Father Aubery's Liturgical Linguistics: an Ethnohistorical View

NICHOLAS N. SMITH Brunswick, Maine

The Jesuits' hundred years of successful experience converting Central American Indians established models for the North American missions that followed. Knowledge of the native language and the translation of the liturgy into the native language were important aspects for their success. In 1611 the Jesuit Enemond Masse spent the winter with the family of Louis Membertou, a son of Chief Membertou of Port Royal, learning the language (Wallis and Wallis 1955:16). The Capuchin brothers Eleazar, Felix of Troyes, and Francis Mary of Paris, teachers at the Port Royal Seminary, a school for Abenaki boys established in 1636, and the Port Royal Seminary for Abenaki Girls founded in 1641, were "quite familiar with the Abenaki language of those parts" (Lenhart 1916:227). Ignace de Paris arrived at the Acadian mission in 1641, benefiting from the linguistic work of his predecessors. He included the Penobscot and the Kennebec in his visitation and in 1646 welcomed Gabriel Druillettes who built a small church at Norridgewock (Comeau 1966). By 1647 there were a total of 12 Capuchin priests and five brothers assigned to Acadia (Morrison 1984:80). In 1646 Wabanaki were being encouraged to move to Sillery, and by 1676 a group of Rhode Island Indians had arrived there; within a year they were followed by Sokoki, Loup, and Pennacook. After the defeat of King Philip most southern New England Indians were forced to move to Indian Towns to become europeanized. Day (1994-95, l:vii) noted that large groups of Sokoki, Pennacook, and Cowassuck migrated to Odanak, many remaining there. Others looking for a new homeland moved further north; missionaries at Sillery noted the difference in language spoken by those Abenaki already there and the newcomers (Sevigny 1973:122-5). Usually young seminarians were selected early in their training not only for the North American Indian missions but for a specific mission area, and were sent to Quebec to complete their training, including learning the language of the group to which they would be assigned. Abenaki candidates were sent to either Sillery or Odanak. In 1677 Father Morain 324 NICHOLAS N. SMITH founded the Mission of the Good Shepherd at Riviere du Loup for Gaspe- sians and Etchemin, who he defined as Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, and Maliseet. On 20 June 1677 he wrote: Although they have but one language, it nevertheless has some variation in proportion as they live farther away from here; and, as those of Pemp- tegwet [Penobscot] are nearer the Abnakis, their language resembles that of the latter more closely. [Thwaites 1896-1901, 60:263] In 1675 Father Thury was sent to Canada to complete his seminary training; two years later he was ordained and was sent to Acadia where he obtained land for a Mirimichi mission. His work included visitations to the St. John River and Port Royal. Three years later he accepted an invitation from St. Castin to move to Pentagoet (Baudry 1966). Although I have found no references to linguistic manuscripts by Thury, he was said to be fluent in the Penobscot language. In 1683, after the Marchioness de Bauche presented funds to purchase land for a new church, Father James Bigot and his brother Vincent worked at the Wabanaki mission on the Chaudiere River (Shea 1869:392) and at St. Castin's fort on the Penobscot (Cummings 1895:181). They were credited with sending 600 Abenaki to the mission at St. Francis (Shea 1869:393). In 1685, when Bishop St. Valier stopped at Meductic on his way to Port Royal, the Maliseet asked for a missionary; Father Simon was assigned to Meductic in 1686. Soon after Rale arrived at Norridgewock in 1690 a group of "pagan" Maliseet invited him to be their priest. Rale declined, but he remained there, except for one brief assignment elsewhere, until he was murdered in 1724. However, he visited Wabanaki at Becancour and Lake Megantic (Shea 1869). Today Rale is best known for his Abenaki dictionary, preserved in the Harvard library in a strong wooden box. In 1730 Father de Syresme arrived at Norridgewock and built a new church. He died there in 1747. The post was vacant until 1750 when Father Pierre Entrain arrived; he stayed until 1754 when the mission was apparently abandoned (Lapomarda 1977:11) because the people had dis­ persed to other places. Missionaries created a foundation of more than 80 years of Wabanaki Christian liturgical material before Joseph Aubery arrived in New France to continue his seminary education. As a young lad, he had become extremely interested in the North American Indian missions and asked to FATHER AUBERY'S LITURGICAL LINGUISTICS 325 be assigned to New France. His request was granted; after finishinghi s courses at Laval, he was sent to the Abenaki village of Odanak for practical training. Several months later, on 21 September 1699, he was ordained and said his first mass there (Thwaites 1896-1901, 69:71). Soon he gained much admiration from the Abenaki elders for his eloquent oratory in the Wabanaki language (Johnson 1974:23). In 1701 he was assigned to the Maliseet at Meductic, replacing Father Simon who had died at his post (Raymond 1950:82). Aubery was accompanied to Meductic by Father Vincent Bigot who then continued on to the Penobscot mission. Missionaries given a brief introduction to the Wabanaki language were sent anywhere in the Wabanaki mission. They were frequently assigned to different villages and apparently encountered no major linguistic problems. John Elliot and Roger Williams were aware of /- and r-dialects. Father Antoine Silvy, who compiled a Montagnais dictionary near the end of the 17th century (Silvy 1974), deplored the fact that speakers of an /-dialect from south of the St. Lawrence were beginning to move into the Monta­ gnais area north of the St. Lawrence. There is no indication that Aubery had any problem using the Odanak language on the St. John River. Certainly this avid linguist would have detected a difference in the dialect, if there was one. In 1709, after seven years at Meductic, Aubery was reassigned to Odanak. His successor, Father Jean-Baptist Loyard, had received his linguistic training at Odanak (Leger 1929:106). We do not know when Aubery began compiling his Abenaki dictio­ nary, but his earliest known manuscript is thought to date from 1710. It is logical to assume that the compilation of more than 500 pages began soon after he was first assigned to Odanak, was continued at Meductic, and concluded at Odanak. He must have known that Rale was also compiling an Abenaki dictionary at Norridgewock, yet no record of correspondence or meetings between the two neighboring lexicographers exists. There are a number of Aubery manuscript dictionaries known, the last bearing the date 1750. Copies can be found in the Odanak museum, the Canadian Museum of Civilization, l'Archeveche de Quebec, and the Maine Histori­ cal Society. Copies of Aubery's manuscripts signed by the Indians Peter Louis, Theresa Takoubaque, Louis Phillippe Obasawin, and Joseph Laurent were rescued by A. I. Hallowell from a firea t the home of Chief Joseph Laurent (a descendent of the manuscript signer); they are now preserved in the Wabanaki Collection at the Huntington Free Library in Bronx, N.Y. 326 NICHOLAS N. SMITH

