DOCSLIB.ORG

Yellow & White Bold Corporate Financial Report

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Yellow & White Bold Corporate Financial Report F L O M U N I BACKGROUND GUIDE J C C : J A C O B I N S C H A M B E R FRANCE (1791) *All territorial changes succeeding June 20th, 1791 do not apply* Timeline governor is beheaded moments after exiting the fortress. ● 7 June 1788: Revolt against King ​ Louis XVI takes place in the southern ● 21 July - 1 August 1789: a series of ​ town of Grenoble due to economic revolts start to take place nationwide ​ hardships, poor harvests, and the high in the cities of Strasbourg, Le Mans, cost of bread. Colmar, Alsace, and Hainaut. ● 8 August 1788: Royal treasury is ● 28 July 1789: newspaper Le Patriote ​ ​ ​ depleted and the Parlement de Paris français begins to circulate around the ​ ​ declines to reform tax law or provide a country promoting the revolution. The loan for the Crown. A States-General, newspaper is controlled by a new consultative assembly, is scheduled political faction known as the for May 1789. Girondins. ​ ● 27 April 1789: Riots break out in the ● 4 August 1789: the Assembly votes ​ ​ east of Paris’s suburb Faubourg for the abolishment of feudal rights. ​ Saint-Antoine. Reports suggest 25 ​ local workers died after clashes with ● 27 August 1789: the Assembly adopts ​ the police. the Declaration of the Rights of the Man and the Citizen establishing the ● May 1789: the States-General freedom and equality of all individuals ​ assembly begins with representatives before the law. from the First State (clergy), the Second State (nobility), and the Third ● 10 October 1789: Member of the ​ State (commoners) present. The latter Assembly, Dr. Joseph-Ignace was attempted to be separated from Guillotin, proposes a humane method the other parties. of execution, the guillotine, before the body, it is accepted. ● June 1789: the Third States decide to ​ host their own assembly and invite ● 2 November 1789: the Assembly ​ other States: the National Assembly is determines the property of the Church born. King Louis XVI orders the to be at the disposition of the country. closure of the Third States assembly hall, but the representatives gather in ● November 1789: the political club ​ an indoor tennis court where they Breton changes its name to the Society swear to provide France with a new of Friends of the Constitution and its Constitution. members commonly referred to as the Jacobins. ● 14 July 1789: a large crowd besieges ​ the Bastille prison in Paris after ● January 1790: Riots across Paris ​ multiple hours of resistance by continue and social discontent among Bastille Governor de Launay. The commoners continue to rise. ● 29 March 1790: Pope Pius VI ​ condemns & opposes the Declaration ● 27 November 1790: Assembly ​ of the Rights of the Man and Citizen, instructs all Clergymen to swear their as the National Assembly continues allegiance to the new government, stripping powers away from the most of whom refuse to take the oath. church. ● 10 March 1791: the Civil ​ ● April 1790: populist political club Constitution of the French Clergy is ​ Cordeliers is founded with deep categorically condemned by Pope Pius ​ anti-elitism sentiment towards the VI. country’s nobility. ● 20 June 1791: King Louis XVI ​ ● 26 June 1790: Avignon, a city within alongside Queen Marie Antoinette and ​ France but under the direct rule of the other family members cannot be found Pope, requests to join France, giving in the Tuileries Palace of Paris. The the National Assembly a chance to Royal family’s whereabouts are directly oppose the pope. They opt not unknown. to accept the city’s request and avoid conflict. Meanwhile, diplomats from ● 21 June 1791: the Jacobins alongside ​ ​ ​ England, the Dutch Republic, Austria, some members from the Cordeliers ​ and Prussia begin to convene to political club have left the National discuss potential military action Constituent Assembly to an against the French revolutionaries. undisclosed location to determine a course of action after the Royal ● 12 July 1790: Assembly adopts the Family’s disappearance. The ​ Civil Constitution of the French moderates, represented by the Clergy. Clergymen lose their special Girondins, have remained in the ​ status and are required to take an oath assembly. of allegiance to the government. ● 14 July 1790: the Fête de la ​ ​ Fédération is celebrated in Paris as an ​ anniversary of the beginning of the French Revolution. The event marks the last time all factions of French society were together. Current Situation Cher députés de l'Assemblée nationale, We have come a long way, to say the least. To think that, simply some years back, we would have never been regarded as a serious movement. As it stands, we have made bold assertions of our control and radical changes that no King would ever dare pass in their country. However, we have also made many enemies across the continent, including