RUSI yr^URMA Tho nation comprimis »oven major linguistic groups end approx¬ imately 30 lesser ones of which the largest group, the Aken tribos, number more than three million. The Mole-Dagbona and Ives number over one million each. The remaining larger groups are the Ga-Adsngbea, the Ouans, the Ourmas, and the Orusls, «, From Town and Country Flanning Division, Ministry of tends, Watlonal fhyslcal Development Plan 1963-1970 (Accra-Temat •täte Publishing Corporation, 1963), Fig, 12b(!V). s Urban Center (over 3,000 population) e Village or tettlemanc (1) Numbers in parenthesis are identification numbers of centers in this study, Numbers without parenthesis indicate service canter rating according to Grove and Hussar, 9oa David Grove and Laselo Huszar, pia Towns of Ghana (AccraI Ghana Universities Press, 1964). ADANGBE litt) 44 APPENDIX 2 - STATISTICS OF INDIVIDUAL CENTERS 45 STATISTICS OF INDIVIDUAL CENTERS EXPLANATION OF ASPECT CODES S DA04A NUMBER OF RESIDENTS DBOlAfB GROSS LAND USE AREA (acres) DB20B(3 DEVELOPED LAND (Net Useable) (acres) DB20B DEVELOPED LAND INDEX (DBOIA - 100%) DB20D PERCENT OF TOTAL URBAN AREA DG02A POPULATION DENSITY (Developed Land) (per acre) DH02C NET USEABLE SITE AREA PER CAPITA (in sq. ft . ) Note that, as a calculating device, DEVELOPED LAND (Net useable) was set equal to GROSS LAND USE AREA* CAT 1 RESIDENTIAL CAT 2 PUBLIC CAT 3 COMMERCIAL CAT 4 EDUCATIONAL CAT 5 INDUSTRIAL CAT 6 TRAFFIC & TRANSPORTATION CAT 7 OPEN SPACE & RECREATION E-STAGE TOTAL URBAN AREA (Developed Land) WA, U.R. GUANA UP,,1,AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEC,ORY CAT CAT 7 E-STAbE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 6 21155,0 D A O4*A 21155.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 D JOlAoö 353.0 *♦*.5 31.0 6b.o 13.0 132.5 »6.5 761.5 D fj20A<9 353.0 ^*.5 31.0 66.0 13.0 132.5 *6.5 761.5 D ,.20T 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ' D 320D ^6.3 6.5 M 11.2 .7 17.3 12.6 D G02A 5*.* 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 27.k 156b.o D U02C 726.b 101.* 63.6 177.0 26.7 272.6 1*6.7 46 il OL fiA TANGA , U.R. GHANA UR,/AN CENTERS STUOV, AUGUST l5/0, SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT L CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 F.-STAGE D AO'iA 1671 y.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 16715.0 D aolA^'û 366,0 138.0 26.0 l'll.O 0.0 55.0 I56.O 92L.O 0 /20A^ 366.0 136.0 26.0 1L1.0 0.0 55.0 iy6.o 52L.0 D g2UÜ 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 0 J20D 3y.6 IL.y 2.6 15.2 0.0 5.y 21.L D G02A 51.1 • 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.3 0 H02C 651.6 321.1 60.5 326.1 0.0 127.5 L60.7 2150.2 TAMALE, N.R. GHANA URBAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1570. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT ! CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT L CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'»A 81612.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 81612.0 0 HOIAvãJ 2726,8 607.2 102.3 1137.5 L57.7 337.1 1066.5 6L57.7 D ti 2 OACã» 2726.6 607.2 102.3 1137.5 L57.7 337.1 IO68.5 bL57.7 D D20il 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D D20D kZ.Z 1.5 17.6 7.0 5.2 16.6 D G02A 25.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0- 12.6 D H02C 1L55.L 32L.1 5L.6 607.1 2LL.2 : 75.5 581.2 3LL6.6 YENül , U.R. GHANA URBAN CENTRES STUDY. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT L CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AOLA 1675L.0 0.0 0.0 O.Q 0.0 0.0 0.0 1675L.O D uOlA.ãi 667.5 236.7 M 50. L 6.1 53.5 22.3 1063.k D u20A^ 667.5 236.7 M 50.L 6J 53.5 22.3 1083.L D u20_, 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D J20D 61.6 22.0 .3 8.3 .5 <♦.5 2.0 D G02A 28,0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 17.3 D H02C 1551.3 55L.L y.5 205.5 1L.1 125.1 51,7 2516.k 47 GHANA URiiAN CENTERS STUDY, iy7o. SAVELUGU , N.R. AUGUST SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT b CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1* CAT 5 0 ao^a 846y,o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6i*6y.o 0 001a J® 182.3 31.0 6.5 13.3 .5 11.7 11*.0 2b1.3 0 Q20A>i<> 182.3 31.0 6.5 13.3 .5 11.7 11*.0 261,3 D û20d 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10U.0 d ,)20D 6y.7 11.8 3.2 5.0 .1 k.k 5.3 0 c02a U6.1» 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 32.1* d h02c »37.6 15y.i+ 1*3.7 68.1* 2.5 60.1 72.0 13M».0 S A LA GA, N.R. GHANA URGAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST iy70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY code CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1* CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 e-stage 0 ao^a 61+1+7.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 61*1*7.0 D 3OlA0 172.0 3y.7 3.0 1*0.5 1.5 31.7 13.5 302.0 0 q20a^ 172.0 3y.7 3.0 1*0.5 1.5 31.7 13.5 3U2.0 0 02011 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 loo.o D 020U 56.y 13.1 .9 13.1* .1* 10.5 l+.l* 0 G02A 37.1+ O.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 21.3 y ï D H02C 1162.1 268.5 20.2 273.6 10.1 214.5 .2 20L0.6 KUM8UMGU, N.R. GHANA URtiAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST iy7o. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1+ CAT 5 CAT 6 D AO^A 52M*. 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 52'+'+„0 D üOlAiä» 110.0 5.0 6.0 31.0 1.0 6.0 33.0 ly2.° D C2OAÍ0 110.0 5.0 6.0 31.0 1.0 6.0 33.0 1*2.0 100.0 soo.o 100.0 D 020 . ÎO0.O 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 0 020D 57.2 2.6 3.« 16.1 .5 3J 17.1 D G02A 1*7.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 27.3 D H02C yi3.7 1*1.5 l*y.8 257.5 8.3 i*y,6 271*. 1 I5yi*.y 48 SUM VA MI , i j ROM Ci AHAFO GHANA UR, AN CENTERS STUDY, AUgUST 1270, SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STA*'e 0 AO4A 23072,0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 23672.0 D OO'A.à) 341.0 102.0 20.0 208.0 22.0 145.0 166.0 100b.0 0 020A,«i 341.0 102.0 20.0 206.0 22.0 145.0 166.0 1006.0 D ú20j 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 IOO.0 D t)20ü 33.6 10.1 1.5 20.6 2.1 14.4 16.6 D G02A 70.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 23.7 D H02C 622.2 166.1 36.4 372.5 4u. 1 264.5 306.5 I635.7 JEREKUM, ti RON G AHAFO GHANA URBAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1270, SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO4A 141+20.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 14420,0 D QOlAiP» 828.0 82.0 24.0 235.0 0.0 240.0 240.0 1656.0 D Ü20A^ 828.0 82.O 24.0 235.0 0.0 240.0 240,0 1656.0 D 0200 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 lou.o 100.0 Î00.0 100.0 D ü20ü 42.2 5.3 1.4 14.1 0.0 14.4 14.4 D G02A 17.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 8.7 D H02C 250!.2 268,8 72.4 702.8 0.0 724.2 724.2. 5002,5 WENCH 1 BRONG AHAFO , GHANA URBAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST >270. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATECORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 e-stage D AO4A 13727.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13727«° D UOÍA«S 332. o 14.0 20.0 58.0 52.0 l6fa.o 132.0 727.0 D 320A'» 332.0 14.0 20.0 58.0 52.0 Ibb.o 132.0 727,0 D 320B 100.0 10U.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 soo.0 100,0 100»° 0 u20d 42.5 1.7 2.5 7.2 7.4 21.0 17.4 D G02A 40.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 87.2 D H02C 1075.7 44.4 63.4 164.0 187.2 533. Î 441.0 2522®' 49 TECI 1 HA M # 'ROMli A HAFO GUANA UP. AM CENTERS STUDY, Alii.UST 1y/0, SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CAT EG0R V CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAUE D AO'tA 7102.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7102,0 D ,0lA^ 153.0 y6.2 12.y bb.3 1.2 80.0 206.5 b3b.2 0 j20Av,a 153.0 96.2 12.y bb.3 1.2 80.0 20b.5 b38.2 0 i.> 2 0 J 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.o 100.0 100.0 100,0 ' Ou, 0 D J200 23.y 15.0 2.0 13.6 .1 12.5 32.3 D G02A 46.4 o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0,0 11.1 0 H02C y36.4 5y0.4 7y.i 541.5 7.7 4y0.6 1266.6 3y14.fa DUAYAW NKWANTA, ORONu Ar ,A F0 GnANA UP. .AN CENTERS STU0Y, AUuUST 1y70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE D A04A 6581.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6561.0 0 ilOlA^ 117.0 34.0 y.o 37.0 .5 18.0 21.0 236.5 0 û20A, 0 020 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10U.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D .200 4y.4 14.3 3.& 15. b .2 7.6 8.8 0 G02A 56.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 27,8 D h02c 774.4 225.0 59.5 244.y 3,3 iiy.i 13y.O 1565.4 KUMA5I, ASHANTI GH N.' OR, I'M CENTERS STUDY, UuUST 1970. SUMMARY OF type-group/ctfg0ry C00E C'T 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 e-stage Q o -5" 234274.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 234274.0 0 .OlM 4500.0 710.0 510.0 2442.0 1017.0 l84b.o 2945.0 I3y70.0 0 ,(20'i<0 4500.0 710.0 510.0 2442.0 1017.0 1846.0 2945.0 13970.0 C7 N> O 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D U20D 32.2 5.0 3.b 17.4 7.2 13.2 21.0 0 i,o2a 52.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 16.6 D h02C 836.7 132.0 94.8 454.0 189.0 343.2 547.5 2597.5 Are« of Kumasl has been adjusted to exclude site of the University of Science and Technology from the educational category, so as not to distort more typical patterns. The reserve set aside for this institution is exceptionally gsnerous and considerably beyond the periphery of other urban development. 50 iy7o. MAMPONG, AShANTI GHANA UR iAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A 0.0 0.0 13313,0 D AO'tA 133'3.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 50.0 A 1.0 ■ 301.0 D M01A û 26A.0 26.0 2.0 5ub.O 10.0 50.0 A1.0 301.0 D .J20A;Í 26A.0 26.0 2.0 508.0 10.0 100.0 100.0 O c>4 O 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 5.5 A.5 U .200 2*.3 2.8 .2 56.3 1.1 0.0 15.A 0 G02A 52.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 156, A 12b.3 2013.7 D 1 i02c 126.1 81.3 «.2 158y,8 31.2 AShANTI GhANA URi.AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1370. jUEKWAI , SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 6 0.0 1 I61A.0 D AO'tA 1161 A.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2bo.o D aolA^ 127.0 2b.o 8.0 30.0 0.0 A7.0 AO.O 2b0.0 D r,20A,'i 127.0 2b.0 8.0 30.0 0.0 A7.0 AO.o 100.0 100.0 1OU.0 D ti 20 D 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 1 2 D u20U i+5.3 2.8 10.7 0.0 18.7 A, AI.5 D G02A si.A o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0' 1050. D H02C A76.3 105.0 30.0 112.5 0.0 176.2 150.0 1370. K0N0NG0, AShANTI GHANA UR„AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 A 0.0 0,0 0.0 10668.0 D AOAA 10866.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 116.0 12.0 A52.0 0 -OlAt<»> 222.0 33.0 8.0 53.0 2.0 116.0 12.0 D j20Atái 222.0 33.0 6.0 53.0 2.0 852,0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D D20D 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 25.6 2.6 D -200 'hi. 1 8.6 1.7 11.7 .A 0.0 0.0 0.0 D G02A A8.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 2A.0 A6A.3 A6.0 1811.7 D H02C 863.7 156.3 32.0 212. A 6.0 51 TEPA, ASftANT I GiiANA URl.AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1*70. SUMMARY OP TYPE-GROUP/CAT EuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1 CAT 5 CAT 1 CAT 7 E-STAtiE D AO'tA 6700.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6700.0 D UOlA.-A 12.0 5.0 11.0 31.0 1.0 11.0 12.0 153.0 0 20A,»> 12.0 5.0 11.0 31.0 1.0 11.0 12.0 153.0 D L)2UO lOU.o 100.0 10U.0 10U.0 luu.o lou.o 100.0 lOu.o 0 ,200 53.S 3.2 7.1 20.2 .1 7.1 7.1 D C02A 11.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.b D h02C 533.1 32.5 71.5 201.5 1.5 71.5 7b.0 **1.7 KUMAWU, AShANTI GHANA UR.iAN CENTERS STUDY, AUüUS T 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEüORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1 CAT 5 CAT 1 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AolA 6651.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6651.0 D DOlA^ 86.5 1.2 '».0 16.0 0.0 30.5 17.0 160.3 D b20Aif> 16.5 1.2 '♦.0 16.0 0.0 30.5 17.0 160.3 D u2U , 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D ti20D 53.* 3.1 2.1 y.y 0.0 1*.0 10.6 D G02A 76.y 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0. 11.5 D H02C 566.2 lo.* 26.1 101.7 0.0 I**.6 111.2 lOly.1 GHANA URuAN CENTERS NEW OFFINSO , AShANTI STUDY, AUGUST 1*70. SUMMARY or TYPE-GROUP/CATEüORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D Ao'tA 511*.0 0.0 0.0 0.0. 0.0 0.0 0.0 511*.0 D B 01A k-ù 173.0 11.0 11.0 150.0 0.0 30.0 3.5 151.5 D B 20Av") 173.0 81.0 11.0 150.0 0.0 30.0 3.5 151.5 D Ü20J 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100,0 lOO.o D ti 200 38.3 17.* 3.1 33.2 o.o 1.1 .7 D G02A 2*.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.1 D H02C 1163.5 665.2 111.1 1266.y 0.0 253.7 2*.1 311*.7 52 JUAßEN, AShANTI btiANA URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUbUST l37u. SUMMARY OF TYPE-uROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'tA AyyU.O 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 A*3U.O D oOlA,"> 7'M 3.0 1.3 65.7 o.O 7.0 2.0 173.1 D ti 2uA0jJ 7't.1 3.0 1.3 65.7 o.O 7.0 2.0 173.1 D r,2u > luu.o 10U.0 100.0 lou.o 1UU.0 10U.0 100.0 lou.o D ,;2UD A2.6 1.7 .7 A3.5 o.O *».0 1.1 D DOÍA <>7.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 26.b D h02C 6A6.6 26.1 '1.3 7 A6.1 o.O 61.1 17.A 1511.2 AKROFUOM, AShANTI GHANA URbAN CENTERS STUDY, AUbUST 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CAT EuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'tA 5UUU.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5UUU.0 D üOlA.J A*. 7 3.2 6.0 .2 10.5 15.0 65.1 D d2UA,J '»3.7 3.2 > b.O .2 10.5 ■15.0 65.1 D )2U , 1 DU. 0 10U.0 100.0 lou.o 10U.0 100.0 10U.0 100.0 D 1-200 5b. A 3.6 > 7.0 .2 12.3 17.6 D G02A lou.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0' 56.6 D H02C A33.A 26.3 3.*» 52.2 1.7 *1. A 130.6 7A1.A JUASO, ASTiANT 1 bhANA URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEbORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'tA A5A6.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 A5A6.0 D 401 A.A> 1A5.0 52.0 ^.O 21.2 16.0 60.0 *.0 30^.3 D B2ÜAvh) 1A5.0 52.0 '♦.O 21.2 16.0 60.0 *.0 3U3.3 D H2U , lou.o 100.0 lou.o lou.o 100.0 lou.o lou.o 100.0 D s2U0 Ab.6 16. b 1.2 6.8 5.6 1*. A 2.* D G02A 31.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1 A. 7 D i,02C 1363.3 A36.2 36.3 2U3.6 172.A 57A.3 66.2 23b3.2 53 NYlNAhlN, ASIiANTI iiliANA URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUS T 1a7o. SUMMARY OR TYPC-gROUP/CATCuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE AI 0 AO'tA *♦117.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 17.0 D ilOlA.-A 61.5 12.0 3.0 1U.0 1.0 0.0 Ou.O 173.5 D il 2 UM 61.5 12.0 3.0 lu.o 1.0 0.0 ou.o 173.5 D í-.2U,> luu.o luu.o luu.o ÍUU.O luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o D J2U0 Ab. y 6.a 1.7 5.7 .5 3. '♦ 3A.5 D G02A 5u. 5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 23.7 D tl02C 6b2.3 12b.a 31.7 1U5.6 10.5 63.A 63A.6 1635.7 GhANA UR.,AN CENTERS NSUTA , ASitANI 1 STUDY, AUgUST la70. SUMMARY or TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAgE D Ao'tA 271U.O 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 271U.0 0 tiOlA^ '♦6.0 5.0 0.5 13.0 0.0 11.0 5a. 5 1A3.0 D a2uA^"> '♦6.0 5.0 0.5 13.0 0.0 11.0 5a. 5 1 A3.0 D :2u,i lou.o luu.o luu.o luu.o iuu.0 luu.o lou.o luu.o 0 0 G02A 5b.A 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0. 16.a D I102C 771.5 6u.3 luA.A 2ub.a .1 176.6 a5b.3 22ab.7 CENTERS SEKONÜI--TAKORADI , U.R. GHANA URuAN STUDY, AUGUST la7U. SUMMARY Or TYPE-GROUP/CATEgORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE D .AO'tA 6a666.