RACIAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND FERTILITY CONTROL
by
JAMES THOMAS GREEN, B.A.
A THESIS IN SOCIOLOGY
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Approved
Accepted
August, 1972 ABbi'^HO
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Appreciation is expressed to Dr. Charles D. King, who devoted several months of personal involvement in the direction of this thesis. To the other members of my committee, Drs. Walter J. Cartwright and Lewis J. Davies, I am indebted. To Linda Heath, a fellow graduate student and co-participant in the study, I am deeply grateful. The research for this thesis was assisted by a grant from the Institute for the Development of Family Resources, Texas Tech University.
11 TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES V
I. INTRODUCTION 1
The World Population Problem 1
The Fertility Control Problem 4
Racial Consciousness and Fertility Control . 8 II. METHODOLOGY
Interview Schedule 14
Sample Selection 17
Respondents and the Interview 17
Purpose 18
Expectations 19
III. ANALYSIS OF DATA
Sociocultural Variables 21
Attitudinal Variables 37
Intervening Variables 47
IV. CONCLUSIONS . 66
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 69
APPENDIX 72
A. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 73
B. FLASH CARDS FOR RACIAL PREFERENCE DESIGNATION . . 84
C. FLASH CARD FOR SOURCE OF BIRTH CONTROL INFORMATION 85
D. FLASH CARD FOR SPOKESMEN 86
• t 111 E. FLASH CARD FOR REPRESENTATIVE ORGANIZATIONS ... 87 F. FLASH CARDS FOR RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE AND FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE 88
IV LIST OF TABLES
Table Page 1. Median Age by Race and Sex 23 2. Racial Preference Designation for Blacks by Age and Sex 24 3. Racial Preference Designation for Chicanes by Age and Sex 25 4. Racial Preference Designation for Whites by Age and Sex 26 5. Marital Status by Race, Age, and Sex 27 6. Average Education by Race, Sex, and Age 29 7. Occupation by Race and Sex 30 8. Duration of Male Employment Last Year by Race . . 31 9. Average Family Income by Race and Age 32 10. Families Above or Below the Poverty Level by Race 32 11. One- and Two-Income Families by Race and Age . . 33 12. Religion by Race and Age 35 13. Religious Attendance by Race and Age 36 14. Responses Related to Attitudes of Racial Consciousness by Race, Sex, and Age 38 15. Racial Consciousness Scores by Race, Sex, and Age 40 16. Analysis of Statements Related to Attitudes of a Genocide Conspiracy by Race, Sex, and Age ... 41 17. Analysis of Statements Related to Attitudes of Strength in Numbers by Race, Sex, and Age ... 43 18. Analysis of Statements Related to Attitudes of Separatism by Race, Sex, and Age 44 19. Attitudes Toward Birth Control Centers by Race and Age 4 6 20. Birth Control Knowledge, Past and Present Practice, by Age and Race 4 8 21. Sources of Birth Control Information by Race . . 49 22. Attitudes Toward Sterilization, Abortion, and Birth Control Services for Single People by Race, Age, and Sex 51 23. Family Size, Desired Family Size, and Expected Family Size by Race and Age 53
24. Planned and Unplanned Children by Race and Age . 54
25. World Population Problem Awareness Score by Race and Age 55 26. Analysis of Statements Related to Resignation by Race, Sex, and Age 57 27. Resignation Scores by Race, Sex, and Age .... 58 28. Analysis of Statements Related to Attitudes of
Law Enforcement by Race and Age 59
29. Political Convictions by Race, Sex, and Age ... 60
30. Voting Habits by Race, Sex, and Age 62
31. Respondent's Choices of Spokesmen in Descending Order of Preference by Race and Age 63 32. Respondent's Choices of Representative Organi zations in Descending Order of Preference by Race and Age 64
VI CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The World Population Problem Seven billion is an unfathomable number to most people, yet demographers say that the population of the planet earth will surpass this figure by the year 2000. Recently, both reputable scientists and alarmist journalists have joined in the attempt to infoinn men and women of the seemingly cata strophic consequences of their reproductive behavior. All of history until the year 1830 was required for the world population to reach one billion. One hundred years later the number had doubled and, growing at an accelerated rate, a third billion was added just between 1930 and 1960. The decade of the 1960's saw an increase of another half- billion, bringing the 1970 world population to three and a half-billion. This figure is projected to double by the turn of the century at which time it will require a mere five years to reproduce another billion human beings. Of course, such projections assume the absence of nuclear war, widespread famine, or epidemic diseases.
The fact which has widespread implications for the distribution of hunger, poverty, and tensions between "have" and "have not" nations is that 80 percent of the popula tion growth during the next thirty years will come in the 1 undeveloped and developing nations. This increase will be largely the result of rising health standards and economic progress, which allows a greater number of people to live longer. Especially important is that it will permit more children to survive to produce children themselves. Thus, the expected population increase will result more from lowered death rates than from increased reproductive be havior. Concern about the world population problem began to be heard in this country during the post World War II years, but there was little transition from concern to action until much later. In a message to the 91st Congress of the United States, President Nixon stated that "the most serious chal lenges to human destiny in the last third of this century will be the growth of the population" (House Document 91-139, 1969, p. 9). In the early 19 50's' the concern about the population explosion in undeveloped countries began to draw some na tional attention in the United States. President Eisenhower recognized it as one of the most critical problems world wide, but did not consider it as a concern for national legislation. During this period several private organiza tions in the United States became involved in international population research (Ehrlich and Ehrlich, 1970, pp. 236-243). Such important organizations as the Population Council, International Planned Parenthood Federation, the Population Reference Bureau, and the Population Crisis Committee emerged to contribute to the acquisition and dissemination of knowl edge on fertility. The Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation began to award sizable grants to research. None theless, the only direct action from the United States Gov ernment came later in the form of assistance from the Agency for International Development. This agency gave aid to countries which requested it for family planning programs, provided the services were administered on a voluntairy basis. It is evident that the population problem is a world problem. No nation, however advanced in fertility control, can ignore the international dimensions of the crisis, for the inhabitants of the earth all compete for its limited resources. The future must provide for a more equitable distribution of these resources if human beings are to con tinue to survive as one of the major species existing on this planet. In the long run, problems created by uneven distribution of the world's resources will not be solved by an "equitable" distribution system worldwide. World geo graphic areas will have to keep their populations in line with what their area can sustain, and this can be achieved only by effective programs of birth control. The current position of the United States Government concerning the world population problem is one of full cooperation with the United Nations and other international bodies which are attempting to assume leadership in finding ways to cope with the crisis (House Document 91-139, 1969, p. 2). A few of the problems or obstacles to the effective implementation of a program of fertility control are to be analyzed in the present study
The Fertility Control Problem Fertility control in the United States has a histoiry of institutional opposition. John D. Rockefeller III, who assisted in the formation of the Population Council in 19 52, observed that there were no organized birth control services in this country at that time. He lamented the fact that the subject of birth control or family planning was not even discussed in decent society (Berelson, 1969, p. 5). Fertil ity control advocates have been confronted with formidable opposition from the legal, political, medical, and religious institutions of this country for at least a hundred years. The first legal opposition came in 1873, when Congress passed the "Comstock Law" (Chasteen, 1971, p. 144). Books emphasizing the health and economic advantages of birth control were in limited circulation throughout the country. The legislation labeled this literature as "obscene" and prohibited its dissemination through the mail.
The institution of religion has probably been respon sible for the greatest opposition to most types of birth control, with its promulgation of such dogmas as "multiply and replenish the earth," and "sex is only for procreation." Only in very recent years has definite approval of birth control devices come for Protestants and Jews. The National Council of Churches gave official approval in 1961, and the Central Conference of American Rabbis approved in 1960. The Catholic Church still opposes any "artificial" methods and recognizes only the rhythm method. Even the medical profession opposed most attempts at any type of birth control until recent years. As late as 1937 the American Medical Association finally recognized officially the need for instruction in contraception to be included in the curriculum of medical schools (Ehrlich and Ehrlich, 1970, p. 235). In 1964 the AMA officially recog nized the need for population control as a subject for medical concern. Margaret Sanger is credited with being the first person in this country to actively advocate the use of birth con trol (Berelson, 19 69, p. 151). Mrs. Sanger founded the first birth control clinic in 1916 at Brooklyn, New York. She spent time in jail for this effort. The following year she became the first president of the National Birth Control League, which later became known as the Planned Parenthood Federation of America. Mrs. Sanger's goal was to gain sup port for her programs from legal, medical, educational, and religious organizations. One of the most serious problems in the United States concerning birth control has been the inability or unwilling ness of the Federal Government to take an active role. Natu rally, on such a sensitive and controversial subject as birth control, private organizations have had only limited success in influencing legislators to consider government involvement, Still today, the extent to which the Federal Government can legislate national population policies is an open question. However, Congress has been forced recently to at least face some of the issues in the government's involvement in fertil- ity control programs; this by the political pressures to deal with the related problems of urban decay, pollution, and one ecological crisis after another. In his 19 65 State of the Union Message, President John son pledged to give priority to questions pertaining to the problems of population. In 1968, John D. Rockefeller III and Wilbur J. Cohen, Co-Chairmen of the President's Commit tee on Population and Family Planning, recommended to Presi dent Johnson that the Federal Government rapidly expand family planning programs for the purpose of furthering the health and welfare of the American people (Report of the President's Committee on Population and Family Planning, 1968, p. 9).
