G    G  The recent demonstration against the BNP’s Red White & Blue Festival was excellent with a very good mobilisation from across the country bringing 2000 protestors to Codnor in Derbyshire. With perhaps ten times that number it might have been possible to tie-up the police and break out across the fields to the BNP’s barbed-wire compound but given the balance of forces in the real world the demonstration achieved all it possibly could and was a great success. Particular praise is due to the UAF supporters and others who blockaded the roads to prevent BNPers entering- including the Birmingham comrades who were first on the scene shortly after 8am and who stayed there all day.

In case anyone is in any doubt about whether such tactics are effective, the good news is that we probably won’t have to do it again next year- at least not in Codnor. The BNP have issued a press release saying they will be seeking another venue next year!

Clearly they have been embarrassed by the fact that up to half of those expected did not get through to, or chose not to attend, their festival. Only two of their high profile international guests- prominent fascists from France, Italy and elsewhere, made it through with many others turning away. Local pressure already meant that the Festival had no alcohol or music licences- under these conditions- and with 2000 protestors outside- it is difficult for the BNP to turn its soft-support and new members into the kind of hardened cadres it needs. Given this humiliation, a little infighting in the BNP’s ranks would not go amiss!

However, we must not forget they still have over 50 local councillors, 2 MEPs and a seat on the Greater Authority GLA.

Recent ‘demonstrations’ by the - a BNP ‘arms-length’ thug outfit may be part of an attempt by them to test the water to see if they can control the streets sufficiently now to start to hold more open meetings and demonstrations. In Birmingham they were sent packing by Asian, black and white youth but they remain an ever- present danger.

So what needs to be done? We believe there are two strands to a successful anti-fascist strategy.

1. A Mass Anti-Fascist Movement

Unite Against needs to grow- not just bigger but broader, pulling in wider forces from way beyond the activist left and minority communities. We need to sink deep roots in communities and workplaces and give the lie to any claims of being ‘outside agitators’. It needs to reach across the political, cultural and religious spectrum- any anti-fascist platform needs to have the widest array of speakers- including Labour, Lib-Dems, Greens, Jews, Christians and Muslims and anyone else willing to make a stand against the fascists. However, this should not be counterposed to physical defence of our streets, our places of worship and our communities. Self-defence is no offence and we need to work hard to win the ears first and then the hearts and minds of community leaders and elders to put that case clearly.

To this end we support the call put out by THE STIRRER for the biggest possible show of unity against the racists and we endorse the response to that call by West midlands UAF- both reprinted in this Bulletin

2. A Broad, Socialist party

Those of us on the Left, socialists with a clear and distinct analysis of fascism and the conditions which allow it to breed, have a particular responsibility to start to build a political alternative not just to the politics of hate represented by the BNP but to the politics of despair represented by the other parties which offer no solutions to economic crisis, unemployment and environmental degradation. This requires the building of a broad, socialist party. It is a distinct project from UAF and the wider anti-fascist movement but is not opposed to it. Any broad party would be centrally involved in but would also seek to explain the growth of the Nazis and offer solutions- including at the ballot box. The argument ‘vote anyone but BNP’ can founder when the ballot paper offers no positive choices- just a promise of more of the same.

For a glimpse of what is possible, we need only look across the Channel to France where the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste groups together the Left with anti-capitalist youth. It is involved with the day-to-day economic and social struggles of the working class, black and white. It actively opposes the fascist Front National and solidarises with the struggles of Muslim youth and it contests elections at local, regional and national levels. The NPA has around 10,000 members and includes the French co-thinkers of both the British Socialist Workers Party and the Socialist Party.

Closer to home we have the example of the Peoples Alliance in the North West which has recently come into being with the support of the Community Action Party (centred on Wigan and Leigh, this has councillors and local roots), the Socialist Party and South Lancashire RESPECT (see elsewhere in this Bulletin for more details).

During the Euro elections, the railworkers union- RMT- backed candidates standing on a “NO2EU – Yes to Democracy” platform. This was significant more for what it represented than for what it achieved. It was the first time a national trades union had entered the electoral field against the Labour Party. The fact that the RMT remains committed to an electoral alternative is very important as is the fact that other unions may be convinced to follow suit- most notably the firefighters (FBU) and the civil servants (PCS).