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6a666.o D JOlA,a 3A62.0 A5A.2 1A3.7 3a7.o 131 A.o 113a,0 Au7.0 7337.0 D H20AW> 3A62.0 A5A.2 1A3.7 3a7.0 131 A.o 113j.O Au7.0 7337.0 D B2u,i luo.o 100.0 lou.o 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 lou.o D a2uO A7.A *.1 i.y 5. A 17.a 15.5 5.5 Ü U02A 25.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 12.2 D H02C lbal.1 220.6 6a.6 la2.b 636.2 553.2 Ia7.6 3563.5 54 PRESTEA, w.R. SUMMARY OF TYpE-GROUP/CATEOORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT H CAT 5 CAT t> CAT 7 E-STAi.E 0 AOHA 2442*.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2442*.o 0 .OlA.J 135,4 15.4 3.2 t.y 107. * 21.* 25.* 316.6 D j2UA4> 135.4 15.H 3.2 b.y 107.3 21.* 25.* 316.6 Ü 20., 100.0 100.0 100.o 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 lou.o 0 >2U0 42.7 4.fa 1.0 2.1 34.0 6.* M cr o 47- U o02A • 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 77.2 D M02C 241.4 27.4 5.7 12.3 1*2.3 3*.0 46. 1 565,5 TARKWA , W.R. OMAN A URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUST 1*7o. SUMMARY OF TYPE-uROUP/CATEuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E—S T Ai> E D A04A 1 10U 1.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11001.0 D u0lA*A 255.5 23.6 16.1 1 14.6 1*6.4 107.5 268.5 *b4.4 D i.2UA«D 255.5 23.6 16.1 1 14.6 1*6.4 107.5 268.4 *84.5 O NJ C luu.o luu.o 10U.0 lOu.o lou.o 100.0 100.0 100.0 0 2UD 25.* 2.4 1.8 11.6 2u.1 10.* 27.2 D U02A 43.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.2 0 I-.02C 1011.fa y3.5 64. 1 453.* 7fa5.7 425.fa 1063.0 38*8.1 61ÖIANI, W.R. SUMMARY OF TYPE-CROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAI.E 0 A04A 10022.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10022.0 D 00lAv 0 ;2U i 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D 'J 200 36.3 .3 .8 1.3 11.y 3.0 46.4 D 602A 48.* 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 '7 .fa 0 H02C 0*0.1 7.8 15.2 32.1 2*2.5 74.7 1136.7 2451.4 55 ShAMA, V/.R, UiiANA Ul( AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1y7u. SUMMARY OR T YPE-0ROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT '' CAT 3 CAT 0 CAT 7 E-STAuE D AO'tA 77'^. 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 77A?.o D OlA.") ''7.0 6.0 3.0 7.3 6.0 1.0 3.5 7A.o D 2UA.J A7.0 6.0 3.0 7.3 6.0 1.0 3.3 7 A.o D 2u ï luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o lou.o lou.o lou.o luu.o 0 2U0 03. 5 M ''.0 10.1 6.1 1.3 A.7 0 U02A 16 A. 6 o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 IUA.7 0 H02C 2bA.2 33.7 10.0 A2.1 33.7 5.3 1 3.6 AlO.o CAPE COAST, C.R. UuANA URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUST 137U. SUMMARY OF TYPE-UROUP/CATEUORY CODE CAT l CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE o aoAa 5176A.O 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5176A.o D olavj 1U6y.7 135.5 7.2 32U.A 17.2 22U.Ö A A.o 2A35.0 0 ,,2UAA> I06y.7 135.5 7.2 320.A 17.2 22U.6 AA.o 2Ay5.0 D ,2u . luu.o 10U.O lou.o 100.0 100.0 luu.O lou.o luu.o D ;.2ud A3.6 7.6 .2 3b.6 .6 6.& 1.7 D G02A 67.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2u.7 0 h02C yi7.o lbA.5 6.1 77A.5 16.5 165.6 37.0 2uyy.6 SWEDRU, C.R. uliANA URuAN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUST 137U. SUMMARY Or TYpE-uROUP/CATEuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAnE D AOAA 132b0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13260,0 D ,,0lAA> 2A0.0 31.2 21.0 27.1 5.0 62.6 6.0 Al l.o D ;I2UAVJ 2AU.0 31.2 21.0 27.1 5.0 62.6 6.0 Al l.o 0 b2u,i luu.o 10U.0 luu.o luu.o luu.o 100.o luu.o lou.o D ,,2UD 5b.3 7.6 5.1 6.6 1.2 2U.0 .y D U02A 6U.3 u.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Ab.y D h02C 5A2.2 7U.6 A7.A bl.A 11.2 166.6 y.o 326.7 Area of Capa Coast has been adjusted to exclude the site of Cape Coast College from the educational category, so as not to distort more typical patterns. The reserve set aside for this institution is generous and presently beyond the periphery of other urban development. 56 DUNKWA ON OFFIN, C.R. SUMMARY OF TYPE-ÜROUP/CATEl.ORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT b CAT 7 E-STAi.E D AO'tA 1^77.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 15777.0 D lO'A-J) *6.7 15.1 6. o lu.b u.7 1.2 67.5 177.0 D u2UA,J> *6.7 16.1 *♦.0 iu.6 '•.7 1.2 67.5 177.0 D >2u luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o 10U.0 IOU.0 luu.o D 2UD 53.5 7.y 2.2 b.1 2.0 .0 2b.b D 002A lbb.7 U.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 *0.3 D ii02C 25b. 1 38.6 lu.7 27.6 12.b 3.2 127.5 6b2.b SENYA ERAKU, C.R. Li! ,ANA UR AN CENTERS STUDY, AUi.UST 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-CiROUP/CATEuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE D AO'tA y5*1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 y5*i.o o O < % 151.5 6.6 6.7 30.o 0.0 '0.5 11.0 222.5 D á 2 UA *"> 151.5 6.6 6.7 3b.o 0.0 10.5 11.0 222.5 D -,2u , luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o lUu.O luu.o 10U.0 luu.o D 2UD 6b. o 3.y 2.1 16.1 o.o 6.7 6.* 0 L.02A 63.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 63.1 D h02C 666. o 3*.* 21.3 103.5 U.o 67.6 67.* lOlO.b KWANYAKU, C.R. uciANA UR.,AN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUST 1*70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-UROUP/CATEuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAwE D AO'tA 6b6b.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 bc6b,0 D Ol A*."> 87.2 76.5 6.5 1*.0 .7 7.7 22.2 22U.0 D v;2UAvJ 67.2 76.5 0.5 ly.o .7 7.7 22.2 22U.0 D u2u,s luu.o luu.0 10U.0 luo.o IOu.0 lou.o lou.o IOO.O D ;2UD 3*.6 36.7 2.y 6.6 .3 3.5 10.1 D L.02A 76.1 u.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3u.2 D ti02C 571.8 5u1,6 62.6 126.5 6.* 50.7 165.6 1661.7 57 i.liana komenda,, c .r. ur,.an centers study, auuust 1*70. SUMMARY or type-uroup/category code cat 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat a cat 5 cat 6 cat 7 e-STAle D AOAA 6uUb,0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 ouub.o d .ola-j 6*.5 fa.7 '.O 161.3 65.0 31.5 75.5 A5U.5 d 2uasj by.b fa.7 l.o 161.3 65.0 31.5 75.5 A5u, 5 Ü 2u luu.O luu.O luu.O luu.O luu.O luu.o lOu.o luu.o D 2uü \y.b 1 b I.'* .2 35.6 , b fa.y 16.7 d u02a 67.1 u.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.3 d M. 0 2 C OAb.y Ab, 5 7.2 1163.A 610.2 22b.3 5A7.A 32ob,3 anoma .0,, c .R. t.liANA URuAN centers study, auoust 1*7u. summary or TYPE-DROUP/CATEuORY code CAT 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat a CAT 5 cat 6 CAT 7 e-stai.e d aoaa 5:>fafa.O 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5^AA,o D Ol Alf3 5u.o 3.6 .3 fa.o fa.5 6.5 12.5 63.6 d 5u.o 3.6 .3 fa.o fa.5 6.5 12.5 b3.b D 2u luu.o luu.O luu.o 100.0 lou.o lou.o luu.o lou.o d 2ud 5?.6 fa.5 .3 fa.7 7.7 7.7 Ifa.* d ;,02a lib.b 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 71.1 D tl02C 366.A 27.6 2.1 2>.3 a7.fa a7.6 *1 .fa 612.7 adona aftodom, C.r. uiiANA URuAN centers study, august 1*7u. sumi lary or type-droup/cat edory code cat 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat a cat 5 cat 6 cat 7 e-stai.e d ao'ta 5173.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5173-n D ,.0'Aif3 6*.? '.5 fa.o 12.5 0.0 *.0 12.0 126.b d .2uaií3 b^.7 '.5 fa.O 12.5 0.0 *.0 12.0 12b.fa D -2u luu.o luO.o 10Ü.O luu.o luu.O luu.O luu.O luu.o d 2ud fa*. 7 1.1 3.1 >.7 u.O fa.* *.3 D d02a 57.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Au.2 D h02c 755.7 12.6 33.6 1U5.2 0.0 75.7 lui ,0 1ubA.2 58 ACCRA, .REATER ACCRA REt, ION vil,ANA UR AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUS T I370. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT b CAT 7 E—S T A C, E D AOV. 633880.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 033880.0 D OlA.-ü 71 AO.0 78y.b 187.5 3A1.1 3y2.A 3b7b.o 021.8 13150.A D 2 OA 71 Ao.n 7by.b 1b7.5 3 A1.1 332.A 3b78.o b2 1, b 13150.A D 20 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D 2UD SA. 2 b.o 1.'» 2.5 2.y 27.3 4.7 D u02A bb.7 o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Ab.2 D l;02C AyU. 6 5 A. 2 12.8 23.A 2b.3 252.7 42.7 y03.1 GHANA UR-, AN CENTERS KOFORIDUA , E.R. STUDY, AUOUST 1s70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-OROUP/CATEUORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT b CAT 7 E-STAUE D AO'^A AA7bb.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 AA7O8.0 D ;01 A-jû 112A.0 181.0 58.0 A05.0 18.0 112.0 278.0 217b.0 D ;20A^ H2A.0 181.0 58.0 A05.0 18.0 112.0 27b.0 2176.0 D 2U , 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D 2UD 51.6 fa.3 2.8 18.6 .fa 5.1 12.7 D t.02A 3y.b 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.b D l,02C 10^3.6 178.1 5b.A 33A.0 17.5 lob.y 270.A 211 7.3 NKAWKAW E.R. Gl IANA UR. AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1370. SUMMARY OF TYPE-OROUP/CATEUORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT b CAT 7 E-STAi.E D AOAA 23A05.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 23A05.0 D -Ol A.õ> 153.0 20.5 fa.o 21.8 4.1 100. 1 2.0 315.7 D t;20A,«û 1 53.0 20.5 fa.o 21.6 4.1 100.1 2.0 315.7 D ,20 , 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10U.0 100.0 100.0 D .200 5U.3 8.5 2.5 6.8 1.3 31.7 .6 D U02A 1A7.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7A.1 D n02C 23^.0 38.2 15.0 A0.2 7.7 186.A 3.6 587.5 59 A .UKI , E.R. LUANA URUAN CENTERS STUDY, AUuUST 1y70. SUMMARY OC TYPE-GROUP/CATCuORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 6 CAT 6 CAT 7 C-STAUE D AOV. 7616.0 0.0 0.0 6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7 1 fa , 0 D 0'A>> 116.y .9 3.6 106.2 o.o 12.7 b&.O 30O.6 1 0 2UA.JÍ 16.y .9 3.3 106.2 0.0 12.7 °b. o 30b.6 D ii2U , 100.0 100.0 10U.0 100.0 10U.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D ,20D 37.6 .3 1.6 3h. b o.o 6.1 21.6 D C02A 66.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 24.y D h02C 667.0 3.6 31.9 607.6 O.o 73.0 377.6 1752.6 NKWATIA- KWAIIU GHANA , E.R. UR-iAN CENTCRS STUDY, AUuUST ï y7o. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D A06A 6256.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6256.0 D U0lA, D . 2 OA i,4> 12y. 5 2.7 1.5 133.5 1.0 6.1 31.0 307.4 D ,,20 ; 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D '.,20D 62.1 .6 > 63.6 .3 2.6 10.0 D U02A 6b. 3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.6 D H02C yOl.6 19.1 10.6 y2y. 6 6.9 56.3 215.7 213y.6 MAMPONG-•AKWAPIM, E.R. GHANA UR JAN CENTCRS STUDY, AUGUST 1y7o. SUMMARY OF TYpE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D A06A b167.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6167.0 D JOlAvfí 101.2 21.6 1.2 36.0 0.0 6.1 2.5 170.6 D 2ÜA, SOMAN VA, E.R. GriANA (IR AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST ly/O. SUMMARY OK TYPE-GROUP/CATKUORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT A CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO6A 5552.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5552.0 u~\ O D iOlAv-A 266.0 « 5.0 63.0 2.0 15.0 17.0 531.0 D !20A-j1 26R.O 65.0 5.0 63.0 2.0 15.0 17.0 631.0 D T 20 100.0 100.0 10U.0 lou.o lOU.O lOU.O 100.0 100.0 D i20U 61.2 10. A 1.1 ly.2 .6 3.H 3.y NJ o O o 21.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 O • 0.0 12.y D 1102C 2u71.2 353.0 3y.2 661.2 15.6 117.6 133.3 3361.5 GHANA URJAN CENTERS KPONG, E.R • STUDY, AUGUST iy7o. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE 0 AO^A 6y26.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6y26.o D OlA,°i IOy.0 6.0 5.0 16.0 1.0 20.0 6.0 161.0 D i20A õ> lOy.O 6.0 5.0 16.0 1.0 20.0 6.0 161.0 D ;20 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D 20D 67.7 3.7 3.1 y.5 .6 12.6 2.6 D G02A 65.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 30.6 D H02C y66.2 53.0 66.2 161.5 8.6 176.y 35.3 1626.3 SENCul , E.R. GHANA URUAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1y70. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 6 CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STALE D A06A 3yoo.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3y00.0 D uOlA.o) 160.0 6.0 6.0 16.0 1.0 23.0 3.0 213.0 D ,20A^ 160.0 6.0 6.0 16.0 1.0 23.0 3.0 213.0 D 20 ; 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D <20D 75.1 3.7 1.6 6.5 .6 10.7 1.6 D G02A 26.3 o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 18.3 D h02C 1767.0 6y.3 66.6 156.3 11.1 256.8 33.5 237y.O 61 PRAMPRAM, E.R. G HA N A UR AN CENTERS STUDY , AUGUST 1370. SUMMARY OK TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1+ CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'+A 3633,0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3633.0 D OIÃ,"1 123.0 5.b 2.0 15.0 0.0 '+.0 15.0 170.5 D S 2 OA,"> 123.0 5.5 2.0 15.0 0.0 '».0 '5.0 170.5 D .20 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D :2U0 7b.b 3.2 1.1 b.7 0.0 2.3 M 0 G02A 28.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 21.7 D II02C 1513.1 61+.7 23.5 176.6 .1 1+7.1 176.6 2006.0 ANY1 NAM ' , E .R. ' GUANA URJAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1370. SUMMARY OK- TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1+ CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE D AO'+A 3577.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3577.0 0 JOlAvfi 70.0 26.0 *♦.0 58.0 l+.o 1+5.0 50.0 257.0 D ,20A°> 70.0 26.0 *+.0 58.0 l+.O 1+5.0 50.0 257.0 D ;2ü 100.o 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 D 20D 27.2 10.1 1.5 22.5 1.5 17.5 I3.1+ 0 U02A 51.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.3 D H02C 852. k 316.6 1+8.7 706.3 1+8.7 51+b.o 608.6 3123.7 AKUSE, E.R • GUANA UR.;AN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST 1370. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 1+ CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE 0 A O^A 3232.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3232.0 D -.01AC«> 106.0 21+.0 5.0 20.0 b.o 36.0 33.0 230.0 D j20Av«> .106.0 21+.0 5.0 20.0 b.O 36.0 33.0 230.0 D i)20 . JOÜ.O 100.0 100.0 100.0 10U.O 100.0 100.0 100.0 0 ü20D 1+6.0 10.1+ 2.1 6.6 2.Ö 15.6 IO D G02A 30.1+ o.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11+.I D h02c 1G28.6 323.1+ b7.3 263.5 6O.8 1+65.1 1+1+1+.7 3033.3 62 CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST iy7o. AK0K0AS0, E.R. uhANA UK..AN SUMMARY OK TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY E-STAGE CAT CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 4 0.0 0.0 0.0 1161.0 D AO'tA 1161.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 o.o 4.4 6.0 34.2 D 0 1 A.4> 16.0 1.3 .y I.1» 0.0 4.4 6.0 34.2 0 20A^ 16.0 1.3 .y M 100.0 100.n 100.0 IOu.0 D j20., 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 12.6 23.4 D 200 52.7 *+.0 2.6 4.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 34.5 0 Li02A 65.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 162.2 2yb.l 1261.b 0 M02C 665.7 50.5 33.1 53.4 .3 GHANA URGAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST ly7o. HO, V.R. SUMMARY OF TYPE-GROUP/CATEGORY CAT CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAuE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 4 0.0 0.0 0.0 22446.0 D AO'+A 22446.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.7 1.3 50.6 13^3.3 D .>01A K> 664.7 262.5 11.7 160.4 1.3 50.6 13^3,5 0 20A^ 664.7 262.5 11.7 160.4 2.7 100.0 100.0 100.0 D .20. 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 .1 O.o 3.6 D ï 200 62.0 20.2 .6 12.y 0.0 0.0 0.0 16.1 D (j02A 25.y 0.0 0.0 0.0 5.2 2.5 y8.i 2705.1 D I.02C 1676.0 546.2 22.7 350.0 iy7o. KETA, V.R. GHANA URUAN CENTERS STUDY, AUGUST SUMMARY OF TYpE-GR0UP/CATEGORY CAT 5 CAT 6 CAT 7 E-STAGE CODE CAT 1 CAT 2 CAT 3 CAT 4 0.0 0.0 16100.0 D AO'+A 16100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 56.0 6.6 1071.0 D 0'Ak Data for Akokoaso was constructed from W. H. Beckett, Akokoaso: A Survey of a Gold CoaBt Village (London: Percy Lund, Huraprles for the London School of Economics, 1944). Land use and population data pertain to the mid-1930s. 63 nOnOEï \,R, SUMMARY Of TYPE-i.ROUP/CATrt.OKY CODE cat 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat 4 cat 5 cat 6 cat 7 e-stage 0 A O^A 15566,o 0.0 0.0 0,0 0,0 0.0 0,0 15566,0 d ,,0'a^ 63u.o 7b.0 46.0 47.0 0.0 I2U.5 24b,0 1167.5 D ,,2UAÍ> 63u.o 76.0 4b.o 47.0 0.0 12U.5 246.0 1167,5 0 , 2u luu.o luu.o luu.o luu.o lou.o iuo.o lou.o luo.o D j2U0 53.» 