Although President Johnson's administration terminated shortly after the above report was submitted, his successor continued to give priority to the subject. The recommenda tions of the President's Committee on Population and Family Planning resulted in Congress passing the Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970. Louis M. Hellman was appointed the first Deputy Assistant Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare for Population Affairs. Dr. Hellman says that the act was the first incidence in which family planning services and population research be came the exclusive subjects of federal legislation (Hellman, 19 71, p. 35). The act permits the Federal Government to promote public health and welfare by expanding, improving, and better coordinating family planning services and popula tion research in the United States (Public Law 91-572, 1970). Early objectives of population control were aimed at reaching the lower socioeconomic strata of society, in an attempt to make available to larger numbers of people the existing birth control information and contraceptive devices. It was largely assumed that if these services were available they would be used. There is evidence that the existing pro grams are having only limited effect. This is partially be cause of limited funds and facilities, but also due to increasing opposition from some religious organizations, from the minority groups which have been the target of most of the programs, and even from many who adhere to such tra ditional values as rugged individualism, or maximum production 8 and consumption. The consequence is that the relevant values, attitudes, and motivation are increasinly becoming topics for research, attempting to find ways to initiate and expand services without arousing deep-rooted fears and prejudices in those who need to be reached. Louis Hellman says that the passage of the Family Plan ning Services and Population Research Act of 1970 was in tended to . . . provide an opportunity to initiate a program providing all citizens with full knowledge of the consequences of their reproductive performance and to assist them in regulating their fertility in ways that are efficient and compatible with their own ethical values. (Hellman, 19 71, p. 35) It thus becomes apparent that the question as to the number of children one has, once considered an individual's choice, has now taken on global implications. The individual ought to now consider issues such as economic development, avail ability of resources, environmental quality, and political stability. A nation cannot meet the growing demands of its people for a better quality of life when its population growth is too rapid.
Racial Consciousness and Fertility Control A question for empirical investigation is just what attitudes and values support high fertility and hinder the programs which would lower birth rates for various sectors of the population. The present study was designed to investigate variations in attitudes and practices related to family planning and birth control in Lubbock, Texas, and to compare the findings from this population with findings from recent studies from other sections of the United States. The special focus of the study is the racial attitudes, or, in particular, racial consciousness which is being evidenced increasingly by minority groups, especially in large urban centers. Preliminary studies have found that increased ra cial consciousness and opposition to birth control programs are correlated significantly. It should not be surprising that racial consciousness contributes to the emergence of a philosophy of "strength in numbers." Historically, from the Biblical admonition to "be fruitful" to the recent comment of Ceasar Chaves, union orga nizer for farm workers in the grape industry, to the effect that large families will lead eventually to a strong and effective Chicano movement, the idea has been prevalent that numbers signify strength. The findings so far indicate that the strength in numbers theme is more readily accepted by young people in minority groups, and that relatively more males than females would allow this ideology to influence their specific attitudes toward family planning practices. The rise of racial consciousness among minorities has contributed to another catchy theme, that of "racial geno cide," which is being incorporated frequently in speeches 10 and writings of minority "activist" leaders. Whether the "racial conspiracy" charges are justified or not, there is significant rhetoric to justify research into the subject. There has not been much empirical research on the sub ject of racial consciousness and its relationship to birth control. The largest part of the current literature on the subject has come from within the minority communities. Naturally, this literature varies greatly in quality when evaluated for clarity, emotional tone, and degree of empiri cal support. The available literature can be categorized into several types. The first type is that coming from Black social scientists who employ scientific analysis, ap propriate data collection techniques, and attempt to relate their data to a more general theoretical framework. Usually, their findings are flavored by insights from their personal experience as members of minority groups. The second type comes from Black activists who are in leadership roles of the Black Power Movement. Their writings are generally reflective in nature, contain much personal opinion, and claim little scientific validation. The third type of literature on the subject comes from outside the minority groups; it comes from the established social sci ences, largely dominated by Whites, who have attempted scientific analysis of minorities. 11 The Black awareness movement is far more advanced than the same for the Chicanes, so it is natural that research on how attitudes and practices of fertility control relate to racial consciousness is even more limited for the Chicano than for the Black. From the literature, it appears that the present study is the first empirical analysis on a tri- racial basis of values, attitudes, and practices related to fertility control and racial consciousness. One study which provided a good bit of the orientation for the present survey was conducted in 1970, by Darity and others (Darity, Turner, and Thiebaiix, 1971, pp. 5-12) . This survey was conducted in a mediiom-sized New England city for the purpose of determining the relationship between family planning practices and the belief in a race genocide con spiracy against Black Americans. A second purpose was to determine the relationship between family planning practices and race consciousness. Darity's findings from the New England study of 159 Black households, suggests that the degree of racial con sciousness increases as one moves from an attitude of "colored" to one of "Black." Eighty-four percent of both male and female respondents under the age of thirty chose a racial preference designation of Black or Afro-American. Sixty-two percent of those over thirty chose these desig nations over colored or Negro. 12 In a 1971 study (Matthews, 1971, p. 25) of self- designation terms among minorities in West Texas, 82 percent of Black males and females under thirty chose either Black, Black-American or Afro-American as a racial preference designation. Only 35 percent of those over thirty chose these designations and preferred the more traditional terms of Negro or colored. Darity's findings indicate that a large percentage of Black Americans in the potentially highest fertility age group may be highly race conscious. If the same principle of a racial preference designa tion is applied to the Chicano, a similar pattern can be detected. The younger and activist Chicano seeks a new term for his self-identity. While there is considerable debate as to the meaning of the word "chicano," there is little doubt that it is the term of the new youth and the leaders in organizations such as La Raza Unida. The Chicanes are requesting an alternative historical interpretation of "La Raza" and its culture (Steiner, 1970, pp. 216-225). While the Chicano movement is less advanced than the Black movement, there is evidence of a definite trend for a diminishing preference for the mere traditional terms of Latin-American, Mexican-American, and Spanish-American. In the West Texas study (Matthews, 1971, p. 20), 32 percent of the Mexican-Americans under the age of thirty chose 13 "Chicano" as a preference, while less than 8 percent of those ever thirty chose this term. As mentioned, the Blacks have gene farther in the break with traditional self designations. More than three-fourths of the under thirty Blacks chose a racial preference designa tion of mere recent origin, while only a third of the under thirty Chicanes followed this pattern. This can probably be attributed to a lengthier time of involvement in civil rights activities for the Blacks when compared to the Chicanes. A surprising conclusion is derived from this literature en racial consciousness and birth control attitudes. It ap pears that, given the findings of Darity and ethers that racial consciousness increases as one moves from traditional racial preference designations to designations which seek to give a new identity, these who have broken with one set of traditions may be developing a rationale which supports the traditional attitudes of resistance to family planning and birth control. A major task of the present study was to test some of these possibilities by developing empirical indicators of the major variables, e.g., attitudes toward birth control, the practice of birth control, and racial consciousness. CHAPTER II
METHODOLOGY
After the search of the literature and the organization of the existing knowledge on the subject, the project went through the usual stages of research: construction of the interview schedule, selection of the sample, interviewing, data processing and analysis.
Interview Schedule For obtaining the information, preference was given to an interview schedule over a self administered questionnaire. The probable low rate of responses to a mailed questionnaire on such a sensitive topic eliminated any consideration of this method. In general, the interview schedule was designed to solicit responses which would reflect basic attitudes and practices related to birth control and the provision of birth control services. It was assumed that these attitudes and practices are determined largely by sociocultural variables, and that a number of intervening variables also enter into the acceptance or rejection of fertility control. In order to support the discussion of findings, an outline of the variables which were operationally defined in the schedule is presented. (See Appendix A for the complete interview schedule.)
14 15 Sociocultural Variables A. Race or minority status designation (see Appendix B for flash cards) B. Sex C. Age D. Marital Status E. Education F. Occupation G. Income H. Religion
Attitudinal Variables A. Racial consciousness B. Belief in a genocide conspiracy C. Concepts of a "strength in numbers" philosophy D. Ideas of racial separatism E. Control of family planning centers
Intervening Variables A. Knowledge of birth control methods and practices 1. Knowledge of types of contraceptives 2. Contraceptive availability 3. Past and present use of contraceptives 4. Desirable contraceptives for future use
B. Family Size 1. Number of children in family 16 2. Desired number of children 3. Expected number of children 4. Number of planned and unplanned children C. View of the world population problem D. Resignation and resistance to public services 1. Past experience with public agencies a. Schools b. Health agencies c. Law enforcement agencies 2. Political consciousness a. Political convictions b. Voting habits c. Activists, radicals, and militants The construction of the interview schedule was a team effort, involving the work of two graduate students who were being paid from State appropriated research funds, the proj ect director, who also was chairman of this thesis committee, and with advice from other sociologists at Texas Tech Uni versity. In addition, there was communication with Professor William A. Darity^ Department of Public Health, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Some items from the question naire used in Darity's study were incorporated into the interview schedule in order to facilitate comparisons with his findings. 17 Sample Selection A systematic, stratified, quota sample was selected for the study. Using official maps of the city of Lubbock, areas were designated which are inhabited mainly by Blacks, Chicanes, or low-income Whites. The areas selected were in north and east Lubbock, plus an area bounded by Thirty- Fourth and Fiftieth Streets, and by Avenues H and O. It was decided to interview 120 cases, with quotas assigned as follows: 40 Blacks; 20 males and 20 females, with 10 of each sex under the age of 30, and 10 of each sex
I 30 and over. The same quotas were assigned for the Chicanes and Whites. The respondents were between the ages of 15 and 44, and were married, divorced, separated, or at least liv ing with a "partner."
Respondents and the Interview The interview was administered by an interviewer of the same sex as the respondent. This writer interviewed the males, and Linda Heath, a sociology graduate student, inter viewed the females. Thirty minutes to one hour were required to complete the interview. The interviewers anticipated some degree of difficulty in obtaining respondents. In an attempt to encourage par ticipation, two dollars was paid to each respondent as a token of appreciation for their assistance. This proved to be a major factor in several incidences. Often the 18 respondents indicated that they had no money, and that two dollars would be appreciated. In a few rare cases the two dollars was politely refused. An average of five contacts at five selected residences were required in order to obtain one interview. The inter views were conducted over a period of two months, during May and June, 1972. The highest frequency of contacts were made between 7:00 and 9:00 P.M. on weekdays, except Friday. Sat urday afternoon was second highest. The difficulty in obtaining respondents resulted from a niomber of factors. The major factor was refusal. Many potential respondents simply did not have the time. Others were reluctant because of the sensitive nature of the sub ject, but most of those who refused said only that they just were not interested. The respondents most difficult to ob tain were White males over the age of thirty; the second most difficult were Chicano males over thirty.