An unknown number of Aubery's manuscripts were lost when Rogers' Rangers attacked Odanak on 4 October 1759. In 1711 Etienne Laverjat, a new missionary, was sent to Aubery to receive instruction in the Wabanaki language. In his 50 years as a missionary, Laverjet served in seven different Indian villages within the Abenaki mission (Charland 1974); I have found nothing to indicate that he used anything but the Aubery liturgy. Father Germain, in his report on the Acadian mission for 1711, noted that the three missionaries of the Acadian mission (Rale of Norridgewock, Loyard of Meductic, and La Chasse of Pentagoet) are careful to visit one another and to assemble from time to time for the purpose both of confessing one another, and of conferring together respecting doubts that might arise in their minds, and the means that must be adopted for then own spiritual advancement and for the guidance of their flocks. [Thwaites 1896-1901, 66:207] One wonders why Aubery did not join them. The group would have benefited from his ten years of experience in the field. A related problem concerns Aubery's and Rale's linguistic abilities. Contemporary linguists agree that Rale was superior to Aubery, yet more copies of Aubery's liturgical manuscripts are known than those of Rale. Perhaps the answer is that Odanak had developed into a European church centered community faster than other areas. Odanak, so close to Quebec City, had become dependent on the city for economic opportunities, resulting in the beginning of the breakdown of the hunting lifestyle. Many Odanak new­ comers had been influenced by town life to some degree before migrating to Odanak. Aubery had had health problems in his youth that were taken into consideration before he was sent to the rigorous North American mission­ ary life. Apparently, he did not accompany members of his flock to their winter hunting camps as Druillettes and Rale did, but supervised the development of Odanak into a centralized community dominated by the church. Immigrants from the south accustomed to a village atmosphere must have found the village most welcome. Norridgewock and the other groups still maintained a much more traditional life style: there was little purpose to remaining in the village during the winter. Although Druillettes built a small church at Norridge­ wock, he adapted to the Wabanaki migratory lifestyle. Rale followed his example, accompanying family groups on their travels from the islands of FATHER AUBERY'S LITURGICAL LINGUISTICS 327

