INFORMATlON TO USERS
This manuscript has been reproduoed from the microfilm master. UMI films the iext diredly ftom the ociginal or wpy submitfed. Thus, some thesithesis and dissertation copies are in typcmriter m,Mile others may be from any of cornputer pnnter.
The quality of this reproduction ir dependant upon th. qwlity of the copy submitted. Btoken or indistinct prïnt, cokred or par quaIity illustmüons and photographs. pnnt Meedtnw, substandard margins, ancl improprr alïgnment can advenely W8Ct mpdwüm.
In the unlikely evm Ihat the author did not send UMI a cornpiete manuscript and therie are missing pages, aiese will be noted. Also, if unauthorired copyright matefial had bo be mmoved, a nde will indicate the deieüon-
Ovenize materials (e-g., maps, dnwings, charts) are reproduced by sectiming the original. beginning at the upper left-hand a#ner and continuing from lelt to right in equal sect&ns witti malt ovedaps.
Photographs induded in the original rnaclllscrÏpt have bwn repmdU08d xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6. x Q biack and white photographie prints are available for any photographs or illusttsoonr appearing in this apy for an additional charge. Contact UMI diMyto order.
Bell & Hawell Infornation and Leaming 300 North Leeb Road, Ann Amr, MI 481B1346 USA
Widening the Frontier of Sport Psychology: An Examination of Sexual Abuse in Sport
BY
Katherine Jill Houghton
A thesis submitted to the Scbool of Physical & Health Education in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada
June 1999
Copyright 0 K. J. Houghton, 1999 National iibrary Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 ,canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bbliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wdllngton OttawaON K1AW OttawaON KIAW Canada Canada
The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distn'bute or seil reproduire7prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nùn, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.
The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propneté du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Acknowledgements
This project would not have been possible without the support and advice of many people whom 1 would iike to thank. Firstiy, enormous thanks to my supervisor, Dr. John Albinson, for making a signirrcant contribution to my academic and inteflectual development during this, and aii my other projects over the 1st two years. Dr Albinson and his wife Shirley have been unbelievably kind and supportive throughout my time at Queen's. They are two of the most hospitable people I have met, and their kindness to Eric, my family and myself has been greatly appreciated. Several other professors have also been particdarly important during my the at Queen's. Dr Mary-Louise Adams reviewed numerous cirafts of my work and patiently tolerated and encouraged my newfound interest in Foucault, moral panic, power.. .etc. Thank-you Mary-Louise you have been great! Dr Mike Condra's support and belief in me was also second to none, and 1take with me fond memones of his kind-hearted nature,
I wodd also like to acknowledge some special people who have had a significant impact on my Life. Certainly, my debt to Dr. Renee Fitzpatrick is beyond words. Dr Fitzpatrick is a remarkable professional whose expertise, guidance, support and genuine care are both incredible and inspiring. I wili always consider her a special mentor and fnend who helped me through some of my darkest days. Dr Fitzpatrick, I owe you much. Counselors Frances O'Brien and Barbara Baker also touched my heart and shared with me their knowledge of sexual abuse. 1 am extremely grateful to you both. To my generous and very Ioving family - Mum, Dad, my 'Big Sis' Justine, and Bethan - my heartfelt gratitude to you for your financial, personal and emotional help despite some dinicdt yean for us dl. Your constant understanding, patience, support and loyaity with everythhg is unique and tdyamazhg. You guys are the best and I love you aii to bits! I am particularly proud of my now-not-so-little niece who always manages to b~gout the big kid in me and reminds me of what fun and relaxation is. 'B'. ..you are my Little angel! As always, 1 am blessed to have Diane Bamber as a tme niend and fmtastic colleague. Diane continues to help me so much and in so many ways, especidy on a personal and emotional level despite our being miles apart. Cheers bud! 1 am looking forward to being geographically closer and spending relaxing, hay summer days together once more. My Eends that 1have made whilst 1have been at Queen's are too numerous to mention, but 1 would like to Say a special thank-you to two of my 'office-mates'. To Mark, thank-you for your Eendship and encouragement, especiaily when 1needed it the most. Despite the fact that you are a Southemer, thee ain't uh bad lad really (as us northerners more aptly put it), and 1 take with me fond memones of the many good times we have shared. See you in London for some more! Peter, through your honesty, openness and integrity, you gave me the extra courage 1 needed to write what we often discussed, and 1 hop that one day we will fïnally get around to writing something together.
