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Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for

Spring 1982

The Landscape Of Ukrainian Settlement In The Canadian West

John C. Lehr University of Winnipeg

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Lehr, John C., "The Landscape Of Ukrainian Settlement In The Canadian West" (1982). Great Plains Quarterly. 1655. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1655

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT IN THE CANADIAN WEST

JOHN C. LEHR

To journey through parts of the western in­ belt where wood, water, and meadowland were terior of Canada at the turn of the century was available in abundance. Their uniformity in to experience the cultural landscapes of the appraising the resources of the land and their peasant heartland of Europe. Nowhere was this strong desire to settle close to compatriots, more true than on the northerly fringes of the friends, and kinfolk led to the formation of a parkland belt and across the. southern reaches series of large ethnically homogenous block of the boreal forest pioneered by Ukrainian settlements that eventually spanned the West immigrants from the Austrian provinces of from southeastern Manitoba to central Alberta Galicia and Bukovyna. (Fig. 1).2 Between 1892, when the fIrst small group of seven Ukrainian families settled in Alberta, THE ESTABLISHED FRAMEWORK and 1914, when the outbreak of war in Europe FOR SETTLEMENT terminated immigration from Austria-Hungary, more than 120,000 Ukrainians settled in Since the great majority of Ukrainian immi­ Canada. 1 Almost all of these people were of grants lacked the capital to purchase improved peasant stock and most sought land on the lands in settled areas, of necessity they sought agricultural frontiers of the West. Driven by a out the "free" homestead lands on the edge of resolve to secure the wide resource base essen­ settlement. There they faced a wilderness of tial for subsistence agriculture, they avoided unbroken land and uncleared bush. To the the open prairies and gravitated to the unsettled European mind, accustomed to the manicured lands on the northern reaches of the parkland order and serenity of the long-established land­ scapes of the Old World, the Canadian frontier seemed wild and untrammeled. But it was a bounded and ordered wilderness; dominion John C. Lehr is assistant professor of geogra­ phy at the University of Winnipeg. He has surveyors had slashed section lines through it emphasized the settlement of Mormons and with geometric precision, dividing the land Ukrainians in his publications, which have into townships of thirty-six square miles, each appeared chiefly in Canadian journals. subdivided into mile-square sections, which in

94 THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 95

--:------,------, I I I \ I \ I I I I I I I I I I I I ,I ,I I ,I \ \ KEY "~I \ 1 STAR 2 PRINCE ALBERT "- 3 FISH CREEK '" \ , 4 YORKTON AREA '\ 5 DAUPHIN \ 6 SHOAL LAKE \ INTERLAKE \ \ STUARTBURN "­ \ 9 WHITE MOUTH I • AREA OF SOLID UKRANIAN SETTLEMENT - I, I \ ----~-----~------~------Source: Public Archives of Canada, Record Group 76, Records of Homesteod Entry, and field research