We need to start now to try and bring the forces of the Left together- on a very loose basis at first and in carefully targeted areas. Maybe, in the form of non-aggression or mutual-aid pacts in areas where one group or another has a strong candidate- perhaps a prominent figure or a sitting councillor with significant local support.

Names which spring to mind as worthy of the support of the whole Left are , sitting RESPECT MP, Dave Nellist, Coventry councillor and former Labour MP, Michael Lavalette, SWP councillor in Preston, Salma Yacoob, Birmingham Sparkbrook councillor, Valerie Wise, former Preston council leader. Other names will come forward as the General Election approaches.

The fight to drive back the BNP will be long and hard, the fight to destroy the sewer of capitalism which allows such rats to breed, longer and harder still, but what start to do now can lay the foundations of the future.    18-08-2009

The prospect of another protest against Muslim “extremism” in Birmingham – and the likelihood of an anti-fascist demo to oppose it - looks like bad news for the city. But Stirrer editor Adrian Goldberg wonders whether a negative can be turned into a positive. Some time in the next few weeks, the English and Welsh Defence League and their assorted hangers-on look set to visit Birmingham again in the name of combating what they regard as Islamic “extremism”. Their first suggested date of August 30 appears to be a no go, as scheduled track repairs that weekend will seriously hamper the rail network, reducing the possible number of recruits from around the country. As it’s a Bank Holiday weekend, some of those who might otherwise be attracted will be spending time with their families anyway, while the significant football mob element of the EDL’s support will be, er, watching football. That leaves the following Saturday, September 5 as the likely protest date – an afternoon when there are no Premier League or Championship matches because England have a World Cup qualifier. What could be better than a gathering of the knuckle-dragging clans to watch the game on the box in Brum, and hurl obscenties at anyone with a dark skin. When you throw an afternoon of booze and footy-fuelled patriotism into an already volatile mix, not to mention the likelihood of another counter demo by Unite Against Fascism, it’s surely not being alarmist to imagine a repeat of the mini riot of August 8 which shamed the city. The irony, of course, is that many of those involved in the recent ruckus didn’t come from Birmingham. Both the UAF and EDL may well have supporters in the West Midlands, but to a large extent, this trouble was “bussed” into the city by outsiders with a wider political agenda. Fair enough, you might think. This is a country that cherishes free speech, and the right to protest is enshrined in law. My hunch, though, is that most people in the greater Birmingham area don’t feel represented by either group. Most of us have grown up in a multi-cultural, cosmopolitan city and revel in the diversity it brings. Others have moved here and stayed precisely because it’s a place where bigotry doesn’t prevail. Whether it’s baltis, UB40 or the great Irish boozers of Digbeth, Birmingham is living proof that people from all kinds of background can get along just fine. That’s not to pretend that there are never tensions and disagreements – some of them based along racial and religious lines. But, being Brummies, we like to settle our disputes through words and wit – not boots and fists. To reflect this, I wonder if there’s scope for a positive campaign to counter the negative images that another demonstration is likely to bring. Maybe those of us who believe in tolerance can come together on the day in question in another part of the city centre, well away from the demonstrators, to show another, more accurate face of Birmingham? It would give people of different colours and varying faiths a chance to show to the outside world the true face(s) of this great city. For those who can’t attend, a Facebook group could be set up, allowing them to at least register their support. Granted, it’s not as “sexy” as photos of a good punch-up or youtube footage of youths being rounded up by hard-pressed coppers, but it would at least give those of us who actually care about where we live – and who have to pick up the pieces when the outsiders have gone home – the chance to say we did out bit. Birmingham United, anyone?  

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 RESPECT Councillor Salma Yaqoob, spoke at the rally against the English Defence League on August 8 th :

“The instigators of this demonstration are fascist thugs. They are coming to our city with one intention only; to sow racist division by stirring up anti-Muslim hatred.

“One of their ringleaders made their intentions very clear when he publicly stated his opposition to ‘all Muslims practising their faith in Britiain’, and admitted links with the BNP.

“The police have assured me that they will deal with any troublemakers. I am concerned, though, that the West Midlands Police are playing down the racist nature of this protest, and the links the protesters have with far-right organisation. Everyone has a right to voice their opinions, but no-one has the right to incite hatred against others on the grounds of race or religion. It is very important that the West Midlands Police act firmly to deal with any incitement to racist hatred.”

“Birmingham is a multi-cultural city and proud of it. It is also important that people of all faiths and cultures stand together in the spirit of peace and unity. We must show these people that they are not wanted here, and that Birmingham will not be divided by race or faith”.