6.5 4.1 4.0 0.0 10.3 21.0 D Ü02A 24.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 -1.0 0.0 0.0 13.3 0 h02C 1762, » 212.6 134.3 131.5 0.0 337.2 6bb, 4 3267,1 AFLAO, V.r • summary OF type-uroup/category CODE cat 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat 4 cat 5 cat 6 cat 7 e-stage 0 A04A 11436.o 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11436.0 D jOlAv.ã) 424,5 42.5 1»,0 36.7 5.0 166.1 4u, 3 736.7 d i2ua^> 424.5 42.5 1»,0 3b.7 5.0 166,1 4u,y 736.7 d ,i2u ; 1u0.0 lou.o luu.o lou.o luo.o 10u.0 luu.o luu.o 0 2ud 57.6 5.7 2.5 5.2 .6 22.5 5.5 0 1,02A 2b.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 15.5 D h02C 1616.y 161.b 72.3 147.4 i».o 632.b 155.7 2bü6. 1 SOGAKOFE, \7.R. ghana ur'jan centers study, august 1 »70, summary OF type-group/cateuory CODE cat 1 cat 2 cat 3 cat 4 cat 5 cat 6 cat 7 e-stage d ao^a 2622.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2622.0 D. dOlA.a) »0.0 24.2 3.» ib.6 36.0 .5 16.5 i»i.7 d u 2 oa sfõ »0.0 24.2 3.» Ib.6 36.0 .5 16.5 1» 1.7 d a 20.; 100.0 10u.0 lou.o 100.o lou.o 100.0 100.0 100. 0 d tí2u0 kb ,y 12.6 2.0 ».7 16.7 .2 ».6 d g02a 2».1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.7 0 h02c 14y5.1 402.0 64.7 303.0 536.0 6.3 307.3 3IbA.b , AN EXAMINATION OF THE URBAN SYSTEM OF GHANA C.C.T. Blankson Research Fellow Department of Housing and Planning Research The author is very grateful to Professor John Friedmann, Head of the Urban Planning Program of the University of California, Los Angeles, for the very critical comments he gave on the paper. Without his thorough scrutiny, this paper would not been what it is. The final responsibility, however, rests with the author. INTRODUCTION Urbanization and the Development Process Urbanization has been defined1 to comprise the following four processes: a) The migration of people from one part of the country to another, b) The flow of capital and investments, c) The spread of innovation of urban values, of institutions and attitudes, and The d) flow of political power and control. Each of these processes has a spatial impact which corresponds to it: i) Migration affects the settlement distribution in different parts of the country, ii) The flow of capital affects the location of economic activities, iii) The spread of innovation affects the levels of modernization, and iv) The flow of political control affects the political power relationships in different parts of the country. Of these processes, that of migration and the resultant settlement pattern has received the greatest attention from development theorists. These studies have resulted in the formulation of concepts which attempt to explain the incidence and intensity of the phenomenon. One such concept is "urban primacy," which examines the relative concentration of a country's population in its towns. Others have studied the effects of urban primacy on the process of national development, and have attempted to determine whether primacy facilitates or hinders 65 66 O national development. The three other processes ha,ve just begun to receive attention, and concepts used in 3 their analysis have yet to crystallize. The term, process, used above in defining urbaniza¬ tion, implies a time dimension, and has led to studies concerning the historical evolution of urban systems. The general hypothesis underlying these studies seems to be that urban systems start from a situation of spatial imbalance with very large centres existing alongside very small villages and virtually no medium sized towns, be¬ come more imbalanced in the course or development, but eventually converge on a spatially more equilibriated pattern. For instance according to John Friedmann,4 The evolution of spatial structure proceeds from primacy in urban settlements to a log- normal pattern in the hierarchy of cities.. The evolution of spatial structure proceeds from a highly concentrated pattern in the location of modern economic activities to one that is spatially more deconcentrated.. The evolution of spatial structure proceeds from relatively isolated islands of innova¬ tion via major communication corridors to a continuously urbanized surface..and lastly, the evolution of spatial structure proceeds from a highly centralized to a poly-centric system of decision making characterized by a polyarchical relations among a set of interdependent authorities. Using a coefficient of concentration to measure the degree of primacy over a period of time for certain urban systems, El Shaks finds that there is a near 67 'normal' curve of primacy on economic development. According to El Shaks, urban primacy is rare in very under¬ developed countries. It increases during the take-off stage and thereafter decreases. In a not altogether unrelated study J.G. Williamson, looking at regional growth data, found that if regional income inequality is plotted against economic development, the result is also a bell-shaped 5 curve. The inference from the above is that 'urban systems' are dynamic; that they pass through various stages of deve¬ lopment during the process of national social and economic development. Whether or not each of these stages has some distinctive characteristics which are identifiable is yet to be determined. The aim of the present study is to examine the urban system in Ghana with respect to the concepts and hypotheses discussed above. Ghana's settlement pattern shall first be examined to measure the extent of urban primacy. The spatial distribution of 'modernization' within the urban system shall next be examined to determine the extent of its concentration or dispersion; taking as proxy for 'modernization', various kinds of skilled personnel to represent its economic, social and political components. Dearth of data precludes a study of the changes in the spatial distribution of modernization as related to the 68 r process of Ghana's development. Taking the dynamism of urban systems as a point of departure, it can be inferred that a policy advocated for one stage or era of the urban development continuum may not be appropriate for another. Thus different urban development or urbanization policies are called for for par¬ ticular stages in the evolutionary process. In the absence of the tools and the framework for phasing the urban deve¬ lopment process, an attempt is made here to determine the direction in which the urban system is moving; whether towards greater concentration or towards a more even dis¬ persion over space. This would help in formulating appropriate policies which would guide the course of national urban development. Seven urban centres were chosen for this study. One is the nation's capital, four are regional administrative capitals, one is part of a twin city administrative capital, and the last is a district administrative capital. Apart from their political importance, they have also been among the fastest growing towns in the country since 1931. 1931 was chosen as the starting point of the analysis because it is the first year for which statistics for individual towns are available. 69 Ghana - A Brief Introduction Ghana lies 5 degrees north of the equator along the west coast of Africa, and covers a total area of 91,843 square miles, 420 miles from north to south and 334 miles from west to east. It is bordered on the north by Upper Volta, on the west by Ivory Coast, and on the east by Togo, see Fig. I. Ghana extends over a plain with a few mountain ranges rising to an average altitude of 3000 feet above sea level. The land falls into three geographical areas: the coastal plain, the forest belt, and the grassland savannah. The coastal plain stretches for about 60 miles inland and is covered with scrub and grass. The forest belt extends northwards beyond the coastal plain and covers the middle sections of the country. This is where most of the count¬ ry's main export crop of cocoa is grown as well as timber which is the country's second most important source of foreign exchange. North of the forest belt lie extensive dry savannah grasslands. The land is arid there and constitutes about 40 percent of Ghana's total land surface. Politically, Ghana is an amalgam of about 108 native 7 states. These states range in size from 25 to 2000 square miles, and in population from 2000 to 300,000. Each state has its own paramount chief and under him a number of divisional or subordinate chiefs. States are organized 70 FIG. I POSITION OF GHANA 71 along tribal lines and were originally formed for military purposes. Inter-tribal wars during eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries made the formation of these states a sine qua non for survival. The British Government policy of indirect rule under which the chiefs were used as agents of local government helped perpetuate the pattern of native states and the power of the paramount chiefs. By 1957 however, when Ghana became independent, these states were grouped into larger administrative units called districts. There were 26 such districts in 1960. Legis¬ lation passed between 1957 and 1960 left the chiefs all but powerless in matters except relating to the culture and traditions of their various peoples. This was the period when the country was being woven together into a single and unified political entity. Districts, in turn, were grouped into larger administrative units called regions. There are now nine regions in all. GHANA'S URBAN SYSTEM The Determinants of Urban Growth: 1911 - 1931 Fig.II shows the of positions the seven urban centres chosen for this Table I study. shows the populations of these centres and the overall increases in population for the two decades prior to 1931. 72 CAPE COAST SEKONDI FIG.II POSITIONS OF THE SEVEN URBAN CENTRES 73 Table I. Population and Growth of the Centres, 1911-1931 Urban Centres 1931 Population Population Increase, (1000"s) 1911-1931 Accra (percent) 61 68 Kumasi 36 39 Cape Coast 18 26 Sekondi 17 41 Tamale 13 157 Winneba 11 38 Koforidua 11 67 Total 7 Centres 167 127 Total Country 3,160 45 Source: 1931 Gold Coast Census, Appendix, 1932 Tamale, Accra and Koforidua achieved the greatest increases in population during the period. The reasons which accounted for these sizeable increases are interest¬ ing because they point to the factors which make a town grow or decline. Since an urbanization policy will call for measures either to stimulate, direct or redirect the course of growth of towns, a knowledge of underlying processes will help the planner to know which variables to consider in any such policy formulation. In the case of Tamale which experienced the greatest population increase, three factors would seem to account for the observed growth.® The first is the political decision to transfer the colonial administrative head- 74 quarters for the Northern Territories from Gambaga to Tamale in 1907. Tamale apparently had a more central position, geographically, than Gambaga in relation to the whole of the north. The second is the development of a transport network in the north, with Tamale as the focal point. The construction of a road network radiating from Tamale, was to enable the governmental functions which comprised mainly levy collection and maintenance of law and order, to be effectively carried out in the north. The ready access forged between Tamale and the rest of the region, as a result of the new roads, helped accentuate Tamale's importance and growth. The north was and still is culturally different from the rest of the country, and in fact has more in common, both cultu¬ rally and economically, with Ghana's northern neighbours than with the rest of the country. Thus, if the north was to become an integral part of the country, some functional linkages had to be created. The construction of a first-class road linking up Tamale with the south through Kumasi which was completed in 1931, and the con¬ struction of several laterite roads joining Tamale with the important towns in the north met this need. The third is the establishment in the 1920's of the first foreign- owned department store in the town. This store sold 75 mainly imported consumer goods which were brought in from the south. The importance of this development lies in the fact that with the introduction of European cultural influences into the country by the colonial government, and the subsequent gradual de-tribalization of the peoples of the north through the educational and religious programs, Tamale became the centre to which traders from all parts of the north came to acquire the goods and trappings of western culture. Thus Tamale became not only the adminis¬ trative capital of the north but also its commercial centre and a centre of cultural diffusion. The growth of Accra was due to a variety of influences. Climatic and physical factors had accounted for the transfer of the seat of colonial government from Cape Coast to Accra as early as 1877. The British were averse to the hot tro¬ pical climate of the coast. Accra's proximity to Aburi, a cool hill-top town lying 20 miles to the north made it climatically a more convenient and a more favoured spot than any other location for the seat of government. The plains behind Accra which offered opportunities for sport were also attractive to the British. Apart from its favourable climatic and physical conditions, Accra was also a flourishing commercial and port town. Indeed Accra's importance as a major port for the export of coffee and subsequently cocoa did not decline with 76 the construction of the harbour at Takoradi, near Sekondi. High land transportation costs due to the rough coastal roads prevented Takoradi harbour from serving effectively the whole of the country, especially the eastern portions beyond Accra. As the administrative capital of the country, Accra attracted considerable investments in basic infrastructure, medical services, educational facilities and government office construction. The migratory pull exerted by Accra because of its greater employment opportunities and avenues for social advancement was considerable. The completion of the Accra-Kumasi railroad in 1923 enhanced the capital's importance as it increased accessibility between Accra and its vast hinterland. Two factors were mainly responsible for Koforidua's growth. Prior to 1920, the Volta River was an important waterway for canoes which traded salt and other commodi¬ ties between Ada on the coast and the northern parts of Ghana. However, with the development of a network of roads converging on Koforidua in the mid 1920s, trade between the north and the south was diverted from the river through Koforidua. Secondly, coffee had been an important export crop from about 1890 until 1936, when it was supplanted by cocoa. Accra, Kumasi, Sekondi and Koforidua 77 were the only places in the extensive coffee growing areas where the farmers could sell their produce. The effect of the vast hinterlands of coffee farmers around these collec¬ ting centres transforming them into important trading centres cannot be overemphasised. From the foregoing it is clear that the elevation of the political status a of town, the development of road the networks, development of a rich agricultural hinter¬ land, and siting of a culturally attractive facility and investments in social infrastructure are some of the vari¬ ables which could be manipulated to bring about desired urban development objectives. Favourable physical and climatic conditions, though falling outside human control to a lesser and lesser degree with advanced technology, do enhance a town's potential for growth, and must be duly considered. These should be considered hand in hand with such measures as public policies which discriminate among parts of the country in the allocation of public investment, special incentives or penalties to new indus¬ trial establishments encouraging them to choose locations other than the fast growing metropolitan centres and financial inducements to members of the labour force having certain critical occupational skills to migrate to peripheral areas. 