DOCSLIB.ORG

Party System Cartelization

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Party System Cartelization PARTY SYSTEM CARTELIZATION: THE CASE OF CROATIA By Vuk Vuković Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2019) Abstract The aim of this thesis is to offer alternative explanation for long-lasting stability of the Croatian party system. So far, the predictive pattern of party competition has been analyzed through the lens of cleavage politics. Although useful tool, especially in historically divided society such as Croatia, cleavage theory offers static interpretation of party politics. In order to track the development of Croatian party system throughout time, cartel theory is applied. The outcome of the analysis is that cartelization is heavily dependent on the cleavage that structures party competition. Therefore, for most of the time there is no evidence of closed party competition, which consists one of three dimensions in proposed operationalization. However, the contribution of the thesis is related to the scope of cartel concept. As cartel is found in collusive manipulation of referendum on Croatian accession to EU, it seems that cartel concept can be applied beyond competition exclusively related to parties. CEU eTD Collection ii Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................ ii List of tables ........................................................................................................................ iv List of figures ........................................................................................................................ v Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 6 Chapter 1 – The concept of cartelization................................................................................ 8 1.1. Defining characteristic of cartelization ...................................................................... 10 1.2. Literature overview .................................................................................................. 12 Chapter 2 – Towards three-dimensional operationalization .................................................. 15 1.1. Interpenetration of party and the state ....................................................................... 16 1.2. Cartel cooperation .................................................................................................... 16 1.3. Cartel competition .................................................................................................... 19 2.2. Seven levels of the cartelization ................................................................................ 20 Chapter 3 – The case of Croatia........................................................................................... 22 3.1. Interpenetration of party and the state ....................................................................... 26 3.2. Cartel cooperation .................................................................................................... 29 3.2.1. Party System Permeability ............................................................................. 30 3.2.2. Cartel-like behavior (collusion) ...................................................................... 33 2.3. Cartel competition .................................................................................................... 37 2.3.1. Policy convergence ........................................................................................ 37 2.3.2. Representativeness ......................................................................................... 45 2.3.3. Depoliticization.............................................................................................. 48 2.4. Cartelization fostered by accession to EU ................................................................. 54 2.4. The success and failure of cartel ............................................................................... 56 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 60 CEU eTD Collection Bibliography ....................................................................................................................... 62 iii List of tables Table 1 Research Design ..................................................................................................... 10 Table 2 Three-dimensional operationalization ..................................................................... 15 Table 3 Seven levels of cartelization ................................................................................... 21 Table 4 List of relevant parties ............................................................................................ 25 Table 5 Ratio between electorate and party membership...................................................... 28 Table 6 Legislative cooperation of MP’s ............................................................................ 36 Table 7 CMP policy range (and difference) ......................................................................... 40 Table 8 Chapel Hill policy range ......................................................................................... 44 Table 9 Congruence between parties and electorate ............................................................. 46 Table 10 Issue congruence between voter and party ............................................................ 48 Table 11 Cartelization of Croatian party system over time ................................................... 56 CEU eTD Collection iv List of figures Figure 1 Financial sources of parties' revenues .................................................................... 27 Figure 2 State subsidies per voter ........................................................................................ 27 Figure 3 Ratio between electorate and party membership .................................................... 28 Figure 4 Lack of confidence in parties and parliament ......................................................... 29 Figure 5 Electoral turnout .................................................................................................... 29 Figure 6 Programmatic positions of parties (CMP data)....................................................... 40 Figure 7 Programmatic distance between HDZ and SDP (CMP data) .................................. 41 Figure 8 Party positions on super-issue dimension (Chapel Hill data) .................................. 43 Figure 9 Party positions on socio-economic dimension (Chapel Hill data) ........................... 43 Figure 10 Party positions on GAL-TAN dimension (Chapel Hill data) ................................ 44 Figure 11 Left-Right congruence ......................................................................................... 47 Figure 12 Number of depoliticized issues ............................................................................ 50 Figure 13 Percentage of parties supporting/opposing EU ..................................................... 51 Figure 14 Public opinion on accession to EU....................................................................... 53 Figure 15 The effectiveness of party system permeability.................................................... 