the Pope. As the number of sweeping reforms, we could pass decreases and we enter a new phase of our revolution, we must ask ourselves: What comes next? The primary issue that the National Assembly faces is the vacancy of the royal family from the Palace of Tuileries. We do not know where they have gone, and it must be a first priority that we discover what they are attempting to do, whether it is an escape from France or worse, and apprehend them. Although the two main factions within the Assembly may disagree on what their punishment is, this must be the first priority for every member to resolve. However, there are far more underlying issues that also need addressing. Currently, the National Assembly is being opposed by commoners and clergy alike. Resistance to the French Revolution is just as major internally as it is externally, and no solution has yet to be proposed to this. Moreover, there are worsening signs of a large coalition of major monarchies across Europe potentially assembling to snuff the flames of our great cause. This looming threat gives us limited time to either stabilize our country and assemble an even greater opposing force, or improve our standing with the other great powers of Europe, although the latter is looking less likely with every passing day. Our odds may look slim, but that was the case for our fellow revolutionaries in the United States, too. Perhaps we can replicate their success here, and even do better. We must stay determined as they had, and rise up to the odds, no matter how tall & fearsome they are. Perhaps you may be the one to rise up to the challenge and give the National Assembly the ​ ​ stature, authority, and power it needs to usher in a new era for not only France but for Europe and beyond. Bien sincèrement, ​ Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès President of the National Constituent Assembly Jacobins Commonly known as the “Jacobins,” the group is the more extremist of the two parties in the ​ ​ National Assembly. Pushing for more radical changes to occur during the French Revolution, they are in constant opposition with the more moderate Girondin club, although both are still unified in terms of maintaining the monarchy. The Jacobins, alongside members of the Cordeliers, had left the Assembly after a split with the Girondins over the fate of the royal family once they were captured. The Jacobins sought to execute the family as soon as possible, standing in direct contrast to the Girondins. In their current position, the Jacobins have lost their legitimacy by leaving the National Assembly, but are still a major force of contention and have many followers to support their objectives, regardless of whether they remained within the Assembly or not. With the power to potentially overthrow the Girondins, the Jacobins must decide what their next course of action will be before the Moderates begin to diminish their power. Character List: 1. Pierre-Antoine Antonelle: President of the Jacobin Club in 1791, journalist and ​ ​ revolutionary. Also, mayor of Arles from 1790-1791. Antonelle comes from an Aristocratic family but despite that, is clearly a very strong supporter of the Revolution. 2. Maximilien Robespierre: Founder of the Jacobin Club and president from ​ ​ March-June 1790. A lawyer, and statesmen, and one of the most influential figures of the French Revolution. 3. Louis de Saint-Just: Jacobin leader and Robespierre’s most trusted ally. ​ ​ Legislator and military commissar and achieved the reputation as the face of the Reign of Terror. 4. Pierre Verginaud: French Lawyer and statesman and deputy to the Assembly ​ ​ ​ ​ from Bordeaux. Supporter of Jacques Pierre Brissot and the Girondins faction. 5. Jacques Pierre Brissot: Leader member of the Girondins and founder of the ​ ​ abolitionist Society of the Friends of the Blacks. 6. Claude Fauchet: French bishop and curate of the church at St Roch, Paris. He ​ ​ was also one of the leaders of the attack on the Bastille. 7. Maximin Isnard: French revolutionary and perfume dealer. In 1791, he was ​ ​ elected as a member of the legislative assembly and in 1792, member of the National Convention. 8. Jean-Marie Roland: French inspector of manufactures in Lyon and eventual ​ ​ leader of the Girondist faction. Served as Minister of the Interior under King Louis XVI in 1792. 9. George Danton: As a leading Revolutionary figure who fought in the Storming ​ ​ of the Bastille, Danton is also one of the most important figures in the Jacobin Club. Due to his major involvement in the recent Champs de Mars massacre on the Republican’s side, he is laying low from authorities but still has his hand in politics. 10. Antoine Barnave: Barnave is a French politician and one of the most influential ​ ​ orators of the French Revolution. Noted for his correspondence with Marie Antoinette and sympathy for the monarchy, Barnave has taken an interest in founding his own political club, deviating from the two major groups.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Late-Medieval France