78 Analysis of Growth Statistics: 1931 - 1960 In 1931, the seven centres chosen for this study accounted for 5.2 percent of the total population of the country, In 1948, they accounted for 7.8 percent and, in 1960, 10.9 percent of the total population. The increasing trend observed here shows that the seven centres have been expanding relative to the rest of the country. Tables II and III are presented below to show how the seven centres have been growing and changing both in absolute and relative terms. The steady growth of Accra, Tamale and Koforidua observed during the period 1911 and 1931 is seen to continue through 1960. Kumasi emerges as one of the fastest growing centres equalling Accra's growth rate. On the basis of Table III we can venture some sugges tions on the question concerning the extent to which Ghana's urban system is primate. According to Mark g Jefferson who originated the concept of the primate city, and Kingsley Davis who devised the 3 and 4 city index, primacy exists when the largest city in a country has substantially more than twice the population of the second largest city. According to the Rank-Size Rule formula which describes non-primate distributions, the 79 population of the second largest city should be exactly one-half that of the largest city. Similarly the sixth ranking city should have one-sixth the population of the largest city. Table II. Population Increases and Annual Growth Rates of Seven Urban Centres, 1931 - 1960 Percent Percent Annual Growth Urban Centres Increase Increase Rate, 1931-1960 1931-1948 1948-1960 Accra 119 153 6 Kumasi -j.0 99 153 6 Sekondi-Takoradi 57 72 5 Cape Coast 32 77 3 Tamale 33 135 4 Koforidua 68 97 4 Winneba 38 68 3 All 7 Centres 93 128 6 Ghana 30 63 3 Sources: Population Censuses 1931, 1948 & 1960, Table III. Relation of Accra's Population Size to next Six- Ranking Cities, 1931, 1948 & 1960 Ranks Centres Population Ratios 1931 1948 1960 1931 1948 1960 2 2 2 Kumasi 1.6 1.9 1.8 3 4 4 Cape Coast 3.4 5.7 8.2 4 3 3 Sekondi 3.6 3.0 4.5 5 6 5 Tamale 4.7 7.7 8.4 6 7 7 Winneba 5.6 8.8 13.3 7 5 6 Koforidua 5.8 7.5 9.7 Population of Accra in 000s 61 133 338 Population of all 7 Centres in- 000s 167 322 736 Sources J Computed from the Census publications for 1931, 1948 and 1960. 80 It seems that the urban system in 1931, i.e. rounding up the population ratios in Table III, fits the rank-size rule quite closely, while those in 1948 and 1960 except for Kumasi do not. The relevant relationships described above are shown also in Fig.Ill, where the more standard double log format is used. The log. of population of each of the seven centres is plotted against the log. of its rank. This is done for 1931, 1948 and 1960. The values of the alpha and the beta coefficients are shown below. Year "< 1931 4. 78 -0. 94 1948 5. 12 -1. 20 1960 5. 55 -1. 37 (Note: The alpha values represent the intercept of the population axis. The beta values represent the slopes of the curves). I %0 ,1931 I opoo 3~ 3 f- s & 7 Fig. III. Rank-size distributions for the Seven Urban Centres, 1931 1948 & 1960 The beta values show a trend away from the log-normal beta coefficient of - 1.0, from 1931 through 1960, with 1960 exhibiting the greatest divergence. 81 The thick lines in Fig.IV show three regression lines which best fit the city-size distributions for the seven centres presented in Fig.III. The broken lines represent the lognormal regression lines having a beta coefficient of 1.0. The widening angles between the actual regression lines and the hypothetical lognormal regression lines from 1931 through 1960 confirm the increasing divergence noted in Fig. III. ?CJJXAU.ÍÍ Of) 1,000,0 oo le,9, o o0 10O00 t 5 6 7 Fig.IV. Regression Lines fitting the City-size distributions for the Seven Urban Centres. A four-city index of relative population sizes for the four largest centres had 0.8590 for 1931,1.098 for 1948 and 1.285 82 for 1960. These figures corroborate the beta coefficients indicated in Fig. III. Fig.V shows a curve describing the city-size distribu¬ tion for all the thirty-seven urban centres which had more than 10,000 population in 1960. It is drawn on a lognormal probability paper. Each plot shows a cumulative frequency of the number of centres below a certain city size. According to Brian Berry, if the city-size distribution for a country is lognormal, the curve assumes the form of a straight line.11 H-5 rferctnto-^e ■»{- of cûLis . of t>\ie.r IDO00 IP¬ SO- 10- ho- 30 ï ï I ï i L 05 SO 100 3.5o s«o I »OD Population in TLoHjxn .Fig. V. Lognormal plots of city-size distribution for all 37 urban centres in 1960. The shape of the curve above confirms the non-lognormality of the urban system in 1960 as was noted for the seven centres in Fig.IV. The kink in the curve at point 50,000 reflects the absence of centres having population sizes between 50,000 and J.00,000 in the urban system. (The curve was drawn only for 83 1960 and not for 1931 and 1948 because the small number of centres having more than 10,000 population in 1931 and 1948 did not justify the use of this kind of analysis for those two years). The Functional Status of the Urban System This section of the paper deals with the spatial distri¬ bution of "modernization" in Ghana. The level of modernization will be assumed to be reflected in the incidence and magnitude of skilled professional, administrative and technical personnel in the seven centres. These employment categories are taken in this study to represent the economic, social and political variables embodied in modernization. For example, the dis¬ tribution of civil servants among the centres indicates the extent of the distribution of political power among them. The quantum of administrative, executive and managerial staff in the respective centres indicates the distribution of economic power and economic development. And lastly, the size of the medical and teaching staff in the centres indicates the spatial spread of social development. The question which I shall attempt to answer in subsequent paragraphs may be framed this way: to what extent do the major cities in the country, representing, albeit remotely, the various spatial i.e. geographical, components of the country, share in the political, economic and social processes of 84 national development? In other words, do all cities share effectively in the decision making processes of the country? Do all cities participate in the labour market and the money economy and also enjoy not too disparate levels of living? And lastly, do all cities share in common values and attitudes ás well as in the benefits of development? It must again be emphasised that the requisite data with which a to do rigorous analysis of these questions are lacking. To obtain definitive results, one would need data on variables like those listed in Appendix I. If such data were available for several large towns in Ghana, one could analyse them factorially, and take the resultant scores to represent the relative shares or importance of each town with respect to each component of "modernization." The scores could also indicate the share of each town in the political, social and economic processes of national development. A comparison of scores for any time period would show how the roles of res¬ pective towns change during the course of national development. The Distribution of Modernization in 1931 For want of data on Ghanaian personnel for individual centres in 1931, the distribution of skilled expatriate personnel is used for this year only. The use of this variable might appear trivial, but when one considers the fact that Ghana or the Gold Coast as, it was then known, had a colonial 85 status and had very few schools of higher learning and there¬ fore could not produce its own high level manpower, one will appreciate the almost complete dependence of the country on the British for all skills which required advanced training. However for 1948 and 1960, the data used refer almost exclusively to Ghanaian personnel. In Table IV, one can see that though Accra had only 1.9 percent of the country's population, it had as much as 35 percent of all the colonial civil servants in the country. Accra is followed by Sekondi. Sekondi had only 0.5 percent of the country's population but 18 percent of all the civil servants. The centre with the least number of civil servants is Koforidua with only 2 percent. The calculated index of concentration, however, shows that Sekondi with 36 units, has the highest relative con¬ centration of civil service employment, followed by Accra with 18 units. This index relates the centre's population size to the size of the personnel located there. At a highly abstract and simplistic level, one would "expect" an index of one for each centre. This would, for example, mean that Accra's two percent of the country's population would have two percent of every facility, service and personnel. Needless to say, the world does not function this way. Realis¬ tically speaking, Accra, being the national capital, should have a greater level of political power, hence a larger number of civil servants. Table IV. Distribution of Expatriate Civil Servants, 1931 a b c=a/b Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 35 1.9 18. 4 Kumasi 8 1.1 7.3 Sekondi 18 0.5 36.0 Cape Coast 4 0.6 6.7 Tamale 3 0.4 7.5 Koforidua 2 0.3 6.7 Winneba 3 0.3 10.0 All 7 Centres 73 5.2 14.0 Rest of Country 27 94.8 0.3 Source: 1931 Gold Coast Census, Appendix, 1932 The high index for Sekondi is due to the fact that as the major port handling Ghana's import and export trade, it became the locus of quite a number of government departments. These departments were responsible for the export of cocoa, timber, minerals and the import of machinery, industrial raw materials and consumer goods. The smaller population size of Sekondi relative to that of Accra also contributes in no small measure to the high index. Although Cape Coast had a larger number of civil servants than Winneba had, its greater population size gives it a lower index than Winneba's. Tables V and VI, which show the distribution of expatriate engineers and medical doctors in the country, bring out these contrasts even more strongly. 87 Table V. Distribution of Expatriate Engineers, 1931 a b c=a/b Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana' s total population total Accra 28 1.9 14.7 Kumasi 9 1.1 8.1 Sekondi 30 0.5 60.0 Cape Coast 3 0.6 5.0 Tamale 2 0.4 5.0 Koforidua 0.9 0.3 3.0 Winneba 0.9 0.3 3.0 All 7 Centres 72 5.2 13.8 Rest of Country 28 94.8 0.3 Source: 1931 Gold Coast Census, Appendix, 1932 Sekondi, in both cases shows up with very high indices. The index of 60 for engineers is more than four times that of Accra. This is due to the construction of the harbour at Takoradi to the west of Sekondi, which activity perforce brought together a large number of engineers and technicians in Sekondi, the nearest largest centre. In addition, the location at Sekondi of the headquarters of the railways and ports administration and the repair facilities of the former reinforced the quantum of engineers working there. The index of 20 for medical doctors in Table VI is almost double Accra's. This high level is probably explained by the fact that the large number of people engaged in various activities in the public sector there necessitated a considerably large health facility to cater for them. The low index of engineers for Winneba reflects the small amount of constructional activity going on in the town. 88 Table VI. Distribution of Expatriate Medica1 Doctors, 1931 a b c-a/h Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 21 1.9 11.1 Kumasi 10 1.1 9.1 Sekondi 10 0.5 20.0 Cape Coast 4 0.6 6.6 Tamale 4 0.4 10.0 Koforidua 4 0.3 13.3 Winneba 3 0.3 10.0 All 7 Centres 57 5.2 10.9 Rest of Country 43 94.8 0.5 Source: 1931 Gold Coast Census, Appendix, 1932 Although Sekondi's indices are higher than Accra's in both tables, Accra's relative share of the two kinds of personnel requires special mention. Accra, with only 2 percent of the country's population, had 28 percent of all engineers and 21 per¬ cent of all medical doctors in the country. One could argue that people from all parts of the country could avail themselves of the services and facilities located in Accra, therefore they had as much claim to the services as people in Accra. But rhetoric aside, there is no denying the fact that in terms of easy and convenient access, Accra's population was substantially better served than any other part of the country. Although it would be unrealistic to expect an index of one for the distribution of 89 medical doctors and engineers for every centre, one would probably agree that a situation in which only 2 percent of the country's population had more than a quarter of all engineers and more than a fifth of all medical doctors in the country was one of extreme imbalance. The last observation to be made from Tables IV, V and VI relates to the share of all the seven centres taken together, and that of the rest of the country with respect to the distribution of each type of personnel, 72 percent of the country's engineers were at the service of only 5.2 percent of the country's population. The rest of the country, with approximately 95 percent of the country's population, was being served by only 28 percent of the engineers and 43 percent of the medical doctors. The tables indicate two levels of concentration. There is on the one hand a considerably high concentration of skilled personnel in Accra, Sekondi and Kumasi. The remain¬ ing four centres show varying levels of concentration. And there is on the other hand, a fairly high degree of con¬ centration in the seven centres taken together as compared with the rest of the country. The overall picture is one of imbalance among the seven centres with Accra, Sekondi and Kumasi the foci of concentration, and imbalance between the seven centres as a whole and the rest of the country. 90 The concentration of the highly skilled personnel in the seven centres observed above may be explained in the following terms. The case of Sekondi will be used here to illustratively.. The decision terminate the western arm of the railway network at Sekondi-Takoradi was political, while the subsequent decision to build the harbour at Takoradi, at the southern end of the railway line, was economic. The decision to locate the government offices and departments at Takoradi and not elsewhere, to handle the country's export and import trade, was inevitable after the two earlier locational decisions. Thus, one political decision taken created conditions which made Takoradi a more favoured place economically for the location of sub¬ sequent activities and facilities, than any other place. The presence of social infrastructure, product and labour markets and specialised services in a place generates locational advantages for any firm or activity which locates there. These locational advantages take the form of savings in external economies. This means that the big city which has these invariably facilities, would always have the edge over smaller towns when it comes to attracting new activities, and consequently generating further growth. The initial advantages enjoyed by Accra, Sekondi and Kumasi explain why Sekondi has higher indices than the other 91 centres, why the three centres have higher indices than the other four centres, and lastly, why the seven centres to¬ gether have higher indices than the rest of the country. The Distribution of Modernization in 1948 and 1960 Table VII shows Accra with the largest share of male civil servants in the country in 1948. Unlike the indices for 1931 which always showed Accra trailing Sekondi even though Accra had the largest share of each type of personnel, Accra in 1948 not only had the highest relative share but also the highest index. Accra's position reflects the greater level of concentration of political power in the nation's capital. Koforidua shows up with a higher index than Kumasi. The regional importance of Koforidua as an administrative centre for the hinterland of Accra explains this high index. The seven centres as a whole have an index of 9.6 compared with 0.3 for the rest of the country. See also Table B-l in Appendix 2. As regional and district administrative capitals, the high index for the seven centres together is not altogether unexpected. 