58 CEU eTD Collection v Introduction On the parliamentary elections in 2015, Croatian party system experienced significant turbulence. For the first time ever, two parties with strong anti-establishment rhetoric entered the parliament, of which one even formed the government in the same year. Consequently, the long-lasting stability of the Croatian party system was disturbed. This stability has been reflected in the continuous domination of two parties, which had been leading two opposing blocks since 2000. In literature, this bipolarism is explained by the application of social cleavage theory (Zakošek and Čular 2003, Čular and Gregurić 2007, Henjak et al. 2013). Accordingly, the events in 2015 are interpreted as a consequence of the weakening of traditional divisions that have structured party competition (Henjak 2018). As a historically divided society, Croatia indeed serves as a good context in which cleavage theory could be applied. Nevertheless, since the competition reflects divisions from the past (Bartolini, Mair 1990), social cleavage theory provides mostly static explanations. The aim of this thesis is to offer an alternative explanation of stability and disorder of the party system by applying cartel theory to the context of Croatia. The cartel theory depicts the process in which parties, in order to survive, exploit the state resources and restrict the competition in collusive manner. There are two advantages cartel theory can offer. First, since cartelization is the process not the event, it is possible to monitor development of party system throughout the time. Second, while on the one side, restricting competition increases the stability, on the other “attempts at exclusion may also prove counter-productive… the CEU eTD Collection more recent success of the cartel inevitably generates its own opposition” (Katz Mair 1995:24). Therefore, by monitoring cartelization, it is possible to predict disorder of the party system. In order to follow the development of the cartelization
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908)
    The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908). Jean-Fran¸coisGodbouty and Bjørn Høylandz y D´epartement de science polititque, Universit´ede Montr´eal zDepartment of Political Science, University of Oslo Conference on the Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, May 13-14, 2013. Abstract This study analyzes legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867-1908). The results demonstrate that party voting unity in the House of Commons dramati- cally increases over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting; electoral incentives; and negative agenda control. Several different empirical analyses confirm that intra-party conflict is generally explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic Members of Parliament. Once members begin to sort into parties according to their religious affiliation, we observe a sharp increase in voting cohesion within the Liberal and Conservative parties. Ultimately, these finding highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in ex- plaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the Canadian Parliament. This study explains the development of party unity in the Canadian House of Commons. We take advantage of the historical evolution of this legislature to analyze a complete set of recorded votes covering the first ten parliaments (1867-1908). This early period is of interest because it was during these years that the first national party system was established, the electoral franchise was limited, and the rules and procedures of the House were kept to a minimum.
    [Show full text]
  • The Decline of Collective Responsibility in American Politics
    MORRIS P. FIORINA The Decline of Collective Responsibility inAmerican Politics the founding fathers a Though believed in the necessity of establishing gen to one uinely national government, they took great pains design that could not to lightly do things its citizens; what government might do for its citizens was to be limited to the functions of what we know now as the "watchman state." Thus the Founders composed the constitutional litany familiar to every schoolchild: a they created federal system, they distributed and blended powers within and across the federal levels, and they encouraged the occupants of the various posi tions to check and balance each other by structuring incentives so that one of to ficeholder's ambitions would be likely conflict with others'. The resulting system of institutional arrangements predictably hampers efforts to undertake initiatives and favors maintenance of the status major quo. Given the historical record faced by the Founders, their emphasis on con we a straining government is understandable. But face later historical record, one two that shows hundred years of increasing demands for government to act positively. Moreover, developments unforeseen by the Founders increasingly raise the likelihood that the uncoordinated actions of individuals and groups will inflict serious on the nation as a whole. The of the damage by-products industri not on on al and technological revolutions impose physical risks only us, but future as well. Resource and international cartels raise the generations shortages spectre of economic ruin. And the simple proliferation of special interests with their intense, particularistic demands threatens to render us politically in capable of taking actions that might either advance the state of society or pre vent foreseeable deteriorations in that state.
    [Show full text]
  • Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
    Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliaments and Legislatures Series Samuel C. Patterson
    PARLIAMENTS AND LEGISLATURES SERIES SAMUEL C. PATTERSON GENERAL ADVISORY EDITOR Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government EDITED BY SHAUN BOWLER, DAVID M. FARRELL, AND RICHARD S. KATZ OHI O STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 1999 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Party discipline and parliamentary government / edited by Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz. p. cm. — (Parliaments and legislatures series) Based on papers presented at a workshop which was part of the European Consortium for Political Research's joint sessions in France in 1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-0796-0 (cl: alk. paper). — ISBN 0-8142-5000-9 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Party discipline—Europe, Western. 2. Political parties—Europe, Western. 3. Legislative bodies—Europe, Western. I. Bowler, Shaun, 1958- . II. Farrell, David M., 1960- . III. Katz, Richard S. IV. European Consortium for Political Research. V. Series. JN94.A979P376 1998 328.3/75/ 094—dc21 98-11722 CIP Text design by Nighthawk Design. Type set in Times New Roman by Graphic Composition, Inc. Printed by Bookcrafters, Inc.. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 98765432 1 Contents Foreword vii Preface ix Part I: Theories and Definitions 1 Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and Parliaments 3 Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz 2 How Political Parties Emerged from the Primeval Slime: Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and the Formation of Governments 23 Michael Laver and Kenneth A.