Purpose As previously mentioned, one purpose of this study was to determine the degree, if any, that racial consciousness has developed among the minority groups represented in Lub bock. A second major purpose was to determine the relation ship between degrees of racial consciousness and variations in values, attitudes, and practices, related to the acceptance or rejection of family planning and birth control services. 19 Related to the latter was an attempt to determine the extent, if any, in which fears of racial genocide exist in the community. In addition, the study was to provide infor mation on attitudes concerning abortion, sterilization, and control of family planning centers. A final purpose of the study was to provide data which would contrast studies of the urban-industrial Northeast with the presumably more rural-traditional population of the Southwest.
Expectations Due to the preliminary nature of this study, it has been to a large extent exploratory, and there was no formal statement of research hypotheses. The analysis of the data was facilitated mainly by comparisons of percentages, rather than the use of statistics. It was anticipated that the data collected and the knowledge gained would provide useful information for population policy planners at both the na tional and local levels. In the absence of specific research hypotheses, a num ber of definite expectations had been generated by the survey of literature. In particular, it was expected that racial consciousness has not developed among minorities in Lubbock to any significant degree. The highest degrees of such awareness would be among Black and Chicano males under 20 the age of thirty. Whites in the over thirty age group are expected to have a high degree of racial consciousness. Consistent with the above, it was also expected that belief in a genocide conspiracy would be minimal. Separatist concepts will be insignificant, except among Whites over thirty. The "strength in nimibers" philosophy will be held only by a small percentage of young Blacks. It was expected that a generally favorable attitude toward the practice of birth control exists among all three groups. The most favorable attitude will be found among the groups with the highest education, highest incomes, and bet ter occupations, regardless of age, sex, or race. Abortion and sterilization were expected to be the least favored methods of birth control for all three groups. Radicalism and militancy were not expected to exist to any significant degree. In this population, racial consciousness was not ex pected to be correlated significantly with opposition to birth control and family planning services. The next section will reveal how these expectations conformed to the results of this survey. CHAPTER III
ANALYSIS OF DATA
Sociocultural Variables Variations in attitudes and practices related to fer tility control are partially determined by sociocultural factors. Race is one of these factors. Traditionally, Blacks and Chicanes have more children than do Whites, but race by itself does not explain the differences in fertility. Sociological literature indicates that all racial groups desire approximately the same number of children (Ryder and Westoff, 1971, p. 53). Thus, it can be concluded that ex planations of differential fertility must go beyond the variable of race. A major causative factor in differential racial fertil ity patterns is unsuccessful family planning and birth control methods. Fertility studies indicate that the major ity of all groups favor birth control if they see a personal interest in it, and have factual information and available services. Studies also indicate that there has traditionally been an inequitable distribution of available knowledge and services. In recent years attempts have been made to rapidly expand birth control facilities throughout the country in order to provide better information and services to the general public.
21 22 As services have expanded,there has been a concomitant opposition from religious organizations and activists of militant social and political movements. Charges have been made that population policy planners are "pushing" birth control services primarily to low-income groups and racial minorities (Willie, 1971, pp. 1-4). Black militant groups have labeled existing programs as a genocide conspiracy to eliminate Black people. A result of this type of rhetoric has been an increasing degree of racial consciousness and opposition to public birth control programs. In an attempt to determine the degree that racial con sciousness has developed in Lubbock, the respondents were asked questions relating to their preferred designations for their minority group. Tables 1 through 4 report the findings. Table 1 shows that average ages for various subgroups of the sample were very similar. Table 2 indicates that 52.5 percent of Blacks chose a racial preference designation of recent origin. For all Blacks under thirty, 70 percent chose the newer term. The males under thirty showed 80 percent desiring the term "Black." By comparison. Table 3 shows that only 25 percent of Chicanes favored a new racial preference designation. Of these under thirty, 40 percent selected the more "activist" term. It may be, however, that the "new" racial designations 23 provided for the Blacks in the present study do net carry the same connotations of radicalism as is conveyed by the term Chicane. However, this possibility should not be allowed to eliminate entirely the explanation that racial conscious ness, as a social movement, is of longer duration and prob ably has progressed further among Blacks than among Chicanes.
TABLE 1 MEDIAN AGE BY RACE AND SKX
-30 30+ Total Total Total Race Male Female -30 Male Female + 30 Average
Black 22.4 22.9 22.65 39.4 36.4 37.9 30.2
Chicane 22.7 22.2 22.45 35.1 36.7 35.9 29.2
White 21.7 22.8 22.25 38.0 34.3 36.15 29.2
Thus, while there is not much "radicalism" among the minorities in the sample, the variable of age separates the observed degrees of "conventionalism" from "radicalism," or "militancy." The latter was found generally among the young, and male respondents. Marital status is reported in Table 5. It is possible that marital status has a moderating influence on attitudes toward birth control. For example, in the present study, married males shewed less opposition to birth control than 24
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It should be mentioned that Darity found the high est degree of opposition to birth control among males under thirty. A possible bias in his findings is that nearly three-fourths of his sample of Black males under thirty were unmarried. In this regard, thus, it is possible that the observed degrees of racial consciousness and opposition to birth control found in the present study are mere represen tative of the general population than are Darity's findings. This is because a disproportionate number of his respondents were single. Education generally is considered a major variable re lated to family planning and birth control (see Table 6). Numerous studies have found an inverse relationship between fertility and amount of education. In the 19 65 National Fertility Study (Ryder and Westoff, 1971, p. 55), Black women with less than an high school education expected an average of 5.2 children. Black women who were college grad uates expected an average of 2.3. The average education for Blacks in the present study is 11.0 years; for Chicanes, 7.6, and for Whites, 13.1. The lowest average education was found to be 5.8 years for Chicane females ever thirty. White females in the same age group have an average education of 12.1 years. 29 TABLE 6 AVERAGE EDUCATION BY RACE, SEX, AND AGE -30 30+ Total Total Total Race Male Female -30 Male Female 30 + Average Black 12.0 10.4 11.2 11.9 9.8 10.85 11.0 Chicane 9.9 7.5 8.7 7.3 5.8 6.55 7.6 White 13.6 13.5 13.5 13.3 12.1 12.7 13.1 1 Table 7 shews that 4 5 percent of Black males and 75 percent of Chicane males have unskilled or semi-skilled oc cupations. Only 25 percent of White males occupy these low positions, although a deliberate attempt was made to sample low-income Whites. The percentage of White males in semi- professional and salaried professional positions is 28, while only 2.5 percent of Chicano males are in these posi tions. Advanced occupational positions are generally cor related with favorable attitudes to birth control. Twice as many White females (60 percent) as Black females (30 percent) listed their occupation as homemaker. For Black females 37.5 percent were employed in unskilled or semi-skilled occupations, as compared to 10 percent for White females in the same age group. Periods of unemployment during the previous year were highest for Black males (Table 8). Unemployment for the 30 (U in in 0 +J • • • •H in 0 0 r* CN 0 0 0 in 0 4:: VO oa 0 IS rH 0 a 0) fd in in in in 0 H u • • • • • fd •H r-- 0 r^ 0 CN rsj 0 0 0 0 g x: ^ CN r-\ r-{ 0 (U u H CM in in in in 0 0 • • • t • fd 0 CN 0 r^ 0 r^ 0 0 CM 0 X rH r-\ rH ro CN rH 0 CQ rH w Q < (D in in in in 0 4J • • • t • W 4J •H 0 fS 0 0 in r>- in Csj r- 0 U C ^ rH CN r-\ rH rH r-\ 0 IS rH cq « U u >4 H iH CO fd fd T> 'd G C G 0) Q) fd 0 0 c U >i H •H •H •H 0 0 0 U ^ r-^ ^ 0 CO CO •H Q) H (U Q) •H iH •^•H CO ^d CO -P (U rH U 04 M t-i ^ fd CO C TI Q) (U (!) fd rH fd 0 g fd r-i CO u Q) ^ (U 4H •H MH Q4 fd e (U g •H 1 •H rH 0 rH 1 0 M 0 H J3 S Q) 0 G (U X •H M fd cu rH •H H fd U fd o U CM C P g CO g (U W EH •H g P4 rH O4 +J 0 0 0 0 C (U H M Q) fd 0 CN 0 S 2: K P U W W ^ II w w 13 31 entire year was 2.5 for Black males and 2.5 for White males. All Chicane males were employed six or mere months for the year. TABLE 8 DURATION OF MALE EMPLOYMENT LAST YEAR BY RACE (Percent) Duration Black Chicane White No Male 15 12.5 10 None 2.5 2.5 Less than 6 Months 7.5 6-11 Months 15 12.5 15 12 Months 60 75 72.5 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Tables 9, 10, and 11 shew variations in family income for the minority groups in the sample. Whites over thirty have the highest average income and Blacks under thirty have the lowest (Table 9). No explanation is available for the greatest discrepancy noticeable, which is the average income for Whites over thirty and those under thirty. The over thirty group had an income almost double to that of the under thirty group. 