92 Table VII. Distribution of Male Civil Servants, 1948 a b c=a/b Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 43 3 . 2 13.4 Kumasi 12 1.7 7.0 Sekondi-Takoradi 12 1.1 10.9 Cape Coast 4 0.5 8.0 - Tamale - o. 4 Koforidua 4 0.4 10.0 Winneba 0.9 0.4 2.3 All 7 Centres 77 8.0 9.6 Rest of Country 23 92.0 0.3 Source: Gold Coast Census 1948. Table VIII, Distribution of Administrative, Executive and Managerial Staff, 1960 c=a/b Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Concentration Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 30 5.0 6.0 Kumasi 11 2.7 4.1 Sekondi-Takoradi 6 1.1 5.5 Cape Coast 1 0.6 1.7 Tamale 1 0.6 1.7 Koforidua 2 0.5 4.0 Winneba 0.4 0.4 1.0 All 7 Centres 51 10.9 4.7 Rest of Country 49 89.1 0.5 Source: 1960 Population Census of Ghana, Special Report A. 93 A fall in the relative shares of the personnel for each of the seven centres can be observed for 1960 in Table VIII as compared with the situation in 1948. There is a corresponding fall in the indices. The fall in the indices may be due partly to the increases in the relative population sizes of the centres. Column 3 in Table VIII registers relative increases in the population sizes of all the centres with the exception of Sekondi- Takoradi and Winneba. Perhaps a more important factor may be the policy, albeit clouded, of the government since 1957 to extend the benefits of political indepen¬ dence and modernization to a broader section of the country's population. In no sector is the success of this policy more apparent than the field of health as brought out in Table IX. Both the relative share and index for each centre are lower than those presented for the other sectors for 1931 and 1948 in this study. Perhaps an interesting finding in Table IX is the low index of 3.2 for all the seven centres put together. The indices for the variables studied for 1948 are all higher than those for 1960, and the 1931 indices are also higher than those for 1948. The 1960 indices are the lowest. There is a decline in the index of concen¬ tration for the composite share of the seven centres 94 from 1931 through 19.60. The conclusion one could draw from this trend is that there is a movement away from the concen¬ tration of skilled personnel, especially medical personnel, in the seven centres, to one of greater dispersion through¬ out the country, and that this perceptible trend is in favour of the "rest of country." This conclusion is supported by the indices for the "rest of country" for 1948 and 1960. The mean index rises from 0.3 in 1948 to 0.6 in 1960. Table IX. Distribution of Professional Medical Staff, 1960 a b c=a/b Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 16 5.0 3.2 Kumasi 9 2.7 3.3 Sekondi-Takoradi 5 1.1 4.5 3.3 Cape Coast 2 0.6 Tamale 2 0.6 3.3 Koforidua 1 0.5 2 .0 Winneba 0.7 0.4 1.8 3.2 All 7 Centres 35 10. 9 0.7 Rest of Country 65 89.1 Source: 1960 Population Census of Ghana, Special Report A However, one cannot make this assertion too strongly for the simple reason that the variables chosen for the study are not comparable; they change from one study year to another. This situation, as explained earlier on, could not be helped for want of data for any consistently relevant variables for the censal years. 95 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Basis for Policy With respect to the relative sizes of population, Accra was seen to be dominant and to be growing much faster than the other centres with Kumasi following both in rate of growth and size. The beta coefficient for the city-size distribution seven of the centres indicated movement away from the lognormal pattern. If this trend continued, it is beyond doubt that the urban system will become increa¬ singly disproportionate with the growth and expansion of Accra and Kumasi far outstripping the others. The nature of data used to study the distribution of modernization precludes the derivation of very firm bonclu- sions. Consequently, very little can be said about the trend in the flows of modernization throughout the country. Generally speaking however, the seven large centres taken together seem to be declining with respect to their shares of skilled personnel, relative to the "rest of country". Each of them exhibits varying degrees of concentration. The three centres showing consistently high indices are Accra, Sekondi-Takoradi and Kumasi. These three centres constitute three vital nodes in the spatial economy. The pattern of colonial economy which gave birth to the trans¬ port system and which has strongly shaped the socio-economic 96 landscape of the country, makes the south, where these centres are located, the hub of the economic, social and political life of the country. As centres of economic, social and political power, Accra, Sekondi-Takoradi and Kumasi have continued to attract investment, trade, services and popula¬ tion, and may continue to do so in the future. The northern parts of the country are much less endowed with centres of such influence and may exert an ineffectual pull on the flows of the nation's investments, trade, services and population. What implications do these two phenomena hold for the I ? future development of the country? According to Brian Berry, * the lognormal distribution of city sizes which characterises urban systems of developed countries has become the "ideal pattern" for developing countries, and planners in developing countries view major digressions from it with disquiet. This is because it is believed that a city-size distribution which conforms to the rank-size rule is functionally equipped to ensure that development impulses generated in the large cities at the top of the urban hierarchy diffuse through the system down the medium-sized cities to the very small villages at the bottom. In other words, innovation diffusion or the spread of new ideas, new ways of doing things and new atti¬ tudes can ripple across the socio-economic landscape of the country and transform the rural hinterland more readily than 97 it would in a situation of primacy. The problem with primate urban systems is that they lack the medium sized centres which act as distribution points for innovation. Specific policy recommendations regarding what changes should be brought about in the Ghanaian urban system should be predicated on the answer to the following question: Does the urban system as it exists now facilitate or militate against the realization of development objectives of the country? The development objectives can be summed up as raising the levels of living of the people and achieving a socially and a spatially integrated society. Some observations will be made here on the major features of Ghana's socio-economic landscape before any suggestions will be ventured. For the purposes of this paper, the country will be divided into three developmental areas; the South, the Centre and the North. The South comprises the Greater Accra, the Eastern, the Western, the Central and the Volta Regions (The Volta Region excludes the Buem Krachi local authority area). It occupies about 30 percent of total area of the country and had about 53 percent of the country's population in 1960. The South has the country's highest population densities of about 200 persons per square mile. It has a highly developed settlement pattern as can be seen from the following 13 indices. In 1960 it had 25 of the 37 large centres in the country. There was also a ratio of one large centre for 98 every 578 smaller towns and villages. The infrastructure of road and rail transport is also highly developed. It has a significant proportion of the country's mineral resources and about half of the rich cocoa bearing lands. The Centre comprises the Ashanti and the Brong-Ahafo Regions as well as the Buem Krachi local authority district of the Volta Region. It occupies 30 percent of the country's land surface area and had about 27 percent of the country's population in 1960. Its settlement pattern is not as deve¬ loped as that of the South. Its northern portions are bare of large centres. Indeed it has the highest large centre - village ratio of the three developmental areas. There is one large centre for every 1435 villages; even higher than the North which has one large centre for every 1098 villages. Unlike the dispersed transport network of the South, the network here is focussed on Kumasi, the most important centre in the area. Seven first-class roads converge on Kumasi. Five of them lead to the other regional capitals in the country. Kumasi is the centre of the timber industry and an important collecting point for the rich cocoa lands of the Ashanti and the Brong-Ahafo regions. The population density is around 80 persons per square mile. The North comprises the Northern and the Upper Regions. The North is larger in size than either the South or the Centre. It occupies about 40 percent of the total area of 99 the country, but it had only 20 percent of the country's population. It has an extremely low population density with a much higher concentration of people in the north-eastern corner. Average density is 30 persons per square mile, with over two hundred persons per square mile in the north-eastern corner. Infrastructure! development is rudimentary, with only four main transport lines radiating from Tamale. The settlements in this area are extremely small in size. For instance, in 1970, about 70 percent of the population living in the North was living in settlements with less than 1000 14 inhabitants. There are no major minerals in the North, and the relatively infrequent rains make farming only sea¬ sonally possible. Fig. VI illustrates the development pattern and the status of the urban system. Accra, Sekondi-Takoradi and Kumasi represent the national core region and form the three corners of a development triangle. Each centre has its own periphery or sphere of influence which has been impressionistically delineated on the map. The rest of the country lies outside the effective influence of the core region. Whereas development impulses can spread very rapidly within the core area because of the greater frequency of both large ãnd medium sized centres, development impulses in the North will both originate and terminate in Tamale. ÎOO The South The Centre The North OCc" Re9l0,r Sphere of Influence of Nodal Centres Railroad ——— Major Roads Population in Thousands O 100 — 1 000 o 50 — 100 (No Centre) O 10—50 NORTH 0 50 miles 1 I FIG.VI. URBAN CENTRES AND DEVELOPMENTAL REGIONS. 1960 101 Because of the highly developed nature of the urban system in the core region, the highly developed transport network linking them, and the incidence of political and economic power in the three nodal centres, future development is very likely to occur within the core region, thus further accentuating the already germinating polarized pattern of development. The national system in 1960 as can be observed in Fig. VI, is far from being spatially integrated. The disparities in the levels of urban development, in the distribution of developmental personnel, in infrastruc- tural development and in extreme political dependency will all have to be readjusted in course of time in favour of the periphery if the latter is to become an integral part of a nationally integrated society. Some areally specific policies'^ will be called for if Ghana is to avoid any of the unpleasant consequences of polarized development in the distant future. The periphery in Ghana is a huge land mass not in the least homogenous. It may therefore be necessary to break it down into major problem or resource areas with each area having critically identi¬ fiable characteristics requiring special attention. The "focussed approach" to regional development has been stressed elsewhere. The co-ordination of the specific policies and programs for all these diverse areas at the 102 regional and then the national level, backed by the zeal of a national government committed to bringing about a spatially integrated society, will insure a consistency which is of the essence if national development efforts are not to be futile. 103 A. Appendix 1 These are the variables which should be used, if data is available, in the study of urban systems of the kind attempted in this study. Economic Development 1. % of total population aged between 15 and 64 2. % of total labour force in employment 3. % of labour force in manufacturing 4. % of labour force in professional occupations 5. % of labour force in transport and communications 6. % of labour force in banking and insurance 7. % of labour force in construction 8. % of labour force in commerce 9. % of labour force earning above a certain income 10. Total investments in public utilities per capita 11. Total direct taxes per capita 12. Total wholesale and retail sales per capita Social Development 1. % of population with post elementary education 2. % of population with university education 3. % of occupied dwellings or households with automobile 4. % of labour force in medical profession 5. % of labour force in teaching profession Political Power and Dependency Relations 1. % of labour force in public sector 2. % of government expenditures in administration 3. % of total workers in trade unions 4. % of total voluntary associations in the country 104 Appendix 2 Table B-l. Distribution of Female Professional Medical Staff, 1948 Share of Centre's Population of Centre Index of Urban Centre Employment as as percent of Ghana's Concentration percent of Ghana's total population total Accra 51 3.2 15.9 Kumasi 11 1.7 6.5 Sekondi-Takoradi 5 1.1 4.5 Cape Coast 4 0.5 8.0 Tamale 0.4 Koforidua 2 0.4 5,0 Winneba 1 0.4 2.5 All 7 Centres 74 8.0 9.3 Rest of Country 26 92.0 0.3 Source: Gold Coast Census 1948. 105 NOTES 1. John Friedmann, "Urbanization and National Development: A Comparative Analysis." School of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of California, Los Angeles, Mimeograph, June 1970, p.9. This has since 1973,, been published by Sage Publications, California, with the title Urbanization, Planning and National Development. 2. Brian J.L. Berry, "City Size and Economic Development." Urbanization and National Development, eds., Leo Jacobson and Ved Prakashf Beverly Hills, California, Sage Publications, 1971, p.137 ff. 3. See for instance John Friedmann's "The Spatial Organiza¬ tion of Power and the Development of Urban Systems," School of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of California, Los Angeles, Mimeograph, 1972. 4. John Friedmann, "Urbanization and National Development." ibid. p.33... 5. Brian J.L. Berry, ibid.,p. 138. 6. This will be explored further in a subsequent study. 7. Ernest A. Boateng, A Geography of Ghana, London: Cambridge University Press, 1959. 