    [Show full text]
  • Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification
    Political Behavior, Vol. 24, No. 2, June 2002 ( 2002) PARENTAL SOCIALIZATION AND RATIONAL PARTY IDENTIFICATION Christopher H. Achen This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation be- tween parents’ and children’s partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. Key words: socialization; party identification; political parties; party systems; Bayesian; retrospective voting. All I know is we’re not Republicans. My father isn’t.—Judith, age 10 (Greenstein, 1969, p. 23) INTRODUCTION The predictive power of “party identification” in American elections is well- nigh overwhelming, and, after some initial setbacks, evidence has accumulated that, properly measured, it does well elsewhere, too (Converse and Pierce, 1985, 1986; Green, Palmquist, and Schickler, 2002; Johnston, 1988; Miller and Shanks, 1996; Shively, 1980). Partisanship remains the central factor in explaining not just how people vote, but also how they see the political world, just as Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960/1980) asserted 40 years ago and as sophisticated recent investigations have confirmed (Bartels, 2001b).
    [Show full text]
  • Counting Parties and Identifying Dominant Party Systems in Africa
    European Journal of Political Research 43: 173–197, 2004 173 Counting parties and identifying dominant party systems in Africa MATTHIJS BOGAARDS International University Bremen, Germany Abstract. By most definitions, the third wave of democratisation has given rise to dominant parties and dominant party systems in Africa. The effective number of parties, the most widely used method to count parties, does not adequately capture this fact. An analysis of 59 election results in 18 sub-Saharan African countries shows that classifications of party systems on the basis of the effective number of parties are problematic and often flawed. Some of these problems are well known, but the African evidence brings them out with unusual clarity and force. It is found that Sartori’s counting rules, party system typology and definition of a dominant party are still the most helpful analytical tools to arrive at an accu- rate classification of party systems and their dynamics in general, and of dominant party systems in particular. Introduction Multi-party elections do not lead automatically to multi-party systems. In sub- Saharan Africa, the spread of multi-party politics in the 1990s has given rise to dominant parties. A majority of African states has enjoyed multi-party elec- tions, but no change in government (Bratton & van de Walle 1997; Baker 1998; Herbst 2001; Cowen & Laakso 2002). In some countries where a change in government did take place, the former opposition is by now well entrenched in power. This has led to the prediction of an ‘enduring relevance of the model of single-party dominance’ (O’Brien 1999: 335).
    [Show full text]
  • ". . . Politics Is Business. That's What's the Matter with It
    ". Politics is business. That's what's the matter with it. That's what's the matter with everything,—art, literature, religion, journalism, law, medicine,—they're all business, and all—as you see them." Steffens, The Shame of the Cities (New York, 1957 [1904]), 4. 13. William Allen White, The Old Order Changeth (New York, 1910), 167. 14. Ray Stannard Baker, American Chronicle (New York, 1945), 185. Steffens, The Struggle for Self-Government (New York, 1906), 160. 15. Chapman, Causes and Consequences, 7, 101. Practical Agitation (New York, 1900), 144. Chapman made use of the ideas of the German educator Friedrich Froebel to argue that the growth of the whole man depended upon his creative interaction with others for unselfish ends (Causes, 83-112). Chapman's emphasis on the fundamental bond between creative self- expression and cooperative activity closely paralleled the educational theories of John Dewey and others among the Progressives. Such ideas lent support to the view that individual creativity and disinterestedness were two sides of the same coin. 16. Croly, The Promise of American Life, 22, 103, 411, 417 et passim. 17. Lippmann, A Preface to Politics, 49. 18. Baker, American Chronicle, 183. 19. In discussing the motives for educated, middle-class persons entering settlement work, Jane Addams pointed out that to ignore the struggle against starvation, which was the central element in human history and still occupied at least half the race, deadened one's sympathies and powers of enjoyment and forced one "to live out half the humanity which we have been born heir to and to use but half our faculties." ("The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements" [1892], reprinted in The Social Thought of Jane Addams, ed.
    [Show full text]
  • WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
    SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems
    CHAPTER 9 Political Parties and Electoral Systems MULTIPLE CHOICE 1. Political scientists call the attachment that an individual has to a specific political party a person’s a. party preference. b. party patronage. c. party identification. d. party dominance. e. dominant party. 2. Which best describes the difference between a one-party system and a one-party dominant system? a. In a one-party system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party dominant system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. b. In one-party dominant systems, only one party exists. In one-party systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government. c. In a one-party dominant system, the party is ideological, coercive, and destructive of autonomous groups. In a one-party system, it is less ideological and does not desire to destroy autonomous groups. d. In one-party systems, one large party controls the political system but small parties exist and may even compete in elections. In one-party dominant systems, different parties control the government at different times, but one party always controls all branches of government, i.e., there is never divided government. e. In one-party systems, only one party exists. In one-party dominant systems, other political parties are not banned, and smaller parties may even receive a sizable percentage of the vote combined, but one party always wins elections and controls the government.