32 TABLE 9 AVERAGE FAMILY INCOME BY RACE AND AGE Total Race -30 30+ Average Black $5,510 $ 6,210 $5,860 Chicano $5,735 $ 7,015 $6,375 White $5,785 $10,027 $7,950 TABLE 10 FAMILIES ABOVE OR BELOW THE POVERTY LEVEL BY RACE (Percent) Poverty Level Black Chicano White Total Above 65 82.5 90 79 Below 35 17.5 10 21 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (N=40) (N=40) (N=40) (N=120) Poverty levels established by the Office of Economic Opportunity were used to determine the number of families above or below the poverty level. The total number below the poverty level for all three groups was 21 percent (Table 10). The group having the highest number below the poverty level was that of the Blacks. The Chicano group has the highest percentage of one- income families (Table 11). Blacks over thirty and Whites ^^ H o o 33 fd • "^ -p o O o II 0 VO ^ O ^ B^ O o (U • CN -p o+ in in o II •H ro r^ rvj o ^ rC rH ^ O o o • CN ro in in O II 1 •^ in o cq 3 < T-\ O o fd • '^ 4J in in o II W 0 r^ CNl o S^ U EH l-i >H pq 0 o o G • C^J w fd o+ in in o II pq ^ u ro r^ og o ^ <-\ H -P -H f-{ r-{ ^q C ^ H o o O A4 • . CN U o+ in in o II fd ro 'Ji* in o ^ rH r-\ CQ o o o • CN ro in in o II 1 r^ CN o rH g. a) (U g g TABLE 12 RELIGION BY RACE AND AGE (Percent) Black Chicano White Religion -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30 + None 5 5 5 25 10 Roman Catholic 5 75 80 20 5 Baptist 60 65 5 10 35 45 Holiness Sects 30 10 15 . Church of Christ 5 5 10 Methodist 15 5 20 Other 20 10 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (N=20) (N=20) (N=20) (N=20) (N=20) (N=20) 36 TABLE 13 RELIGIOUS ATTENDANCE BY RACE AND AGE (Percent) Black Chicano White Attendance -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30+ 3 or mere times a week 30 20 5 0 0 30 Twice a week 5 10 15 25 5 0 Once a week 20 35 40 40 5 15 Once a month 10 15 15 0 10 5 Several times a year 15 15 10 25 10 15 Special occasions only 10 0 5 0 20 5 Never 10 5 10 10 50 30 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N=20) All of the above sociocultural variables are associated with differences in attitudes and practices related to fer tility control. Of course, the findings of association be tween variables is not an adequate explanation of attitudes or behavior. Especially important are a number of attitudinal variables, which will be discussed in the next section. 37 Attitudinal Variables Attitudes regarding the purposes and objectives of birth control seem to be highly correlated with acceptance or re jection of available services. In order to determine atti tudinal variations among Blacks, Chicanes, and lew-income Whites in Lubbock, a series of statements was read to the respondents to which they could agree or disagree. In an attempt to record deeply felt attitudes, the respondents were encouraged to reply with "strongly agree" or "strongly disagree." For purposes of analysis, responses of agree and strongly agree are grouped together, and the same holds true for disagree and strongly disagree responses. The first attitudinal variable investigated was racial consciousness. The simple indication of racial preference designations as indications of racial consciousness were discussed in the previous section (Tables 2, 3, and 4). Other indicators of racial consciousness were utilized in the present study, ones which tapped attitudes concerning minority rights, protests, the threat of genocide, strength in numbers, separatism, and control of centers. The findings reported in Table 14 suggest that Blacks and Chicanes in Lubbock have developed a moderate to high degree of racial consciousness. For example, 70 percent of the Blacks agree that minorities should demand and exercise their rights, and 9 2.5 percent of the Chicanes agree. It is significant that' 38 in in in in 0 O4 aBBq.uaoj:a in in in in • • a6pq.u30j:ao[ CN in r^ CN r^ o T^^oj, ro ro H o + CO o in rH VO rsj CO CM ro (U •P •H + o CN ro CN CN cq CO ro O o < Q) o ^ CN ^ II Q fd ro 13 12: in in 96pq.uaoja rH fd o ro in o4 ro I 1 1 CO CN "^ VO 00 o f-\ CO f-A ;3 VO 00 CN fd J3 fd 0 I I I I I I I •H 0 •H •H in r^ ro in U •H 0 fd 0 CO fud CO « CO CO 0 « c CO JH 0c X 0 0 fd O ^ en U H-) O 0 u •H O W i-q m EH 41 96pq.uaojatj in in in in >1 • • • . -P T^^oj, oj r-^ rsj r^ o •H rsj r^ o O •H 0 + r-i a\ ro r^ <-\ o g >H ro fd JH U g 0 0 o r-\ a\ CM H CO ro I 04 0 en •p TJ 0 w •H + o x: o ^ VO fd fd u 12 ro H-> 0 CO cq rH w Q M fd o T^^oj, r^ rsj o •H cy^ H 00 o JH •H -P 0 •H o ro r>. rH cr> X w -p O w en c PQ •H CO 0 >1 fd U 0 2: 0 fd x: u rH -p IS u Q4 H a 0 •H CO •H EH >1 0 fd O XI x: o 2: -p 0 >i c: XI a6pq.uaoja<3 00 00 in in EH o •H W T^^Oi n-i a\ CN 00 rH 00 o o CO Q4 CM 0 + CO fd O 0 o rH cy» ro r^ CN 00 o ro p W CJ fd ufd en 0 fd >1 w < g CN 00 Q o CN 00 cr» XI g -p CO 0 ro O •H P Q o CM EH 2; I •H 0 • CO o c: -P N EH fd CO •H & CO •H EH o + 0 CO -P X •H o rsj CO 0 g <: o o f-{ a\ d cq cq x; ro cr •H i-q w u P JH o u 0 •H 0 -P O x; 0 0 •H «M < B^ fd o r-i a\ X cr^ rsj 00 JH Q cq o x: ro fd 4-> CO O H cq U I 0 •H •H O EH ^ -P x: g H < rt a6e:}uaoj:9d o •H -p •P in in in in in in ^q rsj r^ g T^^oj, ro VO rsj r>- o ^ JH •H PQ •H O O II 0 D4 O JH rH 2: > 0 0 w + -P o 0 0 o CN 00 ro r^ CN CO O x; ro ^i o fd 0 JH P4 g M 4J TJ fd •H 0 o CN 00 ro r^ ro t^ XI rH CO &4 ro fd fd I O JH u u u 0 0 O -H W fd CO > > HJ rH + 0 fd -H fJH PQ o ^ VO ro r^ CN 00 CO g •H MH r-\ ro 0 >i o fd o 0 •H 0 CO CO D4 W t-A -H x: rH H fd o rsj 00 in in ro r^ •H W ro rH fd JH >H I O •H -H •H 4J O 0 u •H x: MH fd o MH HJ 0 0 0 o MH u O 0 0 0 0 >1 u U U X CO 0 D> •P CO U fd 0 0^ 0 en rH -p d 0 fd 0 fd •H H •H 0 0 fd JH O JH CO JH CO fd M 0 rH M JH CO •H •H en-H D^-H Cn-H O ^ XI O -P < Q < Q < Q o C! g PQ P 0 CO •H p O4 Ti 0 B^ :3 OJ en a rsj ro 44 in in o a6p:^uaojad • • • r^ r^ O O o Te:^eJ. 00 CN r-i 00 o H + o CN 00 r^ ro CO ro 0 rH fd o ,-{ le s c XI fd o T-\ o\ 00 OJ fd en S ro o •H 1 M CO 0 H •H rH 0 0 •P fd 0 0 •H * U JH JH CO CO 0 en 0 en r-i 0 •H a 0 fd 0 fd fd C 0 JH CO U CO +J •H •p •H t7>-H t7>-H 0 S H -p < Q < Q B^ CO 0 • • P • • H CN a H CN He 45 Another attitudinal variable which could affect the acceptance or rejection of birth control services relates to control of the centers which provide birth control informa tion and care. Darity found a high percentage of Blacks demanding that family planning centers in Black neighborhoods be operated by Blacks. In the present study, 40 percent of all Blacks agreed that centers should be operated by the groups who use them (Table 19). Only 32.5 percent of the Chicanes agreed with the statement. Regarding the provision of birth control services at public expense, by age, 65 per cent of these ever age thirty agreed, and a slightly higher percent of these under thirty agreed. Half of the Blacks and Chicanes under thirty agreed that family planning centers were "adequate" in Lubbock, but only 15 percent of Whites in the same age group agreed. Racial consciousness did not seem to be significantly correlated with overall opposition to birth control. For example, in response to the statement, "I would be willing to refer a friend, relative, or neighbor to a family planning center," 87.5 percent of the Blacks, 92.5 percent of the Chicanes, and 80 percent of the Whites agreed. There was no significant variation between age groups in response to this question. 46 TABLE 19 ATTITUDES TOWARD BIRTH CONTROL CENTERS BY RACE AND AGE (Percent) Black Chicano White Question* -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30+ 1. Agree / 75 65 80 65 75 65 Disagree 25 35 30 35 25 35 2. Agree 25 45 45 20 55 50 Disagree 65 55 55 80 45 50 3. Agree 85 90 85 100 85 75 Disagree 15 10 15 0 15 25 4. Agree 50 65 50 45 15 35 Disagree 50 35 50 55 85 65 Total = 100.0 (each question) N=20 *1. Family planning and birth control centers should be provided at public expense. 2. Family planning and birth control centers in minor ity neighborhoods should be controlled and operated by the minority groups living there. 3. I would be willing to refer a friend, relative or neighbor to a family planning center. 4. Family planning and birth control centers are ade quate in Lubbock. 