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“Ending The Nightmare” can be obtained from Socialist Resistance supporters. PEOPLES ALLIANCE LAUNCHED IN GRIFFINS BACKYARD- A POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE TO NEW LABOUR, TORIES & THE BNP

Stephen Hall, South Lancs RESPECT, reports on the founding of a new organisation in the North West:

Despite Wigan's 5-0 thrashing by Manchester United in the town on the same day, when it comes to 'Premiership' flight progressive politics the day's result from the nearby Pemberton Labour Club was altogether different. What was witnessed there, less than two miles away, just off the road to Wigan Pier, was an even greater display of political 'footwork' with 5 parties having united for the launch of the new Wigan People's Alliance.

The rousing launch rally which was supported by the , Community Action Party, Socialist Party, Green Party and the SWP was attended by 70 people including members of the local Trades Council.

Speaker after speaker, including Coventry Socialist Party Councillor and ex-Labour MP Dave Nellist, Nahella Ashraf of the SWP, Alan Johnson from the Green Party, and Peter Franzen of the Wigan based Community Action Party commended the grassroots unity which has and is still being practically forged in the Wigan area around the fight against local school closures, PFI, job & service cuts, and around other issues as well. Also in terms of the decision to unite around the People's Charter, which is the platform on which the new alliance is based and which has widespread support within the unions, the new alliance's attempt to provide a genuine working class 'people's' political alternative to the traditional parties and the BNP in the forthcoming elections.

Nick Griffin now regularly visits to the Wigan area since his election as a Euro MP and the fact that BNP are wanting to make a big organisational push in Wigan has helped to focus our minds especially since their activities puts us very much in the front line of the fight against the fascists.

However, while their activities are obviously of great concern, the main political enemy of ordinary people in our area at this moment in time is actually the Labour Party, they are the ones leading the attacks on ordinary folk now, and who are already preparing themselves for the loss of their overall control of the Council in the local elections by courting the Tories with a view to forming a coalition administration. The last thing most people want to see in Wigan are the Tories getting back into power nationally, but that is precisely the prospect they are currently faced with under New Labour and in the case of Wigan Council a joint Tory-New Labour administration. We want to stop that happening by offering a genuine 'People's' alternative' that fights for ordinary people both on a day to day basis and at the ballot box.

Manchester United may have bagged five goals at football in Wigan on Saturday, but as a city Manchester is politically and organisationally behind Wigan in terms of the huge tasks ahead of us. But they could catch us up and likely supersede us in a matter of weeks if they made the same effort as we have. The same political forces and campaign activists who are working together in Wigan are to be found in Manchester and in much greater numbers. So just what is holding everyone back??

The Wigan People's Alliance is now afloat and shows the way forward. What we are wanting to do now is make it not just an alliance of progressive political parties which aims to link up with progressive unions to fight this or that campaign and/or the elections, but a genuine alliance of the people at a grassroots level.

Stephen Hall , South Lancashire Respect Party Fighting the Fascists: Why We Must Oppose State Bans

As we go to press it is unclear whether the Birmingham United event will take place.

Worryingly, however, voices have been raised for the police to impose a ban on the English Defence League and other right-wing groups from holding marches or rallies in Birmingham- citing the precedent of Luton where a three month ban is now in place.

http://www.thestirrer.co.uk/police-meet-over-demo-ban- call-2708091.html

The email below has been circulated by West Midlands Unite Against Fascism , presumably with the approval of the local Socialist Workers Party :

Please forward to the following.  RH Alan Johnson Home Secretary - [email protected] Chief Constable West Midlands Police - [email protected]  Cabinet Member for Equalities of Birmingham City Council - [email protected]  The English Defence League has already come to Birmingham twice. Their conduct on both occasions, and the statements of their supporters on the Internet, clearly demonstrate their racist intent. Their presence threatens to produce conflict in our city, and they are now saying they will return in September.  While the right to assembly and free speech are important rights, they do not extend to inciting racial and religious hatred, especially where this has the potential to cause violence. If an explicitly racist organisation is allowed to rally in the centre of Birmingham, with its supporters hurling racist abuse, it is highly likely that disturbances will ensue.  The EDL has already been banned from Luton by the Chief Constable, supported by the Home Secretary, and we believe that Birmingham should follow this sensible example.