FIG. 1. Ukrainian block settlements in western Canada, 1914. turn were quartered into the 160-acre units immigrants stayed within the bounds of the deemed to be the efficient size for agriculture institutional framework marked by the lines in the new territory. 3 of the survey. The basic infrastructure of set­ Few settlers of any nationality ventured tlement-the layout of roads, spacing of farm beyond the limits of the survey. Squatting, the units, and spacing and placement of settle­ illegal occupation of land ahead of the survey ments-was preordained for them. The patterns and not yet opened to settlement, was not a enshrined in administrative ordinances, even if common practice. The Canadian West knew no not yet manifested on the ground, reflected equivalent of the claim clubs of the American the interests of the corporate and governmental West. Although the survey had made accommo­ elite of English Canada. The immigrant was dation for those established in the territory forced to accommodate to this institutional prior to its acquisition by Canada in 1870 (for framework which bound his actions, deter­ example, the long lot surveys granted to the mined the spatial layout of his landscape, and Metis), the government was determined to im­ molded his society in the new land. The Do­ pose an efficient, regular, and uniform system minion Lands Act required that any settler of land subdivision across the western interior. claiming homestead land had to reside upon his For a settler to move ahead of the survey was quarter section for at least six months per year risky. He stood to lose everything if his im­ for three years before a patent was obtained.5 provements were found to lie on a road allow­ The act thus precluded nucleated settlement in . ance or on lands later selected by a railway newly settled areas and made einzelhof, or company as part ofland grant.4 dispersed settlement, the norm throughout the The venturesome but not foolhardy peasant western interior. By opening only alternate 96 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1982 sections to homestead settlement and by re­ tecture, farm layouts, and fence types, are serving in each township two sections for subject to the inevitable decay of material. school lands and one and three-quarters sec­ Furthermore, they are affected by the pres­ tions for the Hudson's Bay Company, the sures of cultural assimilation and the rate of Dominion Lands Act also ensured low densities economic progress. Hence they are all highly of settlement across the West. vulnerable to change. Ukrainian immigrants were accustomed to Despite these limitations on the transference village settlement. Both nucleated villages and of material culture, the Ukrainians quickly im­ strassendorfs, or street villages, were common pressed their presence upon the landscape. In in the western Ukraine. 6 Their society was the Hrst few years of settlement the sectional tightly knit in both physical and social senses, survey had little influence over the pattern of so the immediate concern of many Ukrainian communications. Local topography and Indian settlers was to achieve dense settlement and trails determined the Hrst pathways; only after thereby replicate the social interaction of the some years and the organization of local gov­ old-world village. Since village settlement was ernment districts did a road system following impossible within the terms of the Homestead the lines of the survey materialize. It was during Act, Ukrainian pioneers sought to increase those Hrst Hfteen or twenty years that the land­ settlement density by petitioning to settle on scape of Ukrainian settlement most closely both odd- and even-numbered sections, and resembled the landscape of their homeland. even resorted to the illegal subdivision of home­ Not only were vernacular forms transferred, steads into 80-acre holdings.7 For the most but there was also a return to the more simple part their efforts were of little avail. Though folk forms of earlier times, because in the fron­ the crown agents responsible for Ukrainian tier environment few pioneers could afford to settlement were sympathetic to their wish for invest the time and capital required to repli­ dense settlement and suggested the adoption cate the relatively elaborate forms of their of alternative strategies in placing Ukrainians previous houses. on the land, their superiors in Ottawa were not receptive to any departures from standard THE DOMESTIC LANDSCAPE practice.8 Nevertheless the determination of Ukrainians to live closely together led to the Effective shelter, quickly and cheaply built, creation of unusually dense settlements in was the immediate concern on the frontier. many areas, sometimes because the government Some immigrants resorted to cavelike dwellings permitted homestead settlement on both odd in riverbanks but most built a small one-room and even sections, but more often because, in hut, or sod-roofed earthen dugout, called a order to live near their friends and kin, the zemlyanka or borday. These temporary huts Ukrainians were prepared to homestead on were strongly reminiscent of the chimneyless lands refused as land grants by railway com­ choma khata (black houses) common in the panies and bypassed by other nationalities. 9 Carpathian region in the eighteenth century Since the immigrants were unable to trans­ but seldom encountered by the end of the nine­ fer the basic element of their cultural land­ teenth century. The dugout was similarly based scape-the system of village settlement-to upon a largely defunct folk form, the mountain western Canada, their new cultural landscapes hut, or staya, of the Hutsul shepherds of the were comprised of elements that were either Carpathians. 10 ephemeral or destined to be transient in the The Hrst shelters were built as temporary long term. Patterns of settlement and com­ dwellings and although most were used for munication are physically entrenched into only a few months (Fig. 2), some were occu­ the landscape, but other elements of material pied for several years. When the second, more culture, such as vernacular and religious archi- substantial, house was built, almost always in THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 97

FIG. 2. Temporary shelter of Ukrainian settler, Athabasca, Alberta, 1929. Public Archives of Canada. the traditional style, the first shelter was usual­ Horizontal log building was the most common, ly relegated to the function of store house or with saddle-notched corners on logs left in the summer kitchen (komora). As such, some round, and dovetailed corners on square logs. In survived for decades. areas of poor timber, post-and-Hll construction It was the second house, built in the tradi­ (Red River frame) and vertical logs (stockade tional style, that constituted a major element in walling) were also used. Details of construction the cultural landscape of the Ukrainian settlers. were not always evident, as the Ukrainians com­ Despite some variation in appearance reflecting monly plastered the walls with mud and lime­ the different regions of origin of Ukrainian washed the exteriors of their houses. settlers, there was a unity in the pioneer houses In the frontier era most Ukrainians thatched that revolved around the incorporation and their house roofs. Thatches ranged from the integration of several elements of form and crude and slapdash to the proHcient, reflecting decor. Most obvious of these were a southward the degree of familiarity with the art. Whereas orientation in a single-storey, rectangular house. in the old country rye straw was the thatching Virtually all of the houses had two or three agent, settlers in western Canada used slough rooms, a central chimney, and a gable, hipped­ grass. For practical reasons, a thatched roof was gable, or hipped roof (Fig. 3).11 either of hipped or hipped gable construction Almost all of these houses were made of and was invariably pitched steeply to allow logs and other locally available materials. rapid runoff. The overall effect was strikingly 98 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1982