47 Intervening Variables In addition to the relations between sociocultural and attitudinal variables and fertility control, there are numerous intervening variables which may be determinants of the acceptance or rejection of birth control methods and practices, family size, knowledge of the world population problem, and resignation or resistance to public services in general. In order to determine the respondent's knowledge of birth control, questions were asked concerning various contraceptive methods, and past and present use or non-use of birth control. Table 20 indicates that all groups had a fair degree of knowledge of the different types of birth control methods. The oral contraceptive has the highest present rate of use. Table 21 gives sources of birth control information. All three groups indicated much of their information had been received from schoolmates or friends. The next highest source for all three groups was reading or advertisements. Whites shew the largest amount of their information coming from doctors. Respondents were asked to give any objections they might have to methods of contraception. All of the stated objec tions related to the use either of abortion or sterilization. Abortion was generally referred to as "murder," and the "permanency" of sterilization raised objections. 48 1 o LO o o o o o o o O asfi q.uasaj: o in in o in in o in in 1 O asn ^SEd •^ ^ CSJ 1 o+ ro o in o in in o o o o in o CO JO pjpan o r^ o ^ 00 VO o\ 00 VO r^ 00 u 0 t-{ <-\ 0 •H asQ q-uasajfj 1 in in o o o o o o o o o X! 1 rsj VO •H 15 o x: o o o in in o o in in 1 in u o asn ^s^d 04 rsj 1 ro 0 w 1 1 c CJ) o in in in in in < o o O o o o JO pjcan o r- o as G\ r^ o 00 r- o CO >H rH r-A rH PQ fd XI asQ ::^uasajQ[ 1 o o o in in in o o o o •p H 1 ro U 0 H u EH + asQ -^s^d in o o in o in o in in 1 in o U o ro rH r-\ 1 ro g 0 0< o in o in o o in in in in in CO JO PJPBH Ti 0 ro 00 in in ro ro in as fd EH fd g W u \ o o o o o o o o in o CO •H asQ :}.uasaj(j 1 "^ rH -p m --- x; c o H-) 0 OJ s CJ 04 0 O o o in o o in in o o 1 in W ro asQ :^spa in CN >-\ 1 d nq JuH 1 o PQ 0 D4 < < 04 o in in in o in O o o o o CO B^ JO pjEan o T-\ 00 ro ""^ ro 00 CN VO a\ "^ 0 EH VH W < 0 Oi 1 in in in o in O o o o o o asa q-uasajd 1 •H cq CO + o in o m o in in o in 1 o Q o asn ^sPd ro T-A rH f-A 1 W ro hq O IS CO in o in o O o in in O o o o O M JO pj^aH TABLE 21 SOURCES OF BIRTH CONTROL INFORMATION BY RACE (Percent) Source Black Chicane White No information 0 2.5 0 Schoolmates, friends 42.5 37.5 32.5 Spouse, boyfriend or girlfriend 12.5 10.0 22.5 Relative 10.0 7.5 17.5 Reading or advertis ement 25.0 27.5 32.5 Family Planning Center 22.5 20.0 5.0 Social worker 5.0 2.5 0 Public health nurse 12.5 7.5 2.5 Doctor 17.5 35.0 47.5 Public school sex education 5.0 10.0 7.5 N=40 Totals are more than 100.0 percent since respondents could choose one or mere sources. 50 Table 22 shews that 50 percent of all Blacks agree that sterilization is all right for either the man or woman if they have all the children they desire. However, 70 percent of Black males under thirty and 60 percent of Black females in the same age groups disagreed with the statement. Chicano males under thirty shew only a 10 percent disagreement. In response te the statement, "Abortion should be al lowed only when the life of the woman is at stake," 65 percent of all Blacks, 70 percent of all Chicanes, and 42.5 percent of all Whites agreed. All three groups favored the provision of birth control services for single people. The group which expressed the most disagreement was White males over thirty. Family size, desired family size, and expected family size are all variables affecting attitudes and practices related to fertility control. Lee Rainwater says that "in most societies people develop ideas about hew many children are too many, how many are too few, and how many are just right" (Rainwater, 1965, p. 118). However, such general ideas are not always realized in practice. Since most groups in the United States desire about the same number of chil dren, social scientists must look for variables other than "ideal" family size in order to explain differentials be tween actual family size, desired family size, and expected family size. 51 in in If) in o abeq-uaojad • • • • t CN r^ rsj r^ o o o r^ CN ^ in r^ ro o T^^oj. r-\ 0 0 XI r-\ 4J 04 t, VO '^ «!J1 VO r^ ro 0 JH 0 W O+ 0 • D4 H ro XI 0 U IS; CTv t-\ VO rr in in 4-) M Ti H CO •H fd 0 > 0 0 -P •H Pi •p CO M W •H U U w 0 -P fd CM CO rsj ^ VO t^ ro i+H fd hq o e ^ ro -P CO CO Q 1 Pi 1 XI -H fd Bi S VO -^ ro r- as r-i cr> IS •H G r-\ O X M fd 0 U W g VH w in in O rH o 4-> ffi a6pq.uaojad • • • t-{ ^ d EH Q I^^oj. o o o o t^ CN o fd 0 « S t^ ro r^ ro VO ro o 0 u H >i rH 0 H •H d 0+ in in in 0 in 0 in W fd ro m H rsj OJ T-i t-i pq fd 0 Q P>M 0 in 0 0 in in in XI ro CN CSJ ro T-i -P U 1 pq N 0 •* H CO 0 X 0+ in 0 0 in 0 in in 0 JH D ro r-i ro T-i rH rH rH .>->, w O4 fd 0 0 in in rH 0 0 0 0 • OJ PQ ro H •^ CN OJ 0 II hq 1 0 2; t-i -^ H PM II u 0 H CN ro •«3« in VO r^ 0 JH rH rH 0 0 fd 1 u •P umb e 00 rH 0 0 13 H 2: B^ 54 + o o o in o in 0 ro •^ t-i ro H HJ •H X [2 o o in o in d ro r-- rH rH 0 1 JH Ti i-A 'T-i + X 0 o in in in o in in in d ro •^ T-i T-i t-i u fd 'd 0 •oH pq d XI o o o o in in d U ro in CN rH rH < fd 1 Q 13 np l < D + o o o in o in o o upq ^ ro ro t-i CN t-i rH t-i fud T-i PQ o in in o o >H ro iH •^ OI OI CQ 1 •^ Q 4J CN h-5 d + H 0 O' in o o in K O 0 ro ro CN "^ hwq CJ JH •P 0 'T-i § Q 04 X B^ pq ^ 12 o in in 12 00 rH d r1o § 0 hq Oi ^ t-i B •H 0 o+ - o in o o in in in XI d ro OJ rH ro rH t-i p fd J3 u o < Ti •H 0 x: o o o in in Q d o ro VO OI rH pq d 1 IS fd 2 rH <: Oi hq + 04 o in o in o ^ ro VO H t-i H ofd rH PQ o o o o ro 00 OJ • o 1 O OJ o II rH IS U o t-i CN ro '^ in VO r^ o U 0 fd 8- 1 H-) 1 o Mor e O 13 BA 55 would indicate general knowledge of the problem. Table 25 shews that Whites under thirty have the greatest awareness, and Blacks under thirty have the least awareness (see Appen dix A, Section V, Questions 5, 11, 17, 25, and 34, which relate to world population). In an attempt to determine attitudes of resignation and resistance, which may affect acceptance or rejection of birth control services, respondents were asked a number of questions concerning ether public services. These questions dealt with attitudes toward the public schools, community affairs, political participation, and law enforcement agencies. TABLE 25 WORLD POPULATION PROBLEM AWARENESS SCORE BY RACE AND AGE (Percent) Black Chicane White Awareness -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30+ High 0 0 15 10 50 20 Seme 35 40 40 40 25 45 Little 55 50 45 35 20 35 Low 10 10 15 5 56 Responses te these questions are presented in Table 26. Examining responses to individual statements, among the Blacks under age thirty, 40 percent of the males and 60 per cent of the females agreed with the statement, "I never felt a part of my community," whereas only 5 percent of all Blacks ever age thirty agreed. A similar pattern of responses was evidenced by the Chicanes. The five questions en resignation were then combined to form an index of resignation. The possible range of scores was from a low of five to a high of twenty. Data on resigna tion scores by race and age are presented in Table 27. Exam ination shews that resignation is slightly higher for those under age thirty than for those over age thirty, for both males and females. Overall, the Whites were least resigned, with only 20 percent of the sample of Whites having resigna tion scores of seventeen or higher. Two questions were included in the interview schedule on attitudes toward law enforcement agencies. Several sig nificant differences in attitudes are apparent (Table 28). Again, those under thirty responded very differently from those over thirty, regardless of ethnic group. Table 28 shows that 90 percent of Chicanes ever thirty agree to the statement, "Policemen never bully or harass minorities in your community," while only 55 percent of the under thirty Chicanes agreed. In response to the statement, "Minorities in your community receive just and fair services from the 57 1 q-uaojad in in in in o • T^^oj, in in r^ OJ o o r- OI o o 0 CN r- in ^ ro r* CO f-i ro r- o XI 1 1 -P • • + Ti >i CO 0 o t-i a\ 00 CN OJ 00 o r-A as 0 (d • fd rH ro rH 0 5 JH pq fd O XI >i 0 d < e U d 4J 0 0 o Ol 00 in in ^ VO as t-i VO "^r 0 fd •P o CO Ci4 ro XI 0 CO Q 0 1 X 0 ^ -P 0 CO •H cn < •H >i H-» fd XI + 0 0 12 o OI 00 in in ro r^ 00 OJ o d 0 cn 13 X ro rH -p 0 pq 0 CO rH >. w H •H d t-i fd o in m in in ro r^ CO CN in LD XI 0 •t-i -P S ro H-) -p ^ 0 pq 1 CO d •H CO Ucn in in in in o •H t-i cn * • • • • o ^ d H-i uaojcaa in in in in Ol r^ in in OI r- CO •H >H o u T^^oi CN r^ in "^ CN r-- 00 r-i ro VO o cn Q) x: >i PQ t-i d > p 0 •H 0 XI 13 + X d cn -P O 0 o t-i as VO ^ ^ VO as <-\ ro r^ +J d H rH ro >i •H 0 EH fd 0 0 04 CO < g > X 0 ^ 53 0 o m in in in ro r^ r- ro ro r- 0 •P XI o O CO Pr4 ro VH u H 0 1 04 0 P4 0 VO d X ^ B o 0 XI CN w fd o d •H d 0 u fd 0 • •H M cn pq •T-i o+ t-i as VO "^ t-i as o CN 00 0 -H >i 0 CO d hq O X ro rH -P +j -P Ti •H PQ B^ u 0 O CO 't-i CO d +J < rH "^ 0 d d Cn fd 0 B^ Q fd o en r- in in t-i as 00 OI in in II ;3 0 d > P=q g S ro •H CO EH 1 5. ^ § cn -p U TJ < d 0 •H d hq in in in in in in in in in in o •H Liaojaj o u 0 fd fd :^i 0 m T^^oj, r^ OJ OI r- OJ r^ r^ OJ OJ r^ o >i cn