Salma Yaqoob, Respect Party councillor has also added her voice to those seeking a ban. Speaking passionately at a UAF public meeting on 23 rd August, and addressing her comments to the senior police officers in attendance, Salma rightly pointed out that the police, media and some figures in the local council had simply sought to portray recent confrontations between EDL and UAF as two gangs intent on nothing more than a punch-up. There is a reluctance from the establishment to recognise that the EDL and similar groups are racist and a tendency to accept their claims to be marching against ‘’ or ‘Sharia law’. Salma quite legitimately asks that the police take seriously the threat posed to minority communities- principally Muslims- but then frames this as a demand for a ban on them holding marches or rallies in the city, which would send out the message that they are not a legitimate organisation.

Whilst we have no regard for abstract ‘democratic rights’ for the preachers of racial hatred and for those who use those rights to organise to deprive others of their rights- all too often such bans are used against the left and minority communities, against our legitimate right to protest and our right to self-defence.

Indeed, Alan Rudge- Cabinet Member for Equalities & Birmingham City Council's representative for “community cohesion” has already written to his colleagues:

“I deplore the demonstrations held by both the United Against Fascism (UAF) and the English and Welsh Defence League (EWDL). Demonstrations of this nature merely seek to cause disunity and conflict between and across our communities often for political gain. I am determined that scenes of this nature will not be repeated on our streets and I have written to West Midlands police in order that we can work together to prevent any further scenes of this nature.”

It is clear that Rudge draws an equals sign between the fascists and the opponents of fascism and there is no way we can trust people like him with implementing a ban on the far-right.

There is every likelihood that a ban on demonstrations in the city would be a blanket ban. This would affect not only UAF campaigning activity but may impact on the day of action for the Vestas workers on 17 th September and the national Pensioners Convention rally on the 17 th October and many other events.

It would certainly restrict our ability to respond quickly to events.

Indeed, if we accept the precedent of allowing the state to ban demonstrations because there might be ‘trouble’ then it puts in jeopardy future anti-fascist events such as the recent successful mobilisation at Codnor as the police might be tempted to ban public demonstrations from an area whilst allowing the fascists to go ahead with a rally or festival which, since it is on private land, they have no current power to ban.

In this context, it is worth quoting from an excellent article which appeared in the Socialist Workers Party’s in 2001 by and Lindsay German:

“We cannot rely on the ruling class, whatever liberal noises it makes, to stop the Nazis. This is especially true over the question of banning the Nazis. It seems an attractive option --after all, how better to get the Nazis off the streets--but the experience is that such bans have nearly always been used to stop the left mobilising. The 1936 Public Order Act was rushed through after 100,000 workers stopped the British Union of Fascists marching through the East End of London at Cable Street. The police had made a determined attempt to clear the way for the fascists but were defeated by mass mobilisation. A Tory government promised the new law would stop the fascists. In reality it has been used against trade unionists and the left.

Bans have been used to demobilise the anti-fascist movement. What is happening under New Labour is worse than that. The bans are primarily aimed at preventing anti- fascist and anti-racist activities. It reached a new low in Welshpool, where the BNP staged a 'Red, White and Blue Festival', when Anti Nazi League activists were individually banned from the town, an exclusion zone was created round the town, and police said nobody would be allowed through unless they produced a BNP membership card! Anti-fascists are then presented as the problem.

The only guarantee of stopping the Nazis is by mobilising wherever they try and organise.”

Full text of the article is here: http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/sr255/bambery.htm

It would be interesting to know if the SWP comrades have now changed their tune or do they still hold to the long-standing position of their party as outlined above?

Any comments or responses to this article would be welcomed. Email [email protected]

From the archives… Ernest Mandel on Fascism

The first advances which the fascists made, were mainly among student movements and in student milieus. Hitler gained majority support at German universities, many years before he actually had a significant proportion of the German electorate behind him. The same applies to an even greater extent to Italy and Spain. When the Popular Front battled at the polls in 1936, the Latin quarter of Paris was, ironically, dominated - immediately before and after the general strike of June 1936 - by the semi-fascist "Action Francaise", i.e. by an organisation on the far-right of the French political spectrum.

ATOMISATION

An important characteristic of fascist dictatorships, both in Italy, in Hitler's Germany and in Spain, was the total atomisation of the working class, and the smashing of workers organisations, which serves to disable well-organised resistance of the working class right from the very start. So long as broadly organised resistance persists, there can be no question of a truly fascist dictatorship. The role and historic peculiarity of fascism was precisely to smash this resistance, and realise the total atomisation of the working class.