FIG. 3. House built by' Ukrainian settler from Bukovyna, ca. 1920, Garden ton, Manitoba. Photograph by John c. LehT. different from that created by the buildings of highlands and foothills of the western Ukraine other nationalities settling the West. Anglo­ than of the wide, flat steppe1ands of central Canadians visiting the Ukrainian settlements Russia. But apart from the frontier rawness and commented upon the distinctive cultural land­ the dispersal of farmsteads, the landscape was scape, particularly the folk houses. In 1911 a essentially European. visitor to the Lamont area of Alberta wrote, Farm layout, fence types, water-drawing arrangements, and even types of crops bespoke we entered a district as typically Russian [sic 1 as though we had dropped into Russia European influences. Few survived for more itself. Here and there beside the winding than several years. The typical fence of the trail loomed groups of buildings, lowbrowed, western Ukraine, a kind of woven willow, was and usually thatched. These always faced used to protect kitchen gardens, but in the south. The houses were all of rough logs, wooded areas settled by Ukrainians, split logs rough hewed and chinked with a mortar or sawn boards were cheap and barbed wire made of clay and straw. Some were plas­ was soon readily available, so the old types tered on the exterior, and almost all of of fences quickly faded from the landscape. them had been lime washed to a dazzling The layout of farms was also affected by whiteness. 12 changing technology. In the old country, and The landscape was Ukrainian, not Russian, of in many early homesteads, farm buildings were course, and was more typical of the Carpathian arranged in the form of a square enclosing a THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 99 yard. In the Hutsul hrazhda found in the Carpathian highlands, the buildings were joined by a wall, but this stockade form was not transferred to Canada by Hutsul immigrants.13 One reason may have been that the form was redundant because the stock no longer needed such close protection, but a more likely ex­ planation is that the farmers realized that the arrangement was totally incompatible with the technology of North American agriculture. Lack of capital obliged many immigrants to retain traditional methods of farming for some years, but the ownership of farm machinery such as binders and swathers was desired for economic advantage and prestige. The acquisi­ tion of farm machinery made the old square farm layout inconvenient, and it became in­ creasingly so as mechanization proceeded and the turning circles of implements widened. A building arrangement suited to a farm operation FIG. 4. Ukrainian farm well and well sweep, dependent upon herded stock and hand­ 1916, southeastern Manitoba. Manitoba Ar­ harvested grain was inappropriate for team­ chives. drawn implements and totally impractical for fully mechanized operations. remains a prominent element of the landscape The choice of crops soon came to reflect the today, retained for utilitarian reasons by new realities of western Canada. Rye, a popular second- and third-generation Ukrainian farmers crop in the western Ukraine, was gradually (Fig. 4). replaced in Canada by the new early maturing wheats.14 Hemp, widely grown for its fiber THE SACRED LANDSCAPE and oilseed yields, declined in importance as cheap commercial products quickly replaced Religious architecture usually appeared in home-produced rope and cooking oil. 1S In­ the pioneer landscape within three or four years creasing integration into the market economy of settlement. In most cases the settlers who of North America further ensured conformity built the early churches replicated the styles of with Anglo-American norms of crop produc­ their homeland as they remembered them. The tion. Only the kitchen gardens associated with most apparent influence was seldom the ancient every Ukrainian farmstead reflected the dietary traditional style of the Carpathian Mountains and aesthetic predelictions of the western but rather the more Russified Byzantine archi­ Ukrainian peasant farmer. tecture which was then replacing the older The well sweep, or zhuravel', a device for forms in the western Ukraine.16 Like many drawing water from shallow wells, was widely other churches, the Ukrainian structures were used by the Ukrainian settlers and other immi­ divided into three parts-porch, nave, and grants. Well sweeps are closely associated with sanctuary. They were distinguished by two the Ukrainian cultural landscape because many major features, an onion-shaped dome and a of the farms were located on marshy marginal separate bell tower. Domes grace the churches land where water tables were high, rising to of other European cultures as well, but the within a few feet of the surface. In south­ distinctive form of the Ukrainian church eastern Manitoba, for example, the well sweep domes, more pear-shaped than rounded, became 100 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1982