s MH CO OJ r^ in ^ OI r^ •^ in OI r-- o g < fd o w T-i CO EH •H EH HH 4J 04 >i •P 13 + 0 U •P -H 0 o t-i as •^ VO rH as in in t-i as 0 Ti •T-i rH T-i ro -P •n d d o pq fd u o 0 :i P4 B* fd U 4J g < 0e o VO ^ ro r^ en r^ VO ^ en r^ 04 04 -P g d B^ PM ro fd 0 •H W CO 1 fd TJ o M 0 o TJ PM O +j 0 -p d 0 O fd rH Cn •rl •P rH o+ o as t-i OI 00 VO "«;J« CN 00 0 CO CO W PQ ro rH IH >i CO d 0 H d 0 fd M W al e u fd t-i u 0 • >H S o ^ VO ^ VO ro r- CN 00 ro r^ 0 g 0 •P TJ ro > CO H d 0 0 0 d •H 4J -, d u 0 H o 1' fd CO H -p 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 fd 0 rH 0 0 0 0 0 > 0 CO d 0 * JH JH U u U fd JH •H o d 0 Cn 0 cn 0 &> 0 cn 0 cn X 0 TJ g 0 0 0 fd 0 td 0 fd 0 fd 0 fd XI 4J - u •H U CO JH CO JH CO JH CO JH CO H EH H H H fd 4-> tr-H tp-H tr^-H Cn-H lJ>-H H < Q < Q < Q OI ro in Que s iH CN ro in Tot a 58 • •• -- - • . a6pq.uaoj:a<3 in in in in in in o • I^^Oi CN in OJ OI r^ r^ rsj o ** OJ OJ OJ T-i O II t-i 13 + o t-i ro '!l< OI 0 ro T-i fd fi o iH en CN ro t-i 0 ro 0 P^ 1 •p •H XI + IS o rH t-i t-i in rsj 0 ro <-i fd o T-i "^ en OJ ro pq S 1 CJ in in in in O a6pq.uao:ra- in o CN O "^ T^^oj, t-i ro CN t-i O II rH 13 + X o OJ CN ro en pq 0 ro w H fd S o rH ^ OI OJ t-i pq 0 ro U 0 PN 1 d OI fd u pq >H •rl o+ VO ro T-i hq XI ro PQ PQ < u B< W ro in OJ Mal e o -3 0 u w in in o abpq-uaojacl • • • o 13 o in o in r^ OI o ^ O T^^oji rH rH •^ OJ O II H rH 13 + o rH f^ •^ ro o 0 ro t-i fd w g o OI OI ro t-i rH t-i 0 ro Pt4 1 ,i4 fud rH o+ in en CN PQ ro 0 rH fd o rH OJ "^ en S ro 1 O OI '^ VO 00 o VO 00 t-i t-i H rH T-i OI Ti 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 in r^ as rH ro in r^ as CO d T-i T-i T-i rH T-i 0 ^ rH M 't-i fd 0 CO H-> O 0 0 W1 Pi B^ 59 courts," 70 percent of Blacks ever thirty agreed, while only 35 percent of the under thirty group agreed. Only 25 per cent of the Whites under thirty agreed te this statement. TABLE 28 ANALYSIS OF STATEMENTS RELATED TO ATTITUDES OF LAW ENFORCEMENT BY RACE AND AGE (Percent) Blacks Chicanes Whites Age Age Age Question* -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30+ 1. Agree 50 60 55 90 35 40 Disagree 50 40 45 10 65 60 2. Agree 35 70 65 70 25 60 Disagree 65 30 35 30 75 25 N=20 *1. Policemen never bully or harass minorities in your community. 2. Minorities in your community receive just and fair services from the courts. It was assumed that political convictions would be a fairly accurate index te determine degrees of radicalism and militancy. Militancy is generally associated with high de grees of racial consciousness. Table 29 shows that 12.5 percent of Blacks consider themselves as radical or militant For the entire sample, over 50 percent identified their -• in in O 60 • • • o q.uaoja<3 in CN in o o -^ T^^oi CN •^ CN o II rH 13 + 0 o rH ro in r-i rH ro fd B 0 o t-i Ol in Ol pL4 ro 0 1 +J •t-i + ro VO t-i o ^ ro 0 pq fd o t-i CN •^ ro ^rH ro < 1 Q in in in in O 13 q-uaoja^ • • • • • • O < r^ CN o CN r^ o 'sr T^^Oi H '^ ro O II rH S X pq + w 0 o rsj ro •^ t-i t-i en fd B 0 o rH t-i ro in 0 PH ro d 1 as fd Ol >H o PQ •H Ptl XI o+ t-i in ro rH hq W u pq 13 < O EH H "^ '=:l' Ol EH Mal e U -3 0 3 H > in in o q-uaojad • • • o o T^^oji o Ol in O o rvj Ol ro OI o II CJ rH rH 13 < + • U 0 o H ** •^ t-i H rH ro EH fd H B hq 0 o CN OI ro ro O Pi4 ro 04 A: 1 o fd rH pq o+ OI OJ •^ ro t-i ro 0 t-i fd o rH t-i ro CN Ol rH S ro 1 0 d > t-i 0 1 -H fd -H d -P 0 0 HJ O -P 0 fd I > •P t-i t-i d •H o u > U •t-i fd fd fd fd 4J -rl u 0 4J JH u o -P rH •H > >i 0 CO fd 0 0 •H 't-i fd rH d U CO d > Ti XI Ti rH •P o o 0 0 0 •H fd •H 0 04 U > u S hq Qi s Bi 61 political convictions as conservative or moderate, and only small percents were liberal or militant. In order to determine if the respondent's stated politi cal convictions were consistent with their political partici pation, questions were posed relating to voting habits and knowledge of political and activist organizations. Table 30 shews that 40 percent of Blacks and 37.5 percent of Whites never vote. Surprisingly, Chicanes had the highest voting participation. Knowledge of political and social ideology and activist organizations were taken as additional indicators of radical ism and militancy. First, the respondents were given flash cards with names of individuals whose political and social philosophies ranged from extreme conservatism te revolution ary activism. Other flash cards were presented with lists of organizations varying in philosophy. The respondents were requested to choose three individuals whom they would consider as spokesmen for them, and three organizations which they could support or with which they could identify. Tables 31 and 32 give the respondent's choices of spokesmen and organizations in descending order of preference It will be noted that rarely were activist individuals or organizations selected. The top three preferences for Blacks were Edward Kennedy, Billy Graham, and Martin Luther King. The top three for the Chicanes were Kennedy, Graham, and 62 t^uaojaa in in o • • • o T^^Oi r^ t^ in o o o ^ ro CN ro O II __ rH 13 0 o+ in ro OI T-i ro fd 0 o ** OI t-i rH OI PN ro CO r 0 -p •H XI o+ •«* VO IS ro al e o CN rH T-i ^ CN S ro 1 in in O Pjq :^u^oJad » • • O O I^^Oi CN O r^ in in O ^ < r-i rH ro ro O II rH ^ Q 13 0 o+ OJ t-i ro •^ < rH ro fd B X CO 0 o OI CN OI ^ pq 0 PH ro w d 1 fd o pq •uH ro XI o+ VO •«* 00 pq u hq al e pq >H S o H OJ OJ ro Ol < PQ ro EH 1 . W q.uaoj:a >1 rH rH >1 fd t-i d -p 0 d t7> CO B •H 0 CO d -P u 0 CO 13 >i t-i •H -rl 0 Ti fd cr fd fd > t-i o 0 ^ •P O 'flO 0 0 o U r-i 0 > m 13 w o Pl4 < B^ 63 TABLE 31 RESPONDENT'S CHOICES OF SPOKESMEN IN DESCENDING ORDER OF PREFERENCE BY RACE AND AGE* - - •- 1 1 Black Chicano White Spokesmen -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30 + Edward Kennedy 11 7 6 9 7 6 Billy Graham 4 8 4 6 5 9 Martin Luther King 8 6 4 3 5 9 Hubert Humphrey 5 5 3 3 4 Frances Farenthold 5 7 5 George McGovern 2 1 1 3 7 2 Richard Nixon 1 1 4 1 1 ' 7 Minister/Priest 1 4 3 3 4 Mary Leu De La Certa 1 5 7 1 Ralph Yarborough 1 1 4 1 5 2 N=120 *See Appendix D for complete list of choices. All choices in addition to the above table were chosen by less than 10 percent of the respondents. 64 TABLE 32 RESPONDENT'S CHOICES OF REPRESENTATIVE ORGANIZATIONS IN DESCENDING ORDER OF PREFERENCE BY RACE AND AGE* Blacks Chicanes Whites Organizations -30 30+ -30 30+ -30 30+ Respondent's Church 10 13 8 10 Lubbock Opportunity Industrialization Center 10 13 Democratic Party 2 6 10 9 9 9 The Government 1 2 4 5 4 8 Lubbock Police Dept 5 4 6 5 3 1 NAACP 7 8 2 0 4 0 PTA 3 2 3 3 3 4 Human Relations Coram. 3 2 1 6 6 1 U.S. Supreme Court 2 2 2 2 3 7 Mayor and City Council 1 2 3 4 1 4 N=120 *See Appendix E for complete list of organizations. All other choices in addition to the above table were chosen by less than 10 percent of the respondents. 65 Mary Lou De La Certa, the latter a local rather militant Chicano leader. The same two men were tops for the Whites; the third was Francis Farenthold, who at the time of this survey was in a hotly contested race for Governor of Texas. Of all the choices provided, those selected by at least 10 percent of the respondents were not those either radical or militant. CHAPTER IV CONCLUSIONS A few of the major findings of this survey will be reiterated here, along with their implications for the implementation of programs of birth control. First of all, it had been assumed that in Lubbock the minority groups would prove to be more conventional in their attitudes, net having been influenced by "activist" or "militant" beliefs. This was only partly confirmed, for the Blacks and Chicanes did express at least moderate degrees of racial conscious ness. Considering that racial consciousness is taken as an indication of an overall militant orientation, it is sur prising that the minority groups in the sample did not identify with militant political leaders, nor with radical organizations. The higher degrees of racial consciousness were found among the Blacks and Chicanes under age thirty, and the same age group shewed some support for the idea of birth control as part of a genocide conspiracy directed against minorities in the United States. It was noteworthy, however, that the majority of all groups did not accept the idea of a genocide conspiracy and, as a matter of fact, were favorably oriented toward birth control. 66 67 Attitudes of separatism were highest among Black males over age thirty. This was the opposite of expectations, although it should be mentioned that this so-called "sepa ratist" attitude was measured by questions which reflected a feeling perhaps nearer resignation than militancy. It had been expected that Black males under age thirty would hold the strongest attitudes of separatism. This was partially confirmed, for only the Blacks over age thirty expressed stronger feelings of separatism. Given the low overall evidences of militancy and racial consciousness, it was surprising that attitudes regarding the control of family planning centers in minority neighbor hoods strongly favored control by the minority groups living there. This finding raises the possibility that ideas of local control and self determination are widespread, even among minorities in residential areas that are considered conservative or conventional in political and social philos ophies. Thus, Government planning for programs of fertility control should reflect these attitudes, and should net be based on the assumption that it is only in sections of the nation where minorities have been "radicalized" that local control of centers is needed. One positive implication, for those concerned about the population problem, is that the respondents were more favorably than unfavorably oriented to birth control. More important, they are practicing birth 68 control, and beginning to plan the number and spacing of children. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Berelson, Bernard, ed. Family Planning Programs: An Inter national Survey. New York: Basic Books, 1969. Billingsley, Andrew. Black Families in White America. Engleweed Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969. Brown, Claude. Manchild in the Promised Land. New York: Macmillan, 19 65. Burma, John H., ed. Mexican-Americans in the United States. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Co., 19 70. Carmichael, Stekley, and Hamilton, Charles V. Black Pov/er: The Politics of Liberation in America. Nev/ York: Random House, 19 67. Chasteen, Edgar R. The Case for Compulsory Birth Control. Engleweed Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971. Cleaver, Eldridge. Soul on Ice. New York: Dell Publish ing Co., 1968. Darity, William A.; Turner, Castellane B.; and Thiebaux, H. Jean. "Race Consciousness and Fears of Black Genocide as Barriers te Family Planning." Population Reference Bureau, Selection No. 37 (June, 1971), 5-12. Draper, Elizabeth. Birth Control in the Modern World. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 19 65. Gladwin, Thomias. Poverty, U.S.A. Boston: Little and Brown, 19 67. Glenn, Nerval D., and Benjean, Charles M. Blacks in the United States. San Francisco: Chandler, 19 69. Grier, William H., and Cobbs, Price M. Black Rage. New York: Bantam Books, 19 68. Hellman, Louis M. "A Five-Year Plan for Population Research and Family Planning Services." Family Planning Per spectives, III (October, 1971), 33-64. Ladner, Joyce A. Tomorrow's Tomorrow: The Black Woman. New York: Deubleday, 1971. 69 70 Lewis, Oscar. La Vida. New York: Random House, 19 66. Marden, Charles F., and Meyer, Gladys. Minorities in Ameri can Society. New York: American Book Co., 19 68. Masotti, Louis H.; Hadden, Jeffrey K.; Seminatere, Kenneth F.; and Cersi, Jerome R. A Time to Burn?: An Evaluation of the Present Crisis in Race Relations. Chicago: Rand McNally, 19 69. Matthews, C. E. Matt. "Self-Designation Terms Among Minority Groups." Unpublished M.A. thesis, Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech University, 19 71. Medawar, Jean, and Pyke, David., eds. Family Planning. Baltimore: Pelican Books, 1971. Minuchin, Salvador; Mentalvo, Braulie; Guerney, Bernard C., Jr.; Resman, Bernice L.; and Schumer, Florence. Fami lies of the Slums: An Exploration of Their Structure and Treatment. New York: Basic Books, 19 67. Patterson, William L. The Man Who Cried Genocide: An Auto biography. New York: International Publishers, 1971. Rainwater, Lee. And the Poor Get Children. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 19 60. Rainwater, Lee. Family Design: Marital Sexuality, Family Size and Contraception. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 19 65. Rainwater, Lee, and Yancey, William. The Meynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy. Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1967. Rainwater, Lee. Behind Ghetto Walls. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1970. Report of the President's Committee on Population and Family Planning. Wilbur J. Cohen, chairman. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 19 68. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Dis orders . Otto Kerner, chairman. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 19 68. Rubin, Alan, ed. Family Planning Today. Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Co., 1969. 71 Ryder, Norman B., and Westoff, Charles F. Reproduction in the United States: 19 65. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1971. Scanzeni, John H. The Black Family in Modern Society. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1971. Schulz, David A. Coming Up Black: Patterns of Ghetto Socialization. Engleweed Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969. Schulz, David A. The Changing Family: Its Function and Future. Engleweed Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972. Steiner, Stan. La Raza: The Mexican Americans. New York: Harper and Row, 19 69. U.S. Congress. An Act te Establish a Commission on Popula tion Growth and the American Future. Pub. L. 91-213, 91st Cong., S. 2701, 1970. U.S. Congress. Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970. Pub. L. 91-572, 91st Cong., S. 2108. U.S. Congress. House. Message from the President of the United States Relative to Population Growth. H. Doc. 91-139, 91st Cong., 1st sess., 1969. Valentine, Charles. Culture and Poverty: Critique and Counter Proposals. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968. Washington, Benetta. "First National Congress on Optimum Population and Environment." Population Bulletin, XXVI, No. 4 (November, 19 70), 16. Willie, Charles V. "Perspectives From the Black Community." Population Reference Bureau, Selection No. 37 (June, 1971), 1-4. Willie, Charles V., ed. The Family Life of Black People. Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill, 19 70. Young, Whitney M., Jr. Beyond Racism. New York: McGraw- Hill Book Co., 1969. APPENDIX A. Interview Schedule B. Flash Cards for Racial Preference Designation C. Flash Card for Source of Birth Control Information D. Flash Card for Spokesmen —- E. Flash Card for Representative Organizations F. Flash Cards for Religious Preference and Frequency of Attendance 72 73 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW SCHEDULE DATE I. SOCIOCULTURAL DETERMINANTS (Part 1) 1. Sex: (Male) (Female) 2. Age: (Age) (Year born) 3. Marital Status: (Married) (Single) (Separated) (Divorced) (Single but living with opposite sex) (Previous marriages) 4. Race: (Please choose from among the following terms the one which you prefer to describe yourself) (See Appen dix B) 1 6 11 2 7 12 3 8 13 4 9 14 5 10 II. FAMILY SIZE 1. ^How many children are in your family? 2. Do you have any ether children who are not living with you? 3. ^To you, hew many children make the best family size? 4. When you have completed your family, how many chil dren do you think you will have? 74 5. (Planned) Hew many of your children were planned and hew many would you say were by (Chance) chance? (Omit if respondent has no children) III. BIRTH CONTROL INFORMATION, TECHNIQUES AND METHODS A. B. C. D. E. F. Birth Heard Past How Present How Control of Use Long Use Long 1. Abortion 2. Abstinence 3. Condom 4. Diaphragm 5. Douche 6. I. U. D. 7. PILL 8. Rhythm 9. Sperma- cides 10. Sterili zation 11. Withdrawal 12. Other 75 13. Where have you received most of your information con cerning birth control? (See Appendix C) 14. List any methods of birth control which are unacceptable te you and give your reasons. Birth Control Reason IV. ATTITUDES TOWARD BIRTH CONTROL USE AND CENTERS I am now going te read to you seme statements which you may or may net agree with. Please answer according to whether you STRONGLY AGREE, AGREE, DISAGREE, or STRONGLY DISAGREE. SA A D SD 1. Family planning and birth control centers should be provided at public expense. 4 3 2 1 2. Contraceptives are good because then we can have sex more often. SA A D SD 3. Family planning and birth control centers in minority neighborhoods should be controlled and operated by the minority groups living there. 12 3 4 4. Birth control devices take away from the beauty of love making. 12 3 4 5. I object to contraceptives because of re ligious reasons. SA A D SD 6. I would be willing to refer a friend, rela tive or neighbor to a family planning center SA A D SD 7. Family planning and birth control centers are adequate in Lubbock. 76 12 3 4 8. We don't use birth control sometimes because of a lack of privacy. 4 3 2 1 9. Contraceptives are good because then we don't have to worry about pregnancy. SA A D SD 10. If a family has all the children they desire, it is acceptable for either the husband or wife te be sterilized. SA A D SD 11. Single people should have the same access to birth control services as married people. SA A D SD 12. Abortion should be allowed only when the life of the woman is at stake. V. CHILDBEARING MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS SA A D SD 4 3 2 1 1. People who have children are mere mature and responsible than those who don't. 4 3 2 1 2. I sometimes feel a little jealous of my friends who have mere children than I de. 4 3 2 1 3. Having children makes a marriage more successful. 12 3 4 4. A small family can become closer than a large family. 12 3 4 5. I'm concerned that our natural resources are being used up and that if we have too many children, there won't be enough to ge around, 4 3 2 1 6. Children are important because they will sup port you in your old age. 12 3 4 7. Having a baby right away can cause a lot of problems for a young couple. 