8. Information on these centres is based on Kwamina B. Dickson's A Historical Geography of Ghana, London; Cambridge University Press, 1969, 9. Brian J.L.Berry & Frank Horton, Geographic Perspectives on Urban Systems, Prentice-Hall, New Jersey; 1969, "pp .64 ff. 10. The Central Bureau of Statistics and its predecessor the Office of Census have since 1948 considered Sekondi and Takoradi as a single municipality and combined data are presented for the two in all census publications. 11. Brian J.L. Berry & Frank Horton, ibid.,p.67. 12. Brian J.L. Berry, op. cit., p.138. 13. Large centres are the settlements having more than 10,000 population. 14. 1970 Population Census of Ghana, Central Bureau of Statistics. Quoted from C.D.K. Kudiabor's unpublished paper on Growth Poles and Growth Centres in Ghana, May 1971. 15. Attempts will be made in subsequent studies to delineate functional areas in the country and to evolve policies germane to them. 16. John Friedmann, "The Implementation of Urban-Regional Development Policies; Lessons of Experience," School of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of California, Los Angeles, Mimeograph, 1971, p.21. TOWARDS AN URBANIZATION POLICY FOR SPATIAL INTEGRATION FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES IN AFRICA - WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GHANA* C.C.T. Blankson Research Fellow,. Department of Housing and Planning Research * The author wishes to express his gratitude to Professor John Friedmann, Head of the Urban Planning Program of the University of California, Los Angeles for the very critical suggestions and comments he gave on the paper. Ms. Flora Sullivan also of UCLA gave helpful comments and special thanks are due her The shortcomings of the paper are however entirely the author's. WHY AN URBANIZATION POLICY Although developing countries in Africa are the least urbanized countries in the world, they seem to be as concerned with urbanization as the advanced and highly urbanized nations are. The reasons for this are not hard to find. The rate of growth of the urban popu¬ lation in Africa has been among the highest since the 1940s. For example, in 1960 Africa was only 13 percent urban"'" compared with 41 and 57 percent for Europe and North America respectively. However in the two decades, 1940-1950 and 1950-1960, the urban population in North America increased by 29 and 35 percent respectively as compared with 56 and 69 percent in Africa , about double that of North America. It is estimated, assuming present trends continue, that between 1960 and 1980 Africa will have an increase of 147 percent in its urban population as compared with an increase of about only 49 percent 3 in North America. This rapid increase in urbanization has alarmed governments and development planners alike, because while high income per capita tended to be associated with high urbanization levels in the developed world during their early stages of development, this has not been the case for African countries today. In addition, despite the 108 109 existing high urbanization levels and low per capita income which characterize African countries, the rate at which the urban population has been growing has been much faster, relative to the rate of growth of their économies. The concern about the disparities in growth, especially on the part of governments, stems from the fact that present urban problems seem to be outstripping resources. Present trends indicate a future where requirements for food, housing, health, education and transportation facilities, necessary for the huge population concentra¬ tions will simply be beyond the scope and ability of any government to cope with. There is therefore a quest for some policy which will enable them to handle both the phenomenon of rapid urbanization and the problems atten¬ dant upon it. Development Objectives of Developing Countries Developing countries are characterized by a dual structure of their spatial economies. There is a modern sector which is comprised of a few very large cities with very high rates of growth, and a lagging hinterland which is relatively undeveloped and experiencing high waves of emigration of both human and physical capital to the modern sector. This has been called the Core-Periphery structure.4 The dichotomy in the spatial structure is 110 the result of an inherited colonial economy which was based on a policy of economic efficiency. According to this policy, only those investments which promised high rates of return were made, accordingly only areas with resources whose exploitation was considered economically feasible were provided with the social and economic infrastructure to facilitate their exploitation. While this policy and resultant condition began under coloni¬ zation, the continued centralized form of political administration adopted upon independence reinforced the core-periphery structure since the locus of political power in the core region tended to attract industry into it.^ The core-periphery structure has been found to be undersirable on both political and social grounds. The ever widening disparities in income between the core and the periphery along with the worsening of conditions in the periphery and the popular discontent which this aroused in the peoples of the periphery, have more than established the need for greater balance in the spatial structure of African countries. These countries are now faced with the problem of creating a spatial equili¬ brium in their national economies. This, and others, constitute the objectives which the governments are Ill trying to achieve. These objectives have been neatly summed up by John Friedmann thus: To achieve an increase in the autonomy of national society, To achieve an increase in the levels of living of the population, To achieve an increase in modernization, To achieve an increase in social integration, and To achieve an increase in spatial integration. What these aims imply is that the criterion of economic efficiency which has hitherto been the sole guide to the location of economic activity and the distribution of the benefits of modernization will now have to be balanced with that of equity. It is the contention of the writer that even though the decision to embark upon a policy to develop the underdeveloped periphery may be motivated by social considerations, in the long run such a policy along the lines outlined below, may well make for an efficient running of the economy. The reason behind this assumption is that the present patterns of urbanization impose severe strain and limitations on the economy, preventing the latter from achieving its optimum, i.e., taking off into self sustained growth. The removal of these limitations by means of a regional development policy will, ipso facto, provide the stimulus for a faster growth of the economy. Three main points are presented in support of the above proposition. These are; 1) that investment in social over¬ head capital in the core region are excessive 112 and represent a diversion of scarce resources into less productive ends; 2) that the high levels of expenditures in social overhead capital lead to short-run inflation and balance of payments problems; and 3), that the presence of a "resource frontier" in the periphery represents locked up idle resources. The discussion of these points is taken up in the paragraphs below. CORE PERIPHERY RELATIONSHIP Social Overhead Capital vs. Directly Productive Activities The huge concentrations of people in cities increase the demand for public utilities and social services. To the extent that a large number of these people are unpro¬ ductive, and to the extent that governments are responsive to these demands and meet them, the resources devoted to these facilities can be said to be tied up in unproductive investments. In Lagos alone, over 15 percent of the labour force in 1963 was unemployed. In Ghana, it was 8 percent in 1960 and has been rising since the government's 7 stabilization program introduced in 1966. A.O. Hirschman distingishes between investment in social overhead capital and investment in directly productive activities.0 The former is for the most part considered as consumption though in the long run it goes to improve the productivity of human capital. Increased expenditure in one can be achieved only at the expense of the other. According to 113 P. Rosenstein-Rodan, approximately 50 to 70 percent of available development capital in developing countries goes into social overhead expenditures but the social conditions do not seem to be improving. According to Lowdon Wingo, Latin American countries will have to invest five times what they are presently investing with¬ in the next thirty years just to maintain existing service levels.Situations such as these, in which a consider¬ able proportion of development expenditure goes into this sector, must be viewed as detrimental to the overall growth of the economy. Akin Mobogunje makes a similar observation about the provision of social infrastructure 11 in some Nigerian urban centres. He points out that the levels of economic activities in those centres were so low that they could not efficiently support those investments. John Friedmann has pointed to another dimension of the problem of excessive investments in social infrastructure in the core region. He says that the pressure exerted by immigrants on urban services lead to persistent and acute shortages of housing, food, water supply and similar necessities thus creating high levels of popular dissatisfaction. Popular pressure may induce patterns of public expenditure at the core in excess of what a 'rational' policy of spatial development I 2 would counsel. The heavy investment in social services 114 to appease the politically powerful, but unemployed, urban masses does not seem to leave much capital for the development of the periphery. Effects of Heavy Expenditures in Social Infrastructure Expenditures in social overhead capital of the magni¬ tude described above can lead to inflation and balance of payments problems. There are two reasons why this may be so. First, social infrastructure usually has long gestation periods, but workers must be paid to produce them. In the short run, the domestic supply of goods and services is inelastic. With the payment of wages to workers engaged in building the infrastructure, effective demand is raised relative to available goods and services, and prices rise as a result. Since the propensity to consume is high for low and medium income workers, increases in income go into greater consumption. The increased demand will therefore have to be met from imports. A second reason why there might be inflation, and why the balance of payments problems might be worsened by such social overhead expenditures is that in several developing countries urbanization begins to occur before significant breakthroughs have been achieved in agricul¬ tural production. The migration of people from the 115 furai sector tends to create a shortage of labour on the farms and there is, consequently, a reduction in farm output. There is evidence that in several developing countries urbanization has been associated with increases in relative food prices and large imports of food items. As pointed out by Godfrey, most West African countries have experienced a shortage of locally produced food.13 In Ghana the rise in price is reflected in a fall in real incomes. An index of real wages for unskilled workers in Accra stood at 63 in October 1966 as compared with 14 119 in July 1962. Godfrey attributes the food shortage to shortage of farm labour resulting from increasing rate of migration to the urban areas. In Ghana other factors, such as food retail speculation, poor transportation facilities and poor food distribution, have accentuated the food shortages. W. Arthur Lewis points out that a higher urban wage is "one of the reasons why young people are deserting farming for the towns, to the point where there is severe unemployment in all major towns, coinci¬ ding with a shortage of labour in the countryside."1^ He warns that if this trend continues in Nigeria, agricultural output cannot be expanded rapidly enough to supply the food requirements of the rising population. A Resource Frontier in the Periphery The neglect of the hinterland, especially if it is a resource frontier region, represents locked up resources. 116 The potential costs to the growth of the overall economy of failure to exploit these resources and other invest¬ ment opportunities cannot be over-emphasized. As Friedmann points out, "resource frontiers have been important in the economic development of many nations, including the United States, Canada, the Soviet Union, Australia, China, Brazil and recently Venezuela. Studies in Europe have shown that the development of unutilized resources in backward 1 7 regions can promote national growth. ' Resources in frontier regions fail to be developed not because they are uneconomic, but because of poor and inadequate infor¬ mation about the attractiveness of these resources. The point is that in big cities investment opportunities can be seen more readily and exploited. Even where information about opportunities in lagging regions is available, the high risks associated with remote investments, coupled with prospects of low rates of return in the short run, would tend to discourage private enterprise from investing there. Another disadvantage associated with peripheral locations is the cost of internalizing functions which normally would be external and for which the firm may lack efficient scale. Despite these disadvantages, one could argue that, though short run returns might be low, the long run returns may more than balance initially higher returns elsewhere. To enable these resources to 117 be fully developed, the government may have to create the conditions which will make it attractive for private investors to locate there. It must be noted that regional income differentials are due to differences in the struc¬ ture and sectoral components of regions. Average income is different for each sector of the economy. Therefore, to raise incomes in. the lagging periphery, the economy of the periphery will have to be restructured in such a way that high income sectors will be better represented than in the existing situation. The exploitation of hidden resources in the "frontier' provides a means of doing so. The issues raised in the foregoing paragraphs point to the need for a policy which would rectify the inopti- malities in the allocation of development resources which are brought about by the imbalances in the spatial structure of the national economy. The correction of the imbalances would remove the constraints which presently not only inhibit the growth of the national economy but also prevent its spatial integration. A Mix of Equity and Efficiency Considerations for Spatial Integration It must, however, be admitted that very few developing countries may have a resource frontier; therefore, the rationale for adoption of an urban growth policy, of the 118 kind being advocated in this paper, may not derive from long run economic efficiency grounds alone as the above points would seem to infer. Where there is no such frontier the adoption of any policy aimed at developing the periphery may involve some cost. The rate of growth of the economy may initially be slowed down as resources are diverted from the high returns-to-investment areas in the core region, to the not so high returns areas in the peripheries. There are social and political reasons why a govern¬ ment would want to pursue such a policy. As was stated above, social and economic development in developing countries tend to be polarized in the core- periphery structure. Polarization is reflected, aside from the wide regional disparities in living levels, in a situation of core-peripheral political relationship which is asymmetrical in favour of the core region.