FIG. 5. Ukrainian Greek Catholic (Uniate) Church near Lamont, Alberta. Note the separate bell tower behind the church. Photograph by John C. Lehr. so generally associated with the Ukrainians in the church was often the largest and tallest Canada that it has functioned as a hallmark of building in the pioneer countryside. The split Ukrainian-Canadian church architecture (Fig. of the Ukrainian immigrant community into 5). It was certainly seen as such by the pioneer two groups on the basis of religious affiliation community. If an early church was hurriedly led to an increase in the number of church built without the cupola, it was generally added buildings. Almost all immigrants from the at a later date. province of Galicia were adherents to the Greek Less obvious, but always present, was the Catholic (Uniate) Church; those from Bukovyna separate bell tower, which was kept apart from were mostly adherents to the Greek (Russian) the church building for traditional and historic Orthodox Church.17 Both groups were sus­ reasons, not through structural necessity. picious of, if not openly antagonistic toward Other features were the large cross denoting each other, and only in rare instances could consecrated ground, always prominently placed they agree to share a building of worship.18 before the church, and, on Greek Orthodox Even in the early days of settlement, there­ churches, the distinctive cross of orthodoxy fore, the landscape contained two parallel (Fig. 6). On the latter a crescent often lies systems of churches. below the slanted bar of the cross, signifying More Ukrainian churches appeared after the ascent of Christianity over Islam. the events of 1917: the Bolshevik revolu­ The Ukrainian church has been a prominent tion in Russia, the decline of the Russian element in the landscape from the pioneer era Orthodox church, and the founding of the to the present. Except for the grain elevator, Ukrainian Orthodox church in Canada. Rival THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 101

FIG. 6. Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Garden ton, Manitoba. Note the Orthodox cross with slanted bar and the cross denoting consecrated ground to the left of the church. Photograph by]ohn C. Lehr. congregations sought the allegiance of a poli­ its unique role, the church was buffered from tically, culturally, and religiously fragmented many acculturative influences. Thus the ques­ community. The legacy of this turmoil is tion of building churches in accordance with apparent in the landscape. In many areas, even Anglo-Saxon tastes could never arise until the decades later, up to four churches still watch sense of national consciousness had faded over a community of dwindling congregations. within the Ukrainian-Canadian community. The prominence of the Ukrainian church in the landscape reflected its position in pioneer PATHWAYS OF CULTURAL CHANGE society. In the absence of a Ukrainian state, the churches served as the guardian of cul­ The sheer size of Ukrainian block settle­ tural and ethnic identity.19 In this role the ments, some spreading over hundreds of square church was symbolic not only in a spiritual but miles, tended to delay the penetration of also in a national sense, and unlike most aspects Anglo-Saxon influences into immigrant life. In of the Ukrainian material culture, church archi­ the most remote and often poorer areas, Anglo­ tecture was relatively immune to the accultura­ Saxon influences were weak and folk architec­ tive influences of Anglo-Canadian society. tural styles changed little for decades after The church and the house were the two ele­ settlement. In contrast, those living on the ments in the Ukrainian pioneer landscape fringes of the block settlements began to that most faithfully reflected the level of incorporate alien traits into their houses within acculturation in immigrant society. Because of twenty years of settlement. By 1919 in the 102 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1982