    Late-Medieval France: A Nation under Construction A study of French national identity formation and the emerging of national consciousness, before and during the Hundred Years War, 1200-1453 Job van den Broek MA History of Politics and Society Dr. Christian Wicke Utrecht University 22 June 2020 Word count: 13.738 2 “Ah! Doulce France! Amie, je te lairay briefment”1 -Attributed to Bertrand du Guesclin, 1380 Images on front page: The kings of France, England, Navarre and the duke of Burgundy (as Count of Charolais), as depicted in the Grand Armorial Équestre de la Toison d’Or, 1435- 1438. 1 Cuvelier in Charrière, volume 2, pp 320. ”Ah, sweet France, my friend, I must leave you very soon.” Translation my own. 2 3 Abstract Whether nations and nationalism are ancient or more recent phenomena is one of the core debates of nationalism studies. Since the 1980’s, modernism, claiming that nations are distinctively modern, has been the dominant view. In this thesis, I challenge this dominant view by doing an extensive case-study into late-medieval France, applying modernist definitions and approaches to a pre-modern era. France has by many regarded as one of the ‘founding fathers’ of the club of nations and has a long and rich history and thus makes a case-study for such an endeavour. I start with mapping the field of French identity formation in the thirteenth century, which mostly revolved around the royal court in Paris. With that established, I move on to the Hundred Years War and the consequences of this war for French identity.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Finding
    Ms Coll\Schaefler Schaefler, Sam, 1920- collector. Historical and Literary Letters and Documents, 1674-197-. 2 linear ft. (780 items in 4 boxes). Summary: Correspondence, documents and manuscripts from late seventeenth and eighteenth century France, especially from the French Revolution, collected by Sam Schaefler. Authors include J.B. Colbert Torcy and the Duchesse Du Lude. Many of the items from the French Revolution represent the work of the Committee of Public Safety and the Committee of General Security. French Revolutionary leaders represented in the collection include Frangois-Antoine Boissy D'Anglas, Jean-Baptiste-Noel Bouchotte, Pierre Joseph Cambon, Lazare Carnot, Jean-Marie Collot D'Herbois, l'Abbe de Fauchet, Philippe- Antoine Merlin de Douai, Jean Victor Moreau. C.A. Prieur-Duvernois, and Antoine Joseph Santerre. In addition, the collection includes a letter from the Danish physicist Hans Christian Oersted to Sir John Herschel, a letter by the French poet Romain Rolland, a document of the Philadelphia Artists' Fund Society of 1846 with signatures of its officers, and an autograph letter and a photograph of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. 1986 ADDITION: One letter from James Monroe and two from Theodore Roosevelt. 1987 ADDITION: Correspondence, documents, manuscripts, and photographs dealing with American and English literature, and American and French history during the era of the Revolutions. Included are letters from Erskine Caldwell, Will Durant, Howard Fast, Rachel Field, Emil Ludwig. Edwin Markham, Christopher Morley, and John Howard Payne; manuscripts of John Drinkwater, Felicia Hemans, Romain Rolland, Louis Untermeyer, and Tennessee Williams; and documents of James Duane, Joseph Hopkinson, and Sir Walter Scott. 1988 ADDITION: Correspondence and documents dealing with American and English history during the 18th and 19th centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L
    Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science Volume 20 Article 19 1966 Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L. Hayworth University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hayworth, Ronald L. (1966) "Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI," Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science: Vol. 20 , Article 19. Available at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol20/iss1/19 This article is available for use under the Creative Commons license: Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0). Users are able to read, download, copy, print, distribute, search, link to the full texts of these articles, or use them for any other lawful purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol. 20 [1966], Art. 19 111 Arkansas Academy of Science Proceedings, Vol. 20, 1966 THE INVIOLABILITYCONTROVERSY IN THE TRIAL OF LOUIS XVI Ronald L. Hay worth Arkansas College The attempt at constitutional monarchy during the French Revolu- tion ended abruptly on August 10, 1792, with the dethronement of Louis XVI in what has been termed the Second French Revolution. 1 One major problem that the new National Convention faced when it convened in mid-September was the determination of the fate of the ci-devant roi.