Casco Bay to the forests north of the St. Lawrence (Thwaites 1896-1901, 67:139, 219; Shea 1886:144). Rale's traditional Indians had apparently memorized the liturgy in the manner of those accustomed to an oral rather than a written system. Rale wrote down the words given to him by "his" Indians for his own benefit rather then for his congregation (Thwaites 1896-1901,67:143-5). On the other hand, Aubery advocated that young people copy his prayers, hymns, and service manual to use in the village church or when they were away hunting, a custom continued into the 19th and perhaps even the 20th centuries. Micmac missionaries also emphasized this practice. Le Clercq, who began his work among the Micmac in the 17th century, implemented a traditional hieroglyphic system. Young people copied prayers on birchbark for family use, a system that in the following century was continued and enlarged upon by Maillard. In 1791 John Thomson, an English sailor, obtained a hieroglyphic copy of the Lord's Prayer on birch bark from a Newfoundland Micmac (British Library, Add. MS 11038, fo. 13-16). Father Jean-Baptiste de La Brosse arrived in Canada in 1754. After a brief stay in Quebec he was sent to Acadia ministering to the Abenaki and Maliseet for about a year. In 1758 he was assigned to Odanak to assist Father Pierre-Joseph-Antoine Roubaud. La Brosse developed a fine reputation as a linguist. Two years after his arrival at Odanak he produced a manuscript, Index alphabeticus correspondens Sylvce vocum Uanbanakce- arum, et radicum Uabanakcearum Sylva ex variis veterum recentiorumque manuscript, codicibus collecta et alphab. ordini restitua, an Abenaki-Latin and Latin-Abenaki dictionary (Hanzeli 1969:126). This work, appearing only fiveyear s after Aubery's death, was written by "J. B. Nudenans". It was formerly thought that Nudenans was "an Indian instructed by the Jesuit fathers" (Gill 1886:16, Boardman 1900:157). Maliseet Peter L.Paul, who probably learned about Nudenans from Tappan Adney, translated the name Nudenans as 'helper', and assumed that it was the language of his people. The author has now been positively identified as La Brosse, and it is thought that he used the name because he wanted to be remembered as one who helped the Indians. Maurault makes no mention of La Brosse in his Histoire des Abenakis (1866); Charland (1942:121/i) gives one reference to him in his Histoire de Saint-Frangois-du-Lac. La Brosse was away from Odanak for at least several months during 1759 serving with the army at 328 NICHOLAS N. SMITH

Quebec and may have been captured (Knox 1914-16, 1:439; Hebert 1984:42, 238); others conjecture that it was Laverjat who was captured (Charland 1974). Some think that La Brosse had taken Aubery's Abenaki catechism and dictionary with him when he was with the army, thus saving it from destruction when Rogers' Rangers attacked Odanak (Hebert 1984:239). Perhaps La Brosse had recognized the need for an /-dialect dictionary like Aubery's when he was among the Maliseet in 1755-56, and was aware of the language transition going on at Odanak. After 1760 it was difficult to find replacements for the many French missionaries who had returned to France. There was a 30-year lapse before new missionaries were sent to most Indian villages. Most of the new clergy sent to the Abenaki missions found that manuscripts by Rale and Aubery were available for their use. In 1791 Francois Ciquard was sent to work among the Passamaquoddy, the first French missionary to come to Maine at the request of an American bishop. He arrived prepared to work in an Indian mission, but lacked the introductory linguistic training that his predecessors had received in Quebec. He had much difficulty with the language (Leger 1929:136). However, in 1794 Gov. Carleton was convinced that Ciquard knew the Wabanaki language so well that he invited him to officiate to the Maliseet who lived on the St. John River between Fredericton and Madawaska (Albert 1920:126). A pocket notebook in the Trinity College Library, Hartford, Conn., containing prayers, catechisms, confessions, etc., in both the r- and /-dialects, is credited to Ciquard, but Vetromile did not think that he could have mastered the language sufficiently to be the author of the manuscript (Erickson 1987:132). Ciquard probably copied the parts needed for his ministry from available manuscripts; it is typical of the small pocket notebooks with the important prayers, hymns, and liturgies that the missionaries carried with them at that time. There were Indians who spoke both dialects living in Ciquard's district. Erickson (1979) discovered a manuscript copy of the Kyrie signed by "Etienne Thomas" obtained in 1816 from an old Indian 100 miles up the St. John River1. This Maliseet document is evidence that the /-dialect had become well established on the St. John River at least a generation before