-*-® The peoples of the periphery may feel left out of the mainstream of social, economic and political life of the country and may demand a redistribution of both political and economic power in their favour; if the central government failed to meet their demands, there may always be the threat of secession. Since the central government would not like to see the country fall apart, it might agree to some measure of a redistribution of economic 119 power. Where such political considerations are paramount, the choice of a peripheral centre as the locus of an industry may represent an economically inefficient loca- tional decision, but a politically astute necessity. William Alonso has outlined some reasons why, in view of the development objective of achieving spatial integration, such peripheral economically inefficient 1 9 locational decisions might be made. In the first place, the location of the industry in the periphery will promote development knowledge about that locality and help in¬ tegrate it into the information web of the more advanced sectors of economic activity. The increase in information will reduce the discount arising from uncertainty which is applied to other possible projects at that location. In so doing, it will lower the threshold at which local opportunities become attractive and new enterprises may become more feasible there. In the second place the project may contribute to the adaptability of society in the periphery to new attitudes, new awareness and new patterns of behaviour better suited to economic development. In other words, the centre may become an island from which innovation will be diffused into the surrounding areas. From this standpoint, the project may be viewed as an investment in human resources, which may be of greater significance 120 than the project itself. As neatly summed up by Alonso, the government, by doing this, will be concerned with national 'profitability* rather than with project profitability. The next sections shall deal with suggestions rela¬ ting to how the objective of achieving social and spatial integration of national societies shall be brought about. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS A Policy of Tertiary Urbanization; What It Is Not From the outset, it must be made clear what the policy is not. First, it is not a space filling policy. The objective of the policy is not achievement of "place- prosperity" for its own sake. Secondly, it is not aimed at stopping the further growth of the existing large cities, but rather to stimulate development in the periphery. The reasons for these are given below. The development of particular places for their own sake is not the aim of a tertiary urbanization policy. Such an objective would imply that resources must be spread fairly evenly over all the regions of the country irrespective of the development potentials of the regions. Such a policy would merely fritter away resources and cause the economy to stagnate. Cities are essential for economic growth, and large cities more so* The external economies which they offer by way of available 121 infrastructure of roads, water, power, a trained labour supply, a wide capital and product market and specialized services and ready access to centres of political power, make cities the most optimum places for industrial loca¬ tion. The facilities which are only possible in agglo¬ merations, make cities a sine qua non for the efficient allocation and utilization of resources. Few countries have the resources to create such economically attractive conditions in cities all over its space. Areas and regions with the greatest development potential must be given priority and resources concentrated there first to create maximum locational advantages. Conditions for higher levels of living will be created at these centres for people migrating from areas which have little or no development potential. It will be socially worthwhile and economically reasonable for countries to adopt this strategy of selected growth centres since it will require relatively less to stimulate development in these selected areas than in all other areas. This policy assumes population mobility; that people in the poorer areas will move to live and work in these 'growth centres.' Migration statistics for developing countries indicate that this is a reasonable assumption. In the second place, the policy is not meant to stop the large cities from growing further since there is no 122 evidence to indicate that, cities, especially large ones, can be prevented from growing further. The experience of countries which tried to prevent the further growth of existing large cities has shown this to be extremely difficult. The Russian governent, for example, failed to prevent industies from locating in Moscow because the costs of locating outside Moscow, for certain industries, 20 were found to be prohibitive. The Italian Government also failed to divert industry from the industrialized north to the south despite the very attractive incentives offered. The French Government was no more successful than the British Government was in diverting industry from the highly developed London region to the less developed Development Districts of the north. These cases emphasize the locational pull of large cities and the fact that attempts to stop their further growth will be anything but successful. Lasuen even goes to the extent of saying that "to spend resources in building up infrastructure in the lagging region hoping to attract industrial investments is a wasteful strategy. A Policy of Tertiary Urbanization, What It Is The following quotation sums up the content of the policy : "The major thrust of regional policy should be the fight to offset polarization, to eliminate the dichotomy, because it is only by bringing 123 into existence a complete spatial system of urban centres arranged in a hierarchy from agro-urban towns through several intermediate types to the metropolis that growth and development can be achieved.... It is through such a system that growth impulses can be transmitted downward into the rural areas."22 Development planner after planner has stressed the importance of a deliberately structured hierarchy of centres in developing countries to stimulate the process of economic growth. M.I.Logan for example, argues that "in the long run, success of the any development policy depends on how effectively economic growth can be diffused from the city 2 3 to the rural areas." He sees this diffusion process being effectively carried out by "a number of second-tier cities" which would be built and placed between the large cities and the small villages. He adds what one could call the essence of the urbanization policy in the following words; "The solutions to developmental problems do not lie in enlarging the spatial structure but in improving the organization that propels commodities, information, and 24 production factors through the spatial structure." Emphasis here is on removing the spatial bottlenecks existing in the system which prevent the smooth articula¬ tion of development impulses over and across the territo¬ rial space of the economy. According to R.Weitz, a system of rural towns 124 containing a hierarchy of functions is needed in developing countries in order to speed up the process of development. Without such a system, it is almost impossible to set up the industrial structure necessary for the development of agri¬ culture . The idea behind this is to create the conditions which will make it possible for the potential in the agri¬ cultural sector to be exploited. The policy being advocated is predicated on the importance of the role of the agricul¬ tural sector in the process of development. Unless this crucial role is appreciated, developing countries will be making very little headway in their drive towards economic and social development. For a long time it was popularly believed in the developing world, that since the advanced countries were industrialized, developing countries had to industrialize if they were also to enjoy high levels of living. This led to a spate of industry building and a virtual neglect of the agricultural sector. The sad perfor¬ mance of the industrialization programmes and the fact that living conditions of the broad masses of the peoples of developing countries are nowhere improved after two decades of such development programmes, makes re-evaluation of past policies necessary and adoption of innovative measures of the essence. 125 Agricultural Development, Urbanization and Modernization Agriculture is the dominant sector in the economies of developing countries. For example it employed 60 percent of Ghana's labour force in 1960, 57 percent in Egypt and be¬ tween 50 to 75 percent in most Asian countries. This contrasts with 26 percent for France, 11 percent for Canada 2 6 and 7 percent for the United States. Land, especially agricultural land, is the cheapest resource and it is there¬ fore in the agricultural sector that developing countries have their greatest comparative advantage. During the early stages of development, countries need machinery for the construction and equipment of hospitals, roads, bridges and factories. They lack the capacity to manufacture these items so they have to import them. To earn the foreign exchange for such purchases they cannot rely on the sale of manu¬ factured products such as cars abroad, since even where they can produce them, they lack the ability to compete effectively on the world market with similar products from the industrialized countries. This leaves them with the production, processing and export of primary produce. This is the only economic alternative open to them. In the second place, the sector should produce the food to feed the population of the country. The failure of the sector to produce enough food will mean that the coun¬ try will also have to import food. It is a sad commentary on the state of the Ghanaian economy that despite the 126 60 percent of the economically active population engaged in the sector, it still finds it necessary to import food items which could very easily be produced at home. In 1969 for example, Ghana spent as much as 20 percent of its total import bill on food.^ Thirdly, it is the farming population which must provide the market for the output of the urban industrial sector. This is because it is in the rural areas that the bulk of the population lives. In 1970, more than 70 percent of the Ghanaian population lived in rural settlements.28 The development of domestic industry is not an easy task, and since its products fare very poorly on the world market, it must find its market from within its own terri¬ torial borders if it is to survive at all. This will continue to be so until regional economic groupings are formed among developing countries. Fourthly, the agricultural sector must provide the necessary savings from which capital investments can be made. This will not be easy since farm incomes are generally low. The capacity of the agricultural sector to do this is demonstrated by the fact that the roads, schools and hospitals which were built in Ghana and Nigeria during the 1960s were financed from savings on taxes levied on cocoa sales. It is also of interest to note that the agricultural sector financed largely the industrial revolutions in Japan, Russia and China. 127 And lastly, the expansion of the urban industrial sector in countries is developing normally so slow that it cannot be expected to provide employment for the rapidly expanding urban unemployed. As observed by Marion Clawson, "In a country where only 20 percent of the people live in cities, urban employment, whether in industry or in trade, cannot possibly expand fast enough to absorb all the surplus young people from the 80 percent of the rural population, especially if the rate of natural increase 29 is high." Even where the industrial sector has been experiencing rapid expansion, as in Nigeria, the sector still cannot employ many people due to the highly capital intensive nature of modern production processes. With the importance of the agricultural sector spelt out, the is question then how best to organize the sector to make it contribute its maximum to the processes of development and modernization. 31 Agricultural Development Policies It goes without saying that if the agricultural sector is to play the role described above in the drive towards development, then specific policies aimed at dealing with problems in the sector should be evolved. There are certain critical areas in which clearly defined government policies are called for. A few 12 of these areas are outlined below. Land Policy: In a country with complex and sometimes land tenure confusing systems like we have in Ghana, the 128 right to land for farming and related purposes may be so ill defined as to constitute an obstacle to agricultural development. Family or clan ownership of land makes it difficult for a prospective farmer to gain an absolute title to land. The lack of security brought about by such tenure arrangements for both tenant and prospective farmers does not encourage productive and long range investments in any piece of farm land. A second problem about family owner¬ ship of land is that each member of the family has a right to some portion of the family land. A large piece of land would thereby in the course of time be totally fragmented into small bits. This fragmentation makes large scale commercial farming difficult. Government should have a dual policy which would seek to consolidate such fragmented pieces of farm land and also enable individuals to have lands leased to them for long enough periods of time. Price Policy: The internal terms of trade have to be made favourable, not only for the manufacturing sector, as has been the case, but also for the agricultural sector. At least a balance has to be struck as to make both sectors attractive to investors. Low producer prices in times of expanded output do not provide incentives to the farmer to expand his production. The farmer is an economic man despite all protestations to the contrary. He will respond to a guaranteed and a stable price which ensures him a fair return for his investment. It has been stated elsewhere 129 that a guaranteed price provides a necessary but not a sufficient condition for increased output. Commenting on the generally poor performance of the food production sector in several African countries, Samir Amin observes that in Kenya and Egypt where production of corn and rice respectively was quite high, good prices were largely O O responsible. He adds "It is obvious that cereal produc¬ tion in West Pakistan and rice production in Thailand could not have been undertaken without it." Price guarantee is also an area the government is best equipped to handle. Marketing Policy; The inadequacy of feeder and farm roads serving the deep peripheral farming areas and a well- organized transport system to convey food from the farms to the markets have also contributed, in part, to the low food supplies in the country. Government action is also called for in these sectors. Organization : An important aspect of the mixed bag of agricultural policy relates to the organizational framework. Who is to do what? The farming industry can be divided into the following phases: production, marketing, processing and credit.^4 The production phase has always been undertaken by the Ghanaian peasant farmer. The 'inability' of the peasant farmer to produce enough to meet domestic requirements may not be wholly attributable to lack of productive capacity. 