    [Show full text]
  • One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions
    One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions MANUEL COVO abstract Histories of the French Revolution usually locate the origins of the “one and indivisible Republic” in a strictly metropolitan context. In contrast, this article argues that the French Revolution’s debates surrounding federation, federalism, and the (re)foundation of the French nation-state were interwoven with colonial and transimperial matters. Between 1776 and 1792 federalism in a French imperial context went from an element of an academic conversation among bureaucrats and economists to a matter of violent struggle in Saint- Domingue that generated new agendas in the metropole. Going beyond the binary language of union and secession, the article examines the contest over federation and federalism in Saint-Domingue between free people of color and white planters who, taking inspiration from both metropolitan and non-French experiences with federalism, sought to alter the col- ony’s relationship with the metropole while also maintaining the institution of slavery. Revo- lutionaries on both sides of the Atlantic, unsure which direction to take and without the ben- efit of hindsight, used the language of federalism to pursue rival interests despite a seemingly common vocabulary. This entangled history of conflicts, compromises, and misunderstand- ings blurred ideological delineations but decisively shaped the genesis of the French imperial republic. keywords French Revolution, Haitian Revolution, federalism, French
    [Show full text]
  • 50 H-France Forum, V
    H-France Forum Volume 4 Page 50 ______________________________________________________________________________ H-France Forum, Volume 4, Issue 2 (Spring 2009), No. 5 Michael Sonenscher, Sans-Culottes: An Eighteenth-Century Emblem in the French Revolution. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008. x + 493 pp. $45.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978- 0691124988. Response Essay by Michael Sonenscher, King’s College Cambridge, to the review essays of his book by John Hardman, Thomas E. Kaiser, Charles Walton and Johnson Kent Wright. Perhaps the easiest way to begin a reply to this array of thought-provoking comments is to start with the two factual questions raised by John Hardman. The first concerns the comte d’Angiviller, while the second concerns Charles-Alexandre de Calonne. Answering them is a good way into the questions set out by Thomas E. Kaiser and Charles Walton about the relationship of the sans-culottes to Robespierre, Saint-Just and the Jacobin leadership in 1793 and 1794 and, more broadly, about the similarities and differences in their respective moral values, economic priorities and political visions. Answering their questions is, in turn, a helpful entry point to the questions about eighteenth-century versions of ancient moral and political thought and about the politics of the ancient constitution raised by Johnson Kent Wright. John Hardman asked whether I had any evidence that the comte d’Angiviller was, as I put it, “a strong advocate of a patriotic coup against the nation’s creditors in 1787 and 1788” (p. 378). I made the claim on the basis of a remark by d’Angiviller in the autobiographical fragment entitled Episodes de ma vie that was published posthumously in 1906.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution a Volume in the DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - the French Revolution
    The French Revolution A volume In THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - The French Revolution Edited by PAUL H. BEIK PALGRA VE MACMILLAN ISBN 978-1-349-00528-4 ISBN 978-1-349-00526-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-00526-0 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION English translation copyright © 1970 by Paul H. Beik Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1970 978-0-333-07911-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. First published in the United States 1970 First published in the United Kingdom by The Macmillan Press Ltd. 1971 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Associated companies in New York Toronto Dublin Melbourne Johannesburg and Madras SBN 333 07911 6 Contents Introduction x PART I. CROWN, PARLEMENT, AND ARISTOCRACY 1. November 19, 1787: Chretien Fran~ois de Lamoignon on Principles of the French Monarchy 1 2. April 17, 1788: Louis XVI to a Deputation from the Parlement of Paris 3 3. May 4, 1788: Repeated Remonstrances of the Parlement of Paris in Response to the King's Statement of April 17 5 4. December 12,1788: Memoir of the Princes 10 PART II. THE SURGE OF OPINION 5. January, 1789: Sieyes, What Is the Third Estate? 16 6. February, 1789: Mounier on the Estates General 37 7. March 1, 1789: Parish Cahiers of Ecommoy and Mansigne 45 8. March 14, 1789: Cahier of the Nobility of Crepy 51 9. March 26,1789: Cahier of the Clergy of Troyes 56 PART III.