Star district of Alberta, for example, most of intricately embroidered traditional dress.22 the recently built houses were described as These differences were reflected in the land­ "entirely Anglo-Saxon in design, well built scape as well. Elements that were the preserve and with sufficient windows.,,20 Nevertheless, of the men and fell under their jurisdiction many traditional elements survived in these proved to have low resistance to acculturative houses, most of which were architectural pressures, whereas the domain of the women hybrids. There was often a conscious effort showed a remarkable capacity to withstand the to embrace Canadian styles and an attempt to assault of acculturation. The aesthetics of the eliminate some of the more flamboyant aspects house, the arrangement and utilization of of the traditional style, so that houses became space, the decoration of interior and exterior more austere and simplistic in appearance than wall surfaces, and the embellishment of the their traditional counterparts.21 The super­ interior through ornamentation, were all largely ficial stylistic elements were discarded first. the preserve of the women and displayed the In some cases the addition of an extra half or Ukrainian influence. even a full storey gave the proHle of the house a Patterns of social behavior within the home more Anglo-Saxon appearance, but the basic largely determined the arrangement and use of folk forms did not change. There was little interior space. Since the peasant builder always variation in floor plans, wall ratios, door and designed from the inside out, the use of space window placement, and color preferences in determined the basic form of the folk house. the decor of the houses. Nor did construction Though alternative and more complex varia­ techniques or the choice of basic building tions of the house plan could be found, a materials change. The new houses, like the old, tripartite division of space was the usual pat­ were all made of logs. tern. The folk house-indeed, the entire pioneer The western half of the house was typically landscape-clearly reflected the pathways by subdivided into an entrance hall (siny) and a which alien cultural influences penetrated into living-kitchen area. The smaller of the two the Ukrainian community. Ordinarily it was the major rooms in the house, the living-kitchen men who served as the vehicle of acculturation area, was called the mala khata, or the "little because they were always more exposed to house"; the larger room on the eastern side was Anglo-Saxon influences. Journeys to local the velyka khata, or the "big house." These service centers and the widespread practice of terms reflect the growth of the folk house from working outside of the immigrant community simpler antecedent forms. brought them into contact with the wider The uniform arrangement of space within Canadian society; they gained prestige among the house had the effect of fossilizing the posi­ their peers if they were perceived as innovative tion of windows, doors, and chimneys. Thus, and progressive. The acquisition of machinery, even when the men changed the folk form by adoption of Canadian methods of farming, and incorporating Anglo-Saxon' ideas into the incorporation of English words into their design-adding a second storey or building a vocabulary-the trappings of assimilation-all lean-to extension on the side of the house­ enhanced their status. In contrast, the women the basic arrangement of space and room plan seldom left the isolation of the homestead remained unaffected. Since the room arrange­ except to engage in in-group social activities, ment determined the basic character of the most of which revolved around family and house, the women's impact upon the wider church. They were the bearers, if not the guar­ landscape was considerable. dians, of culture. Portraits of any pioneer Similarly, the decor of the Ukrainian folk wedding demonstrate this pattern. Inevitably house was remarkably constant from the the menfolk are wearing "store-bought" suits, pioneer era onward. With the exception of a whereas the women are resplendent in their few settlers who came from the highlands of THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 103

