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Haitian Creole: Metalinguistics and Orthographic Choice' Pragmatics2:3.427 -443 InternationalPragmatics Association ''REAL'' THE HAITIAN CREOLE: METALINGUISTICS AND ORTHOGRAPHIC CHOICE' Bambi B. Schiefferin& Racheile charrier Doucet 1.Introduction Languagecan be examined as a rich resource for understanding the ways in which speakersrepresent themselves, how they represent others, and how they are represented by others. In this paper we explore a set of languagebeliefs in conjunction with language practices of Kreydl speakeis. We are interested in how metalinguistic telms used by Haitians regarding varieties of spoken Kreydl manifest themselvesin debatesregarding which orthography best repreients the language.This is followed by ananalysis of competing orthographies in teims of how tt rnit" the languagelooi andwhich soundsare.given "y graphi- representation.We view the pro..r, of Jreiting an orthographyfor Kreydl not is u n"utril activity which simply reducesan oral language to witten form, but as an important symbolicvehicle for'representing its speak"ersIn termsof national and international identity. We propose thai conteste-dorthographies beviewed as sites of contestedidentities iather ittun ur neutral academicor fnguistic argumentswithout political, socialor educationalconsequences. We suggestthat the debatesregarding the soundsof Kreydl as well as how those soundsshould be written areabout different representations of its speakers.These different arguments and the 1 we refer to the language in the title of the article in the form that is most familiar to an Englishspeaking audience, Haitian creole. However,in the bodyof the text we refer to the language as Kreydl, the way it is referred to by Haitians, and we have chosen to write it and our own transcriptionsusing the official orthography(lPN). we have, of course,maintained the original orthographiesused in publishedsources. Thiscollaborative project grew out of an investigation-the of Kreydllanguage use in New york City, whichwas then extendedto Port-au-Prince. During course of transcribingaudiotaped family interactiondata with native speakers, the issueof orihographicconventions arose frequently. This in mnjunctionwith nativespeakers'metalinguistic commeniariesabout the participants'speechled us to investigatethe relationshipsbenveen varietiesof speakingand orthograptry.nes'earch methods include theuse of historical,sociolinguistic and ethnographicdata. we would like to thank the manyHaitians whoparticipated in our rproject and freely snireo rheir viewsabout Kreydl and other topicswith us; thespencer Foundation and New York University(Research challenge Fund) for supporting this research;and Michel Degraff,Paul Garrettand John Singler who provideotretpruf comments on earlier versionsof this paper. 428 Bambi B. Schiffilin and Rachelle Charlier Doucet languageideology that underliesthem have historicalsocio-political roots which are played out in familial, educational,and political contexts.Examining the complex and often paradoxicalvalues associated with thesedebates is critical to understandingthe ways in which Haitians evaluate each other and think about themselves. Kreydl, like other creole languages,still paysthe price of its origins. By-products of European colonizationof the New World, creolelanguages developed on plantations from the forced contact betweenEuropean mastersand their African slaves.According to most creolists,the basic grammaticalstructure of Kreydl was contributed by the dominated West African slaves,while the lexicalbase came largely from the dominating French colonizers. Like many other creole languages,Kreydl continues to exist in a complex political and social relationshipto a standardlanguage, in this caseFrench, which since 1918 has been the official languageof education and government in Haiti. Formerly, sociolinguistsdescribed the relationshipbetween Haitian French and Kreydl as diglossic:both were consideredvarieties of the samelanguage, used by speakersin different social contextsfor different functions.Haitian French was viewed as the high prestige form and Kreydl as the low prestige form. However, Haiti is better described as a nation predominantly composed of trvo linguistic communities - the minority Kreydl/French bilingual elite (7Vo)and the monolingualKreybl urban and rural masses with varying degreesof linguistic interaction betweenthe two. There are approximately 6 million Kreydl speakersin Haiti and its diasporacommunities located in New York City, Miami, Boston and Montreal, and elsewhere. 