4 3 2 1 8. People have a way to live on after death through their children. 4 3 2 1 9. My relatives and friends would think our marriage was unhappy if we didn't have any children or just had one. 77 12 3 4 10. Children can't take the place of being suc cessful in life. 4 3 2 1 11. Nature will take care of the population problem without the help of birth control. 4 3 2 1 12. Adopting children is all right if you can't have any, but I'd really rather have my own. 12 3 4 13. We can't afford many things we actually need because of expenses connected with the chil dren. 4 3 2 1 14. If I had all beys or girls, I would want another baby in order te try for the opposite sex. 4 3 2 1 15. I would net feel like a real woman (man) unless I had children. 4 3 2 1 16. When there are children, a marriage is more likely te last. 12 3 4 17. The more children people have, the mere polluted our country is going to get. 4 3 2 1 18. It is important to have children to show that sterile. (Man) you are not barren. (Woman) wife's 4 3 2 1 19. I feel that it is completely my husband's responsibility to take care of birth control. 4 3 2 1 20. Mv y^"^ ? -, and I seldom or never talk about •^ nusDana sex. 4 3 2 1 21. When there are children, couples appreciate each ether more. Let's change the pace a little new and do a different type of question and then we'll go back to the agree-disagree type. I want you to tell me to what degree the following statements have entered into your thinking regarding an ideal family size. Please say whether they influenced you VERY MUCH, SOME, NOT MUCH, or NOT AT ALL. 78 X r-i O X (^ B P -P B (^ >i 0 M g -P -P 0 0 0 0 > w iz; IS 4 3 2 1 22. My parents' desire to have children around. 12 3 4 23. The high cost of having a baby. 4 3 2 1 24. My religion which teaches the obligation to bear children. 12 3 4 25. The world population problem. 4 3 2 1 26. The fear that some of my children will not live to grew up. 12 3 4 27. The idea that people who have small families seem te be highly respected. 4 3 2 1 28. The idea that I didn't want an only child. 12 3 4 29. The belief that my mother had too many children. 12 3 4 30. The feeling that my partner didn't want very many children. New let's ge back te the type of question where you STRONGLY AGREE, AGREE, DISAGREE, or STRONGLY DISAGREE. SA A D SD 12 3 4 31. I felt (feel) pressured by my friends and relatives to have a small family. 4 3 2 1 32. When children are old enough to earn some money, they should be put to work te help with the family expenses. 12 3 4 33. Children make it very hard for a woman to work because nobody wants to keep them. 4 3 2 1 34. India and China have toe many people but the U.S. really doesn't have a very big problem. 79 SA A D SD 12 3 4 35. Women should have a right to de other things than keep house and take care of the children 4 3 2 1 36. The children from large families can stand on their own feet better than these from small families. 12 3 4 37. The last babies in larger families tend to be retarded or unhealthy. 4 3 2 1 38. Babies and young children are my main source of joy. 4 3 2 1 39. I want my children te do all the things I wanted to de but couldn't. I now would like to change the subject a bit and ask you some questions concerning race rela tions. Please, use the same method of answering, the agree-disagree type. VI. ATTITUDES A. Race or Minority Status Consciousness 4 3 2 1 1. It is important that minorities demand and exercise their rights. 12 3 4 2. Riots, boycotts, sit-ins and ether methods of protesting have done little in helping minorities win their rights. 4 3 2 1 3. Minorities can't expect to benefit much by integrating with whites. 12 3 4 4. It is all right for different races to intermarry. 4 3 2 1 5. Slogans such as "Black is beautiful" or "Viva La Raza" shew that minorities are proudly accepting their heritage and identity. B. Genocide SA A D SD 1. Birth control programs are a plot by whites to eliminate blacks and other minority groups SA A D SD 2. Genocide could never happen in a Democracy such as the United States. 80 C. Strength in Numbers SA A D SD 1. Minority families should net limit their size because only by increasing their numbers can they ever take ever this country. SA A D SD 2. Birth control is aimed at keeping minorities small and in their place. SA A D SD 3. Public officials favor birth control for minority groups because they knew it will decrease their political power. D. Law Enforcement SA A D SD 1. Policemen never bully or harass residents of your community. SA A D SD 2. Minorities in your community receive just and fair services from the courts. E. Resignation SA A D SD 12 3 4 1. I have never felt a part of my community. 4 3 2 1 2. There are many good projects going on to improve things in this neighborhood. 12 3 4 3. It is senseless te attend PTA meetings since they never listen to you anyway. 4 3 2 1 4. I de all I can in community affairs and keep hoping things will get better. 12 3 4 5. I'm net interested in politics and voting be cause they forget you as soon as they are elected. VII. POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 1. Are you a registered voter? yes ^no 2. Hew would you describe your voting habits? ^never vote seldom vote usually vote always vote 81 3. How would you describe your political convictions? ^very conservative conservative jnederate liberal _radical radical militant 4. Choose three of the following people whom you believe to be good spokesmen for you. (See Appendix D) 5. Choose three of the following organizations which you could identify with or believe te be representative of you. (See Appendix E) VIII. SOCIOCULTURAL DETERMINANTS (Part 2) A. Religion 1. What is your religious preference? (See Appendix F) 2. What religion were you brought up in? (Omit if same as #1) 3. Hew frequently do you attend religious services? (See Appendix F) B. Education 1. What is the highest grade you completed in school? 82 2. Have you attended any vocational schools, business col leges, military schools, etc.? no yes C. Income 1. Approximately what were your total family earnings in 1971? 2. How would you describe your present economic status? very poor well-off enough 'below average 'above average 'about average wealthy D. Occupation Man Woman 1. What kind of work do you do? 2. Hew many months were you employed last year? 3. What kind of work have you dene for the longest period of time? How long? 4. Has the woman worked outside the home since marriage? ^es (how long) no E. Residence 1. Where were you born? ^City State Country 2. Hew long have you lived in Lubbock? Years Months (If less than one year) 83 3. Where have you lived for the longest number of years? (a) Location (b) How long? (c) Size of town? 84 APPENDIX B FLASH CARDS FOR RACIAL PREFERENCE DESIGNATIONS (BLACKS) AFRO-AMERICAN BLACK NEGRO COLORED OTHERT (CHICANOS) CHICANO LATIN-AMERICAN MEXICAN-AMERICAN SPANISH-AMERICAN OTHER (WHITES) ANGLO CAUCASIAN WHITE 85 APPENDIX C FLASH CARD FOR SOURCE OF BIRTH CONTROL INFORMATION NO INFORMATION OR NO CHOICE SCHOOLMATES OR FRIENDS HUSBAND, WIFE, BOYFRIEND, GIRLFRIEND RELATIVE READ ABOUT IT OR SAW AN ADVERTISEMENT FAMILY PLANNING CENTER SOCIAL WORKER PUBLIC HEALTH NURSE DOCTOR SEX EDUCATION IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS 86 APPENDIX D FLASH CARD FOR SPOKESMEN 00 NO RESPONSE 17 HUBERT HUMPHREY 01 RALPH ABERNATHY 18 ROY INNIS 0 2 SPIRO AGNEW 19 JESSE JACKSON 03 LLOYD BENTSEN 20 LEROI JONES (IMAMU AMIRI BARAKA) 04 PHILLIP BERRIGAN 21 EDWARD KENNEDY 0 5 WARREN BURGER 22 MARTIN LUTHER KING 0 6 CESAR CHAVEZ 23 GEORGE MAHON 0 7 SHIRLEY CHISHOLM 24 ELIJAH MUHAMMAND 0 8 CASSIUS CLAY (MUHAMMAND 25 GEORGE MCGOVERN ALI) 09 ELDRIDGE CLEAVER 26 YOUR MINISTER OR PRIEST 10 ANGELA DAVIS 27 RICHARD NIXON 11 MARY LOU DE LA CERTA 28 REIES TIJERINA 12 WILLIAM 0. DOUGLAS 29 JOHN TOWER 13 CHARLES EVERS 30 GEORGE WALLACE 14 HENRY GONZALEZ 31 RALPH YARBOROUGH 15 BILLY GRAHAM 32 FRANCES FARENTHOLD 16 FATHER HIDALGO 33 OTHER (PLEASE SPECIFY) 87 APPENDIX E FLASH CARD FOR REPRESENTATIVE ORGANIZATIONS 00 NO RESPONSE 01 DEMOCRATIC PARTY 0 2 REPUBLICAN PARTY 0 3 AMERICAN INDEPENDENT PARTY 04 NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE (NAACP) 0 5 LA RAZA UNIDA 0 6 YOUR MAYOR AND CITY COUNCIL 0 7 THE GOVERNMENT 0 8 LUBBOCK COURTS 09 U.S. SUPREME COURT 10 SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE (SCLC) 11 JOHN BIRCH SOCIETY 12 YOUR CHURCH 13 BLACK MUSLIMS 14 PARENT-TEACHERS ASSOCIATION (PTA) 15 CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY (CORE) 16 BLACK PANTHERS 17 LUBBOCK POLICE DEPARTMENT 18 LUBBOCK HUMAN RELATIONS COMMISSION 19 LUBBOCK OPPORTUNITY INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTER (L-)IC) 20 AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION (ACLU) 88 APPENDIX F FLASH CARDS FOR RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE AND FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE 0 NONE 5 METHODIST 1 CATHOLIC 6 PRESBYTERIAN 2 BAPTIST 7 LUTHERAN 3 HOLINESS SECTS 8 CHRISTIAN CHURCH 4 CHURCH OF CHRIST 9 OTHER (PLEASE SPECIFY) FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE 1 THREE TIMES A WEEK OR MORE 2 TWO TIMES A WEEK 3 ONE TIME A WEEK 4 ONCE A MONTH 5 SEVERAL TIMES A YEAR 6 ONLY FOR SPECIAL OCCASIONS SUCH AS CHRISTMAS OR EASTER 7 NEVER