Bukovyna, most Ukrainians plastered and CONCLUSION limewashed the exteriors of their log houses. Limewashing the outside walls was always the The obliteration of the landscape of Ukranian woman's task. It was usually done several times settlement has been accelerating. Pressures a year, and always before Easter celebrations. toward assimilation always accompanied the The women determined the precise color of the legitimate economic aspirations of the immi­ limewash by adding washing blue to the lime to grants. Too often "progress" bred a disdain for obtain the dazzling whiteness characteristic of the traditional, which was associated with the Ukrainian folk houses. In the pioneer era they unsophisticated, while it heightened regard for often made geometric designs in blue on the the modern-the North American-whether in house walls. Later this custom disappeared, clothing or house design. In this respect the but the people from Galicia painted all wooden landscape of Ukrainian settlement in western trim and doors in the same sky-blue color, Canada was always under pressure for change whereas those from Bukovyna frequently used from within as well as from without. a distinctive shade of green. The Ukrainian pioneer was in a powerless Differences in susceptibility to acculturative position in Canadian society. He was manipu­ pressures were also apparent in areas of Galician lated; seldom did he manipulate. Even the place and Bukovynian settlement. Although the names in Ukrainian settlements were estab­ two groups often settled together, they tended lished by English-speaking administrators, sur­ to retain their separate identities. 23 Coloniza­ veyors, and railway builders. The immigrant's tion agents regarded Bukovynian immigrants as position is reflected in the paucity of Ukrainian more bucolic and backward than their com­ toponyms in their areas of settlement. They patriots from Galicia. 24 The Bukovynians gave Ukrainian names to a few schools, some possessed a folk tradition that seems, at least school districts, and some small settlements on to non-Ukrainian eyes, more colorful, flam­ the outer fringes of the ecumene. Most service boyant, and expressive. Whether it reflects a centers were the products of the railway com­ deeper commitment to folk culture, a generally panies; it was only in later years that Ukrainians slower rate of economic progress, or simply drifted off their homesteads into the towns and the geographical location of their settlements villages along the railway lines. For this reason, is a matter for conjecture, but the Bukovynians even in small urban centers in the heart of showed more reluctance to incorporate Anglo­ Ukrainian block settlements, such as Vegreville Saxon elements into their landscapes. As a in the Alberta block, or Gardenton in south­ result, the Bukovynian landscape, though eastern Manitoba, there is little evidence in the fundamentally similar to that of their Galician form of architecture or place names that the fellows, retained a greater distinctiveness in the communities have long been predominantly postpioneer era. Ukrainian. In both Galician and Bukovynian areas it Because the Ukrainian settlements in west­ was only after decades of settlement that ern Canada were designed to serve the commer­ Canadian tastes were clearly reflected in the cial farmer and the interests of the institutional domestic landscape. When it occurred, the elite of eastern Canada, it was inevitable that change was often dramatic, because it involved Ukrainian pioneer landscapes would lose their the adoption of Anglo-Saxon "pattern-book" distinction and become homogenized by the house designs and a complete loss of continu­ onrush of Anglo-American technology and ity with traditional architectural forms. But the tastes. As rural depopulation, farm consolida­ stoutly built folk house did not disappear tion, and abandonment further hasten the from the countryside; it merely descended the obliteration of what is left of immigrant ma­ social scale and occupied a new role as storage terial culture in the 1980s, the church remains shed for equipment or grain. the embodiment of Ukrainian culture in the 104 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1982

FIG. 7. Ukrainian Orthodox Church of St. Vladimir, Vegreville, Alberta, built in 1974. The earlier church of the same name, bunt in traditional style in 1934, is seen in the back­ ground. Photograph by John C. Lehr. countryside. New churches designed by archi­ Policy Framework for Settling the Canadian tects in the past decade convey the traditional West, 1870-1880," Agricultural History 49 architectural elements only in an abstract or (1975): 613-28. stylized fashion (Fig. 7). But they fulfill their 4. Such losses often occurred when settlers role well and will endure \yhen all other ele­ did squat on unsurveyed land. D. T. Wilson, J. P., Assessippi, Manitoba, to the Minister of ments of the Ukrainian landscape have faded the Interior, Ottawa, December 24, 1904, from the scene. Public Archives of Canada, Record Group 15, B-Ia (224), me 410595 pt. 3 (969285). NOTES 5. Martin, Dominion Lands Policy, pp. 150-56. 1. William Darcovich and Paul Yusyk, 6. Canada, Parliament, Sessional Papers 34, eds., A Statistical Compendium of Ukrainians no. 10, 1900, pt. II, paper no. 13, report no. in Ganada, 1891-1976 (Edmonton: University 2, W. T. R. Preston to Lord Strathcona, Lon­ of Alberta Press, 1977). don, pp. 16-19. 2. John C. Lehr, "The Rural Settlement 7. Vladimir J. Kaye, Early Ukrainian Behaviour of Ukrainian Pioneers in Western Settlements in Canada, 1895-1900 (Toronto: Canada 1891-1914," in Western Canadian Re­ University of Toronto Press for the Ukrainian search in Geography: The Lethbridge Papers, Canadian Research Foundation, 1964), pp. ed. by B. M. Barr, B. C. Geographical Series no. 144-60. 21 (Vancouver: Tantalus Research, 1975), 8. "Placing Galician Immigrants," Depart­ pp. 51-66; idem, "The Government and the ment of the Interior, May 19, 1897, Public Immigrant: Perspectives on Ukrainian Block Archives of Canada, RG 76, vol. 144, me Settlement in the Canadian West," Canadian 34214 pt. 1 (37582); and William F. McCreary, Ethnic Studies 9, no. 2 (1977): 42-52. Commissioner of Immigration, Winnipeg, to 3. See Chester Martin, Dominion Lands James A. Smart, Deputy Minister of the In­ Policy, ed. by Lewis H. Thomas, Carlton terior, Ottawa, July 14,1897, Public Archives Library no. 69 (Toronto: McClelland and of Canada, RG 15, B-Ia (224), me 410595 (1) Stewart, 1973); and James M. Richtik, "The (433590). THE LANDSCAPE OF UKRAINIAN SETTLEMENT 105