' The Thomas family has produced Maliseet chiefs for several generations Perhaps the name "Etienne" alludes to a marriage with a member of thl PenXot Attean family who were also chiefs. FATHER AUBERY'S LITURGICAL LINGUISTICS 329

Wzokhilain published in an /-dialect. There is also an /-dialect Maliseet catechism by Ciquard among the Aubery papers in the Maine Historical Society, with an accompanying note indicating that Father Dewey, who sent it to Father O'Brien in Bangor in 1887, was using it with the Maliseet of Woodstock, N.B. Pierre Paul Osunkhirhine, known as Wzokhilain or Peter Masta, presents somewhat of a mystery. However, Day (1981:90) concluded that "There is no evidence that Peter Paul was anything but an Abenaki." His family must have been early arrivals from an important southern New England Protestant family who retained the /-dialect and their religion over the years. Peter was educated at Dartmouth's Indian school. In 1823 the Society of Improvement of the Penobscot Indians was established; it hired Peter Paul Wzokhilain as minister and teacher for the Penobscot, who had been without a priest since 1818, from 1825 to 1827. It is doubtful that the members of the Society were aware of the two Abenaki dialects. Father Romagne, who was at Old Town in 1800 (Leger 1929:142), found that the Aubery and Rale manuscripts were not very useful because of changes in the language. He wrote a new version, The Indian prayer book: compiled and arranged for the benefit of the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy tribes. Although it was not published until 1834, Romagne's liturgy must have been in use when Wzokhilain was there. By 1829 Wzokhilain had moved back to Odanak and become a Protestant priest and school teacher. In 1830 he published Wawasi lagidamwoganek, which appears to be a copy of Aubery's manuscripts edited in the /-dialect; Pilling (1891:540) called it Penobscot. Later that year his Wobanaki kimzowi awighigan, an Abenaki spelling and reading book in the /-dialect, was published. In 1832 the Aubery manuscripts were still used by the Catholic missionary then in charge, Abbe Luc Aubry. He felt that Peter Masta (Wzokhilain) by teaching in the /-dialect was under­ mining Catholicism, as the youngsters were becoming unfamiliar with the language of the Aubery manuscripts. As minister, Masta was reaching only his congregation, but as school teacher and author he reached almost all the families through their school-aged children, exposing them to the /-dialect during the school day. Steps were taken to relieve Masta of his teaching position, since Aubry wished to retain the liturgy as written by his illustrious predecessor and fought the language change as if it was some­ thing sent by Protestants to undermine Catholicism. 330 NICHOLAS N. SMITH