    [Show full text]
  • The Beginning of the French Revolution
    New Dorp High School Social Studies Department AP Global Mr. Hubbs The Beginning of the French Revolution Causes of the French Revolution The finances of the French Empire were a major cause for revolution. By 1789, France was bankrupt. The king’s of France had abused their power and France became a victim of deficit spending. The French king began to borrow enormous amounts of money to pay for their spending and incurred debt. These debts were also a result of war. An example of this was by 1789; France was still paying off debts incurred by the wars of Louis XIV that occurred in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The country could no longer pay its debts, and the people of France began to suffer. Furthermore, a number of social groups and institutions did not pay taxes of any kind. Many universities were exempt from taxation as were the thirteen Parlements, cities like Paris, the Church and the clergy, the aristocracy and numerous member of the Bourgeoisie. And of course, it was simply brilliant planning to continue to tax the peasants- peasants who, having nothing to contribute were, over the course of the century, forced to contribute even more. The French social structure was divided into three estates. The First Estate was made up of the clergy. The clergy were a very privileged group and had a number of responsibilities. They included the registration of births, marriages and deaths, they collected the tithe (usually 10%); they censored books; served as moral police; operated schools and hospitals; and distributed relief to the poor.
    [Show full text]
  • Warfare and the State, 1450–1900
    Chapter Title: Warfare and the State, 1450–1900 Book Title: War and the World Book Subtitle: Military Power and the Fate of Continents, 1450-2000 Book Author(s): Jeremy Black Published by: Yale University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/j.ctt1npk2b.13 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Yale University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to War and the World This content downloaded from 79.147.42.147 on Sat, 06 Jun 2020 05:03:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 8 Warfare and the State, 1450-1900 War as the cause, course and consequence of state-building is an established and cur­ rently fashionable means of approaching history among both historians and political scientists: war equals state-building and state-building equals war. In place of an organic, or alternatively episodic, account that might focus on socio-economic trends or constitutional-political developments centring on domestic situations, war offers an explanatory model that makes it possible to relate international and domestic spheres and to align state-building - a central, structural feature of contemporary political society - with chronological specifics: the derails of conflicts.
    [Show full text]
  • Innovation After the French Revolution, Or, Innovation Transformed: from Word to Concept
    Innovation after the French Revolution, or, Innovation Transformed: From Word to Concept Benoît Godin 385 rue Sherbrooke Est Montreal, Quebec Canada H2X 1E3 [email protected] Project on the Intellectual History of Innovation Working Paper No. 14 2013 Previous Papers in the Series: 1. B. Godin, Innovation: The History of a Category. 2. B. Godin, In the Shadow of Schumpeter: W. Rupert Maclaurin and the Study of Technological Innovation. 3. B. Godin, The Linear Model of Innovation (II): Maurice Holland and the Research Cycle. 4. B. Godin, National Innovation System (II): Industrialists and the Origins of an Idea. 5. B. Godin, Innovation without the Word: William F. Ogburn’s Contribution to Technological Innovation Studies. 6. B. Godin, ‘Meddle Not with Them that Are Given to Change’: Innovation as Evil. 7. B. Godin, Innovation Studies: the Invention of a Specialty (Part I). 8. B. Godin, Innovation Studies: the Invention of a Specialty (Part II). 9. B. Godin, καινοτομία: An Old Word for a New World, or the De-Contestation of a Political and Contested Concept. 10. B. Godin, Republicanism and Innovation in Seventeenth Century England. 11. B. Godin, Social Innovation: Utopias of Innovation from c.1830 to the Present. 12. B. Godin and P. Lucier, Innovation and Conceptual Innovation in Ancient Greece. 13. B. Godin and J. Lane, ‘Pushes and Pulls’: The Hi(S)tory of the Demand-Pull Model of Innovation. Project on the Intellectual History of Innovation 385 rue Sherbrooke Est, Montreal, Quebec H2X 1E3 Telephone: (514) 499-4074 Facsimile: (514) 499-4065 www.csiic.ca Abstract For centuries, innovation has been a pejorative concept, and there has been no study of what innovation is.