Dictatorships have emerged in the most diverse forms - the history of capitalism is, in a certain sense, the history of all kinds of dictatorships - but a "dictatorship" in and of itself is not yet "fascism".

Military dictatorships can be found, as in Greece, which by their very nature are not in any position to atomise the worker's movement. In most imperialist countries, the working classes comprise tens of millions of people, and you cannot stop them from mobilising with 10,000 policemen or soldiers.

Definitive of fascism is that, beyond the military and police apparatus, the fascists have available mass organisations which can terrorise and repress, which can keep the entire working class in a modern, industrialised country "behind bars" so to speak. This fascist terror network has practical- technical presuppositions. The state must have at least one spy in every neighbourhood, in every office, factory and school, in each of its departments, and often, even inside people's residences, which makes it possible to crush even the most elementary forms of mass organisation and mass resistance.

RESISTANCE

At the same time, there are psychological and socio-political reasons to do with workingclass consciousness, that prevent an active, resolute proletariat, aware of its historical and immediate political tasks, from being atomised and leg-ironed in this way. A devastating political and psychological defeat, the wholesale destruction of the political self-confidence of the proletariat and their acquiescence, demoralisation or resignation, must therefore precede any struggle and stabilisation of fascist political power.

However, once this terrible situation has occurred, the organised resistance by the working class becomes impossible for quite some time. This is proved by the historical experience of classical fascist dictorships. Spanish fascism eventually broke up through its internal development, and became a decadent military dictatorship, which failed to prevent mass resistance by the working class, and in fact does not prevent it.

In the three classical fascist dictatorships I mentioned (Germany, Italy, and Spain until about 1953), there were to be sure thousands upon thousands of resistance actions by communists, social democrats and revolutionary socialists from all sorts of different currents. The point however was, that they could agitate only as individual groups, as small islands in the broad movement, but not as an organised workingclass movement.

So the resistance against fascist rule therefore by definition has this atomised, relatively individualistic character. Yet, and this is the key point, from the moment there is no longer any question of organised mass resistance, but only of resistance by individuals, i.e. from the moment that individual consciousness and even just pure moral outrage becomes a prominent, immediate source of motivation for action, the intelligentsia is without doubt much better equipped than other social strata to engage in it.

It was easier for the intellectuals to get worked up about genocides and fight them, than for isolated workers lacking access to all the facts. Through the effective atomisation of the working class wrought by a fascist dictatorship, the subjective preconditions for individual revolt were reached with much greater difficulty among workers, than among intellectuals. That's why the intellectuals assumed such an important place, when mass resistance against the consolidated power of fascism took off again.

ITALY AND YUGOSLAVIA

In Italy, the first political organisation produced by the new resistance movement was the Giustizia e Liberta group. This group didn't actually form part of the old Communist Party or the social democrats; it consisted exclusively of students and intellectuals. Later, it founded the so-called "Action Party", which played an important role in the armed resistance between 1943 and 1945. The role of small-size resistance groups of German intellectuals and students after the outbreak of world war 2 is quite well-known; the same applies to Spain, during the interval between 1946 and 1953.

In connection with my thesis, however, I ought to mention one other example, which at first sight contradicts what I said, but in reality confirms it. The only European country which, after world war 2, experienced an organic socialist revolution, a revolution realised with active support from the masses of the population, in the wake of popular resistance against fascism, was Yugoslavia.

Only in the Yugoslav territories could the Communist Party organise the whole student movement and bring it under its control before the outbreak of war. The great majority of those who founded the Yugoslav partisan movement in World War 2 likewise came from the intelligentsia. The workers only joined in later, on a much bigger scale, with a more disciplined organisation than the students had.

Most of the students, I regret to say, were actually killed, because they usually lacked the organisatorial qualities, professionalism and the self-discipline of the workers, indispensable for this kind of anti-fascist campaign. Nevertheless, they were the first to throw themselves into battle, and so, you have to give credit where credit is due. It was a similar story in Cuba, after the Batista dictatorship was established.

- from: Ernest Mandel, "The role of the intellectuals in class struggles"(1969), an unpublished English translation from the slightly revised German/French/Dutch versions, by Jurriaan Bendien, May 1987.

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