130 Several factors including those discussed above account for the generally low level of output. However, should output remain low even after the institutional obstacles listed above have been removed, then one should consider making it possible for other production units and agents to parti¬ cipate. This could either be farmers' co-operatives or the government going directly into food production and expanding its already existing food producing activities. The failure of the Builders' Brigade Farms to make any impact on agric¬ ultural production in the past should not prejudice anyone to the positive contribution which the government could make in this phase. The situation should be avoided in which foreigners would be invited òr welcomed into the country to produce food to feed Ghanaians. The experience with foreign private capital in agriculture whereby profits are repatriated and the bulk of the local farming popula¬ tions ' incomes remain low should alert policy makers to the futility of relying on foreign private capital as a means of bringing about agricultural development and improved levels of living. Agricultural development must achieve not only the objective of increasing farm output but must also raise the levels of living of the farming population. The marketing of farm produce in the country has never been properly organized. The possibilities of farmers' co-operatives being formed with enough capital to purchase 131 their own transport fleets to convey food to the marketing centres should be explored. Alternatively, the mechanization centres mentioned above, which will be holding and renting out farm machinery to farmers could add another section to their operations, to keep vehicles which could alsokbe rented out to farmers when needed. The mechanization centres would be best equipped to handle this operation since they would have the technical expertise to maintain the fleet. On the processing of agricultural produce, the appro¬ priate price policy might ensure a regular and an adequate supply of raw material inputs to the existing and prospec¬ tive processing industries. However, should supply fail to meet factory demand, attempts should be made to internalize the production of the inputs. This should be supplementary to the farmers' produce. This will be the first step towards the development of a future vertically integrated industry. The importation of raw material inputs, especially where the inputs can be developed locally, should never be encouraged. Since to encourage this would mean a loss of opportunity to effect a change, albeit small, in the struc¬ ture of the economy, and more importantly, would also mean a loss of opportunity to increase factor employment. On the availability and issue of credit, the fear of á high rate of default has prevented the commercial banks 132 and even the Agricultural Development Bank from advancing substantial loans to the farmers. The formation of co¬ operatives should reduce this fear by making loans more easily recoverable. Another advantage which could derive from the co-operatives is that it will make it possible for the individual farmers to obtain, at moderate interest rates, the kind of loans, very often small loans, which they normally require and go in for. Alternatively, loans could be given to the farmers in kind, through the provision of such services as renting farm machinery and the supply of ferti¬ lizers and pesticides. Indeed, such services could be made available to the farmers more efficiently through the organization of the co-operative. Since the total absence of political power in the periphery might make it unattractive for industry to locate there, a certain measure of power must be localized in the regional capitals. In this connection it is important that the regional decentralization of the administrative machi¬ nery began be properly effectualized. Regional heads of departments must not be afraid to use the powers granted them in approving projects and releasing grants and equip¬ ment. In time, economically viable places will emerge as the agro-industrial centres where the processing industries and all the activities requiring external economies will be located. 133 It is difficult to expound at length on these policies within the confines of a paper such as this. The above should be considered as outlines capable of being elaborated upon within the contexts of particular regions, resources and problems. The policy of Tertiary Urbanization seeks to achieve agricultural development and higher levels of living for the farming population by means of a hierarchy of centres spanning the whole country. The aim is to reach to the very remote areas of the country where the farms are. The 'creation' of such centres will help in bringing the rural sector and the rural population into the effective social, economic and political fields of the country. Application of the Policy of Tertiary Urbanization Where does one begin, in view of the fact that the periphery is all pervading^ The application of the policy will have to start with the identification of the centres which have and exhibit the greatest potential for growth. The rationale for this criterion of selectivity is that it would require relatively less resources to stimulate or even initiate growth at these centres to the point where further growth would be self-generating, than in centres with little potential. The development potential could be determined from 134 among the following; a) the natural resource endowment of the area, (i.e., the agricultural quality of land, types of crops grown and those which could be introduced, the presence of exploitable mineral deposit though not crucial) b) increase or decline in production and investment activity during the recent past; c) net gain or loss in population due to migration; d) the size and density of population in the area or ready access to markets; and e) the level of education or literacy of the population. The above indices of growth or decline can be deter¬ mined from past trends and present levels. This is impor¬ tant because the fact that an area has been experiencing some growth, as reflected in the increases in production and immigration over the past years, indicates that any attempt to stimulate growth in the area will not be a,cting counter to natural growth processes. As far as possible, natural growth trends are to be gleaned and exploited. / "3 Ç\ It should be possible to quantify the above indices and to grade and arrange the centres in a hierarchy. The ordering of the centres would provide a basis for the selection of priority centres. This would also help determine the kinds of economic and social policies to pursue that would be appropriate for each centre. 135 The centres will serve as distribution and marketing points. They will distribute fertilizers, livestock feed, hybrid seeds and loan farm machinery to the farmers. The farmers will in turn bring their produce here for sale. Storage depots will be required to store both farm inputs and outputs ready for distribution. Machinery repair shops will be needed to keep the machines running. A variety of facilities like small banks, service stations and retail shops will also be needed to service the population. In the early stages of this programme, a large number of small service centres will be needed to service the scattered farming population, due to poor transport facilities. However, with time as new roads are built and transpor¬ tation facilities become more readily available, some of these towns will be by-passed as farmers will then be able to travel longer distances for their requirements. Some of the towns will experience decline, and services can be further centralized to ensure maximum efficiency. A basic proposition underlying this policy is that economic activities and service facilities can be efficiently organized only if rationally concentrated to make exploi¬ tation of external and scale economies possible. Capital intensive activities such as rice processing mills, oil mills, and plants for mixing or producing fertilizersf all directly related to the agricultural sector, must be 136 located at the higher level centres. These centres would later grow to become the locus of the agro-based industries. It should for example be possible, later on, to manufacture small farm equipment and machine parts at these centres. At the lower levels there should be such a mix of activities and services at these centres that would perforce attract people into them to conduct business. One should avoid creating a situation in which farmers would have to go to one centre for farm supplies, to another for credit, and yet to a third to sell their produce. The centres must be functional, with all the appropriate facilities congregated in them. This is crucial since the process of innovation 37 diffusion is fastest where social interaction is high. If traditional values, attitudes and practices are to be modified and innovation, which is the engine of growth, diffused across the territorial space of the economy, then such social contact points must have a powerful enough pull to draw people into them. These conditions would not require extraordinary resources to bring about. The main tasks would be to devise ways for improving and coordinating the facilities that already exist, and to provide those minimally necessary public services which would make the centre a place attractive to both buyers and sellers from a wide hinter¬ land, and thereby hasten the process of economic develop¬ ment and modernization. 137 Conclusion I have tried to point out that though developing countries may adopt regional development policies on equity grounds to correct the spatial imbalances as exemplified in their core-periphery structures, there are very real possi¬ bilities that such policies, if properly related to the economic realities of the countries, as seen in the case of Ghana, may in the long run contribute to the efficient running of the economy. To bring about spatial equilibrium and spatial integration, a policy which seeks to dovetail agricultural development, urban growth and modernization and to create strong functional links between the core and the periphery has been advocated. This policy is predicated on the strong complementarities which exist among agricultural development, urbanization and modernization. It has been the thesis of this paper that the functional inter-relationships between farm and city, for markets of urban produced farm supplies,for employment of rural people, and for social facilities, can best be exploited through the creation a of hierarchy of centres which would traverse the agriculturally rich periphery of the country. This would facilitate the exploitation of the development potential in the periphery and subsequently help raise the living levels of the peripheral population thereby enabling 138 the latter to be brought into the effective national social, economic and political milieu. This would also go some way in helping eliminate the disparities in living levels between the core and the periphery and bring into being a spatially integrated society. 139 NOTES 1. An Urban Area is defined by the United Nations as a settlement having 20,000 population or more 2. Gerald Breese, The City in Newly Developing Countries, Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall, New Jersey, 1969,p.29 3. Gerald Breese, ibid., pp.145, 43. 4. John Friedmann, Regional Development Policy, A Case Study of Venezuela, Cambridge, Mass.; M.I.T.Press, 1966, p. 10 5. Classical location theory fails to recognise the impor¬ tance of the distribution of political power as an indus¬ trial location factor. John Friedmann discusses this in "The Spatial Organization of Power and the Development of Urban Systems", SAUP University of California, Los Angeles, (mimeo), 1972. 6. John Friedmann,"The Role of Cities in National Develop¬ ment", Latin American Urban Policies and the Social Sciences, eds., J.Miller and R.A. Gakenheimer, Beverly Hills, California, Sage Publications, 1971. p. 169. 7. E.M. Godfrey, "Labour-Surplus Models; The West African Case", Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol.17, No.3. 1969, p.383. 8. A.0. Hirschman, The Strategy of Economic Development, New Haven, 1958. 9. P.Rosenstein-Rodan,"Reflections on Regional Development", Cambridge,Centre for International Studies, M.I.T., 1963. 10. Lowdon Wingo, "Determinants of Urban Infrastructure in Less Developed Countries", A Research Memorandum. Resources for the Future, Inc., 1964, p.4. 11. A.O. Mabogunje, "Urbanization in Nigeria", Economic Development and Cultural Change, July 1965 12. John Friedmann, "The Spatial Organization of Power and the Development of Urban Systems", ibid., pp.8, 9. 13. E.M. Godfrey, "Labour-Surplus Models" ibid., p. 384. See also Rowena M. Lawson, "The Food Distribution System in Ghana", Journal of Development Studies, Jan. 1967. 14. P. Robson and D.A. Lury, eds., The Economies of Africa, Unwin, London, 1969, p. 119. 140 15. William A. Lewis, Reflections on Nigeria's Economic Growth, Development Centre Studies, OECD, Papis, 1967 , p. 22 . 16. John Friedmann, Regional Development Policy, ibid.,p.76, 17. L.H. Klaasen, Regional Policy in Benelux Countries, OECD, 1965. 18. John Friedmann, "The Spatial Organization of Power and the Development of Urban Systems," ibid., p. 2. 19. William Alonso, "Industrial Location and Regional Policy in Economic Development," Centre for Planning and Deve¬ lopment Research Institute, University of California, Berkeley, Working Paper No. 74. Feb. 1968. 20. Anthony Downs, "Alternative Forms of Future Urban Growth Journal of American Institute of Plqnneps, Jan. 1970,p.7. 21. J.R• Lasuen, "On Growth Poles," Urban Studies, 1969, p.149 22. The quotation is by Brian Berry and Prakasa Rao and is quoted by E.A.J. Johnson, The Organization of Space in Developing Countries, Harvard, Mass., 1970, p. 377. 23. M.I. Logan, "The Spatial System and Planning Strategies in Developing Countries," Geographical Review, April 1972, p. 243. 24. M.I. Logan, ibid., p. 238. 25. Raanan Weitz, "Rural- Urban Relations in Developing Countries," Rehovot Conference on Urbanization and Development in Developing Countries, Israel, August 1971. 26. Benjamin Higgins, Economic Development, Norton & Co., New York, 1968, p. 18. 27. Annual Economic Review, Ghana, Sept. 1970, Standard Bank Group, Accra, p.8. 28. 1970 Population Census of Ghana, Central Bureau of Statistics, Accra. Quoted from C.D.K. Kudiabor's , unpublished paper on Growth Poles and Growth Centres in Ghana, May 1971. "■ 29. Marion Clawson, "Modernization of Agriculture and Urbanization,"Rehovot Conference, ibid., p.4. 30. William A. Lewis, Reflections on Nigeria's Economic Growth, ibid., p. 4. 141 31. Even though this section is made specific to Ghana, the points raised and discussed here could very easily apply to other African Countries. 32. See S. La Anyane, "Issues in Agricultural ground to Policy," Back¬ Agricultural Policy in Ghana, of a Seminar Proceedings organized by the Faculty of Agriculture, of University Ghana, Legon, 1969, pp. 7-23. 33. Samir Amin, "Development and Structural African Change; The Experience, 1950 - 1970, "Journal of Interna¬ tional Affairs, Vol. XXIV. No.2, 1970, p.213. 34. See J.A. Dadson, "Agricultural Development Policy and Planning," Background to Agricultural Policy in Ghana, ibid, p.52. 35. OGM Circular; Decentralization of the Public Services; Regional Management. No.3/69 Accra, 15th May 1969. 36. See, for example, E.A.J. Johnson, The Organization of Space in Developing Countries, ibid, p.219. Johnson refers to a methodology developed by Bennett Harrison in a paper entitled "Rural Growth Centres" prepared for the U.S,A.I.D. 37. Poul Ove Pederson, "Innovation Diffusion Within and Between National Urban Systems," Geographical Analysis, Vol.11, 1970, pp. 203 - 254.