9. John C. Lehr, "The Process and Pattern Austria and Hungary, ed. by Charles Holme of Ukrainian Rural Settlement in Western (London: Studio, 1911), p. 24. Canada, 1891-1914" (Ph.D. diss., University 17. Michael Hrushevsky, A History of of Manitoba, 1978), pp. 249-85. Ukraine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 10. Kaye, Ukrainian Settlements, p. 139; 1941) pp. 469-70. and Petro Zvarych, "Do pytannya i postupu 18. A lawsuit between the Greek Catholic v materiyal'ni kulturi ukrains'kykh poselentsiv and Russian Orthodox factions contesting the u kanadi" [On the Problem of Development ownership of a shared church building, erected and Progress in the Material Culture of Ukrain­ near Star, Alberta, by the Greek Catholic com­ ian Settlers in Canada], Zbirnyk na poshanu munity, was fought to the level of the Privy Zenona Kuzeli (Paris and New York: Zapysky Council. The costs to both sides were many naukovoho tovarystva im Shevchenka, 1962), times the value of the disputed church. For a pp.151-53. view biased toward the Orthodox case, see 11. The Ukrainian folk house in Western James G. MacGregor, Vilni-Zemli/Free Lands: Canada is described in John C. Lehr, Ukrainian The Ukrainian Settlement of Alberta (Toronto: Vernacular Architecture in Alberta, Historic McClelland and Stewart, 1969). Sites Service Occasional Paper no. 1 (Edmon­ 19. Hrushevsky, History of Ukraine, p. ton: Alberta Culture, Historic Resources Divi­ 469; Nathan Glazer, "Toward a Sociology of sion, 1976); idem, "Ukrainian Houses in Small Ethnic Groups: A Discourse and Discus­ Alberta," Alberta Historical Review 21, no. 4 sion," G:tnadian Ethnic Studies 12, no. 2 (1973): 9-15. (1980): 9-10. 12. Miriam Elston, "The Russian in Our 20. Miriam Elston, "Ruthenians in West­ Midst," Westminster (1915): 532. ern Canada: Canadian Citizens from Russians," 13. V. P. Samojlovych, Ukrains'ke Narodne Onward 26 (April 1919) n.p. Zhytlo [The Ukrainian Folk Dwelling] (Kiev: 21. The impact of acculturation on Ukrain­ Naukova Dumka, 1972), p. 30; Zenon Kusela, ian vernacular architecture is discussed more "Folk Architecture," in Ukraine: A Concise fully in John C. Lehr, "Changing Ukrainian Encyclopedia, vol. I (Toronto: University of House Styles," Alberta History 23, no. 1 Toronto Press, 1963), pp. 303-7. (1975): 25-29. 14. After two years of settlement in the 22. See, for example, John Panch uk, Stuartburn district of Manitoba, only two acres Bukowinian Settlements in Southern Manitoba of rye were cultivated by Ukrainian pioneers, (Battle Creek, Mich.: The author, 1971). compared to 49 acres of wheat and 327'2 acres 23. See Thomas McNutt, "Galicians and of barley. Public Archives of Canada, RG 76, Bukowinians," in The Story of Saskatchewan vol. 178, me 60868, pt. 1. and Its People, ed. by John Hawkes (Chicago 15. Personal communication, Ivan Dolyn­ and Regina: S.J. Clarke, 1924), pp. 731-32; chuk, Caliento, Manitoba, July 4, 1974; Fred and Lehr, "Process and Pattern," pp. 250-85. Kraynyk, Sirko, Manitoba, May 14, 1976; and 24. James S. Woodsworth, "Ukrainian Rural John Pamachuk, Arbakka, Manitoba, July 15, Communities: Report of Investigation by 1975. Bureau of Social Research, Governments of 16. N. Bilachevsky, "The Peasant Art of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta" (type­ Little Russia (The Ukraine)," in Peasant Art in written), Winnipeg, January 25, 1917.