    [Show full text]
  • What Did the Direct Primary Do to Party Loyalty in Congress?1
    WHAT DID THE DIRECT PRIMARY DO TO PARTY LOYALTY IN CONGRESS?1 Stephen Ansolabehere Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology Shigeo Hirano Department of Politics New York University and Center for the Study of Democratic Politics Princeton University James M. Snyder, Jr. Department of Political Science and Department of Economics Massachusetts Institute of Technology March, 2004 1Professor Ansolabehere and Professor Snyder thank the National Science Foundation for its generous ¯nancial support. We thank Gary Jacobsen, John Huber, and seminar participants at Columbia University for their helpful comments. Abstract Between 1890 and 1920, most states adopted the direct primary as the method for nominat- ing candidates for the U. S. House. It was widely thought at the time that this mechanism would produce greater independence from the parties inside the legislature, would increase the defeat rate of sitting incumbents who were party stalwarts, and would produce greater independence of candidates from their parties in the general elections; this would take the form of decreased party loyalty in the legislature, and increased split ticket voting in the electorate. In this paper, we examine the panel of elections and roll call votes from 1890 to 1920 and ¯nd some evidence for these conjectures. Loyalty in Congress did fall among a state's congressional delegation following the introduction of the primary. Also, incumbent defeat rates for renomination and split ticket voting increased in states that introduced the primaries compared with states that did not. The data reveal, however, suggest that the pri- maries were not transformative. The e®ects of primaries on loyalty and elections, although statistically signi¯cant, they are quite modest and likely had only marginal e®ects on con- gressional politics, with one important exception.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: the Life and Times of the Party System
    VENEZUELA: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM Miriam Kornblith and Daniel H. Levine Working Paper #197 - June 1993 Miriam Kornblith is a researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Políticos and Professor at the Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas of the Universidad Central de Venezuela. She is a past Visiting Fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford University (1988-1991), and is a Visiting Researcher at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA) in Caracas. She is currently working on a project on constitutional reform and democratic consolidation in Latin America. Daniel H. Levine is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan, and is a past Fellow of the Kellogg Institute. In 1992 and 1993 he has been a Visiting Professor at IESA (Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración) in Caracas, Venezuela. His most recent books are Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton University Press, 1992) and Constructing Culture and Power in Latin America (University of Michigan Press, 1993). ABSTRACT Political parties have been at the center of modern Venezuelan democracy from the beginning. Strong, highly disciplined, and nationally organized parties have dominated political organization and action in the modern period. Parties have penetrated and controlled organized social life and effectively monopolized resources and channels of political action. Beginning in the 1980s, the political parties and the party system as a whole have experienced mounting criticism and challenge. In a time of growing economic, social, and political crisis, efforts have nonetheless been made to loosen national control and open new channels for citizen participation with the aim of ‘democratizing Venezuelan democracy.’ The ability of the parties to implement these reforms, and to reform themselves in the process, is central to the survival of effective democracy in Venezuela.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberal MP Could Face Party Discipline
    5 octobre 2017 – Telegraph Journal Liberal MP could face party discipline ADAM HURAS LEGISLATURE BUREAU Wayne Long PHOTO: ADAM HURAS/LEGISLATURE BUREAU OTTAWA • Wayne Long says that he may now face “consequences” for breaking party ranks. The Saint John-Rothesay MP who went against his own Liberal government on Tuesday evening to back a Conservative motion that slammed the proposed Trudeau tax reforms said he talked to Liberal Whip Pablo Rodriguez on Wednesday. Long says the party is considering repercussions for his dissenting vote. “He said there could be consequences,” Long told the Telegraph-Journal.“I expected that.” What that could be remains to be seen. “I’m comfortable with what I did,” he added. “I represented my riding. I’m prepared to accept consequences.” Policy experts say Long could be kicked out of caucus if the Saint John-Rothesay Liberal MP’s standoff over his own government’s proposed tax reforms continues into the next federal budget. Long went against his own Liberal government in a whipped vote on Tuesday evening to back a Conservative motion that slammed the proposed Trudeau tax 5 octobre 2017 – Telegraph Journal reforms as having a “drastic negative impact on small and medium-sized businesses.” Université de Moncton public policy analyst Donald Savoie says the move was rare and significant. But the question is now whether Long will continue his opposition once the proposed tax changes make their way into a budget bill. If he does, Savoie says that precedent will see him removed from his own party. “It was significant what he did yesterday,” Savoie said in an interview with the Telegraph-Journal.“But if he sticks to his guns and if the government sticks to its guns, it’s going to be even more significant come budget day.
    [Show full text]