2. Kreybl speechvarieties and metalinguistics The metalinguisticterms of a speechcommunities can serve as a starting point for investigatingattitudes toward languagevarieties and the speakersassociated with them. Haitians maintain complicatedattitudes toward both Frenchand Kreydl, many of which become apparent when examiningthe metalinguisticterms used both popularly and 'smooth scientificallyto refer to varieties of spoken Kreydl. Kreydl sw4 Kreydl', Kreydl 'rough 'vulgar rdk Kreydl', Kreydl fransize'FrenchifiedKreydl', and gwo Kreydl Kreydl' are metalinguisticterms central to the debatesabout orthography.2 Kreydl fransize is a term used to refer to the variety of Kreydl spoken by educated urban bilinguals (Vernet 1989:20). They contrast their Krqdl fransize with gwo lOeydl'rough, vulgar Kreydl', which they sayis spokenby uneducatedurban people and peasants.Both terms refer not only to the phonology,vocabulary and intonational contours of the speechitself, but also to the nonverbalgestures used by speakersof 'good each variety. Uneducated speakers,however, prefer the term bon Kreydl Kreydl' to refer to the variety that they themselvesuse, though they know the other terms. Depending on their own language socializationexperiences and social networks, educated speakers can recognize Kreydl rdk, but are not always able to produce it. 2 SeeLudwig 1989and Schieffelin and Doucet ms for a comparisonof similarmetalinguistic termsin Haiti, Martinique,Cuadaloupe, Mauritius and the Seychelles. Metalinguisticsand orthographicchoice 429 Uneducatedspeakers can recognizeKrqtdl but not speak it spontaneously: fransize, 'smooth Fattier-Thomasdistinguishes between Krqtdl.rwA Kreydl', the sociolect of the bilingual educatedminority, and Krqdl rdk'rough Kreydl', the variety spoken by the monolingual masses(1984: 39). Lofficial also uses the term l*qdl rlk, which he describesas"le niveau ressenticomme le plus rude de la langue" (1979:118) [the level felt to be the roughest of the language].While these metalinguistic terms are mentionedin the sociolinguisticliterature on Kreydl (Valdman 1988,1989a, b, 199L), andare commonly known by Haitians in a variety of social classes,the words rdk, swa, andgwo are not listed in the various Kreydl dictionaries in their metalinguistic usage. It is informativefor later discussionsof the orthography to elaborate on the semantics of theseexpressions because they carry important cultural meanings. 'smooth' Swc (Fr. soie) as a singlelexical item is primarily usedas an adjectival 'hair' modifierof cheve and refers to fine, straight hair. The opposite of.cheve swa in thisreferential sense is chevegrenn'tightly curled, kinky hair' (Fr. crdpu).Men are also saidto be swa'smooth'if they are well-mannered,educated, emotionally even and are pleasingto women (ndgsa a swo'that guy is smooth'),a positive description.^Spa as anadverbial modifier refers to the smoothmanner in which someaction is carried out. For example,one saysof a car which runs smoothly and is problem free, machin sa a macheswa.Yet another example,paleswa'speak smoothly and persuasively',describes speechwhich is flowing, regardlessof the social or educational background of the speaker. Krqdl rdk is not strictly opposedto lheydl swa, though thesetwo terms are often contrasted(Fattier-Thomas 1984; Valdman 1989a,b, 1991).Outside of its referenceto speech,the primary meaning of the word r?k is agricultural and refers to fruit or vegetableswhich are not yet ripe but ready to pick. When referring to persons,rdk is oftenapplied to a child in the senseof appearingolder than he or she actually is. Additionally,r?k refers to strength,particularly in men. Unlike swa,which can modiS 'speak a rangeof actions,rdk is only used to describea manner of speaking:pale rCk 'speak roughly',is the opposite of pale swa smoothly'. Pale rdk also indexes a verbal styleof directness,in contrastto the more indirect style of pale swa. Yet another way to refer to stylesof indirection is the Kreydl expressionpale franse'speakingFrench'. The culturalmeaning of this expressionis somewhatdifferent frompale swa.Pale franse emphasizesspeaking indirectly (in either French or Kreydl), with the implication of tricking someone through the use of beautiful sounds, obfuscatedspeech, or irrelevant arguments.The result may be confusion for the listener.Depending on the speakersand the context,what soundsgood Qtaleswa or palefranse) can be viewed as potentially deceptive. The differencesbetween Kreydl swa and Kreydlrek that are most relevant in the orthographicdebates lie in the degreesof similaritiesto Frenchphonetic characteristics (Fattier-Thomas1984: 40-41). Kreydl swa can be most generally characterizedas retainingthe front-rounded vowels lol, lcel, /ii/ where Kreydl r?k would use the non- roundedvowels lel and /i/. Another marker of.Kreydl svvais the use of postvocalic lrl 430 Bambi B. Schiefetin and Rachelle Charlier Doucet at the ends of words, absent in the rCk variety.3Also relevant is the prevocalic Haitian lrl and its possiblerealization as a more labialized
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