In 1833 Father Louis-Edmond Demillier was assigned to the Passama­ quoddy. He found the language a challenge, soon concluding that that the Aubery, Rale, Romagne and other Wabanaki manuscripts were in a lan­ guage different from what the Passamaquoddy were speaking. Demillier wrote: The Abenakis while dividing to form several peoples also changed their language. The Penobscots still speak nearly the ancient [form], but the Passamaquoddies only understand them with difficulty... Their prayers are composed all in the Abenaki language or the Penobscot language which they do not speak although they understand it, so that I am obliged to learn two languages instead of one. [Erickson 1987:124] Frank Siebert coined the terms "Western Abenaki" and "Eastern Abenaki" to differentiate the two Abenaki dialects. "By the beginning of the nineteenth century Western Abenaki had become the language of the St. Francis mission, superseding the languages of the various other displaced groups that made up the community" (Goddard 1978:71). Eugene Vetromile, the son of an Italian nobleman of Gallipoli, where Greek was the first language, was selected for missionary work in America and sent to Georgetown University to finishhi s studies. There he was trained by Rev. Virgil Barber, who had enjoyed his assignment among the Penobscot, and included an introduction to the Indian languages. Although Vetromile had a "trunk" of manuscripts to work with, including works by Aubery, Rale, Ciquard, Romagne, and Demillier, he found none satisfac­ tory and set out to write a new liturgical manual. His Indian good book, published in 1856, was intended to end the linguistic confusion, but only added to it. When Father Michael Charles O'Brien was assigned to the Penobscot, he found it necessary to redo the liturgical material that he inherited; his improved version was A brief catechism (O'Brien 1897). A century later, efforts are still being made to provide a liturgy that is both traditional and understandable. Although I have found no record that the Vetromile collection was given to O'Brien, all the titles that are known to have been in the Vetromile collection were included in O'Brien's library. Fifty years ago Penobscot elders recalled an old lady who went to Odanak to copy liturgical manuscripts for Father O'Brien. This was probably Sister Scholastica, "an educated Indian woman, at Old Town", who copied Father Demillier's Grammaire miquemaque for Father O'Brien in 1879 (Boardman 1900:151). FATHER AUBERY'S LITURGICAL LINGUISTICS 331

One day Passamaquoddy Sabatus Tomer took me to record a blind old woman who sang hymns from Vetromile's Indian good book (1856). Her responsibility was to teach the youth the liturgy in a language no longer fully understood. Twenty-five years later Walker found ...in my experience, no one can read words selected at random from the guddbuk. One looks at the beginning of a familiar liturgical text and uses it as an aid to recitation. To elderly Passamaquoddies the giidabuk is a priceless heirloom, a link with past generations, and a device that triggers accurate recitation of long-familiar texts. It is emphatically not a graphic representation of the sounds of speech. [Walker 1984:44-45] These, like their traditional songs sung to words now meaningless, were ties to their past. Aubery and Rale used the r-dialect. Although their liturgical works were never published, copies of their manuscripts were used by the Wabanaki missionaries with the exception of those to the Micmac. During the 19th century the /-dialect replaced the r-dialect, but the Aubery liturgies were still used at Odanak into the 20th century. The question remains as to why a linguist of Aubery's repute would not have been challenged by the new dialect being introduced to Odanak. Pauleena Seeber worked with the Aubery manuscript held by the Societe historique d'Odanak. That manuscript differs from the one in the Maine Historical Society (Aubery 1715). Although both copies have entries marked with a "P", only the Odanak copy designates Loup words by an "L" in the margin (Seeber 1986). Some of the foreign words that Seeber found were different from those in the Maine Historical Society copy, and some I could not find.Wer e the foreign words recorded in these copies the work of Aubery or the copyists? Did the Penobscot writer of the O'Brien manuscript copy only the words that she recognised as Penobscot? Did she change the words as she knew them in late 19th century Penobscot? There is a need to compare the other known versions of the Aubery dictionaries. Aubery died at Odanak in 1755 and was buried in his church. He had worked among the Wabanaki for 54 years, 46 of them at Odanak. His dream was to build the foundation for a large village that included all the Wabanaki tribes. "Father Aubery was well versed in the Abenaki language. He wrote much, and nearly always in that language. By arduous and persevering labor during 46 years he formed a considerable collection of valuable manuscripts" (Pilling 1891:19). Whereas the Rale dictionary was captured and deposited at Harvard, where it attracted the attention of non-Indians, most of Aubery's original 332 NICHOLAS N. SMITH

manuscripts were destroyed, so that we are relying on copies made by Indians for Indians for most of his material. The Wabanaki have a high esteem for the Aubery material, whereas non-Indians have a greater respect for Rale's work. This preliminary study of Aubery manuscripts shows the importance of Catholic liturgical manuscripts in tracing the intrusion of the /-dialect among the r-dialect speakers of northern New England.

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