    [Show full text]
  • La Revolució Francesa I La Seva Ambivalent Herència Política*
    DOSSIER MONOGRÀFIC LA REBEL·LIA La Revolució Francesa i la seva ambivalent herència política* Edgar Straehle** Universitat de Barcelona [email protected] Resum: Hi ha esdeveniments del passat que tenen una gran productivitat cap al futur. En aquest article s’examina de quina manera un episodi com la Revolució Francesa ha estat capaç de generar una ambivalent tradició política i de pensament que travessa els darrers dos segles i arriba fins al present. D’altra banda, es recuperen els debats intel·lectuals que s’interrogaven sobre quina havia de ser la relació del present amb el passat en els mo- ments revolucionaris. Finalment, es mostra que moltes de les invocacions al llegat de la Revolució Francesa podien combinar-se amb un intent de superació de les seves contra- diccions o limitacions. Paraules clau: Revolució Francesa, memòria, tradició revolucionària, Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin. Abstract: There are events from the past that have inspired great future productivity. This article examines how an episode such as the French Revolution could generate an ambivalent tradition of politicas and thought spanning the past two centuries up till the present day. Then, it tackles the intellectual debates that questioned what the relationship of the present to the past should be in revolutionary times. Finally, it shows how many of the invocations to the legacy of the French Revolution could be combined in an attempt to overcome its contradictions or limitations. Keywords: French Revolution, memory, revolutionary tradition, Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin. * La investigació d’aquest text s’ha realitzat en el marc del projecte Vulnerabilidad en el pensamiento filosófi- co femenino.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining the Space of Politics in Revolutionary France
    UC Berkeley New Faculty Lecture Series (formerly Morrison Library Inaugural Address) Title Creative Negations: Defining the Space of Politics in Revolutionary France Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3bp0x2h6 Author Bates, David Publication Date 2000 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California M o r *r i s o. n L i -b -r a r y In a u g u r a . A d "d r e s s S e r i e s m. .': De.fini the 0 Fr Creativ'e Negati'ons: * Deinig teSpace ofPolitics in Revolutionary Frnce University of California, Berkele~y 2000, Morrison Library Inaugural Address Series No.20 Editorial Board Jan Carter, issue editor Carlos R. Delgado, series editor Morrison Library: Alex Warren Text format and design: Mary Scott . C) 2000 UC Regents ISSN: 1079-2732 Published by: The Doe Library. University of California Berkeley, CA 94720-6000 We wish to thank the Rhetoric Department for supporting the lecture and the publication of this issue. PREFACE The goal of this series is to foster schol- arship on campus by providing new faculty members with the opportunity to share their research interest with their colleagues and students. We see the role of an academic li- brary not only as a place where bibliographic materials are acquired, stored, and made ac- cessible to the intellectual community, but also as an institution that is an active partici- pant in the generation of knowledge. New faculty members represent areas of scholarship the University wishes to develop or further strengthen. They are also among the best minds in their respective fields of specialization.
    [Show full text]
  • Testing the Narrative of Prussian Decline: the Rhineland Campaign of 1793
    Selected Papers of the Consortium on the Revolutionary Era (2020). Testing the Narrative of Prussian Decline: The Rhineland Campaign of 1793 Ethan Soefje University of North Texas On 14 October 1806, the Prussian army, long considered Europe’s best, collided with Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte’s Grande Armée at the twin battles of Jena and Auerstedt. In these engagements, Prussia suffered one of the worst military disasters in modern history. In a single day, the Prussian army effectively ceased to exist as a fighting force. In the following year, Napoleon forced Prussia to accept a peace that made it little more than a subordinate ally. However, over the next six years, a group of Prussian officers attempted to reform the Prussian army and state at almost every level in order to liberate Prussia from Napoleon’s control. They increased the army’s light infantry, adopted combined arms divisions as well as a new General Staff system, and endeavored to create a national army similar to the French model. While not all of their measures were successful, they produced a powerful modern army that played a leading role in driving Napoleon from Germany in 1813. This story of Prussia’s defeat and subsequent reform has dominated the historiography of Napoleonic Prussia. While Napoleon has received the vast majority of historical attention, those who have written on Prussia have focused on the Prussian reform movement or the Prussian army’s campaigns against Napoleon. Historians such as Peter Paret, Gordon A. Craig, and T. C. W. Blanning all argue for the ineffectiveness of the Prussian army before the reform movement.1 These historians present the Prussian army before 1807 as an ossified relic, a hopelessly backward and rigid army commanded by a series of septuagenarians.2 The complete collapse of the Prussian army in 1806 has colored historians’ understanding of it from the end of the Seven Years War to the Jena campaign.
    [Show full text]