Above dl, I am indebted to the most important person in my life, my fiancé and sou1 mate, Eric Grahn. Eric encouraged me to write this work, supported me through al1 of my doubts and uncertainties, and ensured that 1 came out to the other side still relatively sane. Somehow we also managed to organize our wedding and keep planning, preparing and training for our dreams at the same the! Eric, despite the fact that you mem the world to me, 1 can't even begin to describe everything you do for me - so simply. ..thank-you, fiom the bottom of my heart. Dedications
1 would Like to dedicate this work to three very speciai people.
To both my Grandmothers, who sadly passed away during my time in Canada- Gran and Nana this is for you, in loving memory of you both. Good Night, God Bless.
And to Eric, my sod mate. You made coming to Canada the best thuig that 1 have ever done. Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ...... Dedications ...... Table of contents ...... List of Tables-......
Introduction...... References ......
Chapter One: AppIying Theories of Sexual Abuse To Sport ......
What is sexual abuse? ...... Hïstorical Overview...... Signs & Symptoms ...... Prevalence & Incidence ...... Characteristics of Sexual Offenders ...... "High-risk" populations ...... The Etiology of Abusive Behavior...... Surnmary & Conclusion...... Notes ...... References ......
Chapter Two: The Process of Sexual Abuse & its Effects on Athletes ......
The Role offower- ...... The Process of SexuaL Abuse & its Short-term Effects...... The Long-term Effects of Sexual Abuse ...... Intervention & Recovery...... Summary & Conclusion...... Notes ...... References ......
Chapter Three : The Prevention of SedAbuse in Sport: Evaluaing Efforts ......
Methodology...... Harassrnent in Sport Collective ...... Canadian Hockey League ...... English Sports Council ...... Conclusion & Discussion...... References ...... Appendices ......
Chapter Four: Sexual Abuse in Sport: Future Directions ......
.. Selected Bibliography...... Curriculum Vitae ...... List of Tables
TabIe 1 Deof Se Abe ...... 14
Table 2 Early Warning Signs of Sexual Abuse ...... 19
Table 3 Specific Early Waming Signs of Sexual Abuse in Athletes...... 20
Table 4 Data fiom Sexual Abuse Cases Ïn Sport ...... 24
Table 5 Factors That May Make an Athlete VulnerabIe to Sexual Abuse ...... 28
Table 6 Examples of Application of Finkelhor's (1984) Four-factor Etiological
Mode1 to Sport ...... 33
Table 7 Emenck's (1994) Four-stage Mode1 of Sexual Abuse Applied to Abusive
& Non-Abusive Relationships ...... 52
Table 8 Summary of the Stages of Sexual Abuse in Sport...... 61
Table 9 Goals of Recovery Identified in Therapeutic Literature...... 77
Table 10 Documents Returned for Evaluation ...... 95
TabIe 11 Questions Asked in the Evaluation of Prevention Programs ...... 97
Table 12 Criteria upon which Goals & Objectives were Assessed ...... 99
Table 13 Major Strengths & Weaknesses of the Harassrnent & Abuse in Sport
Program ...... Ill
Table 14 Major Strengths & Weaknesses of the Player's First Report ...... 118
Table 15 Major Strengths & Weaknesses of the Spoas Council's Report ...... 124
Table 16 Suggested Modifications for Programs ...... 126 Introduction
Sexuai abuse is a sign5cant problem affecting aH walks of me. Yet statistics on
the incidence and prevaience of sexual abuse in society at large are controversial. Crimes
involving sexual trauma are ofien unreported due to the secretive nature of the offence,
feelings of shame and societal denial (Porter, 1986; Summit, 1988). Such crimes occur at
a rate fa.in excess of the official figures, and are not the statisticaiiy musual events once
believed (Russell, 1982). The United States Department of Hedth and Human Services
(1993) estimates that one in three girls, and one in four boys are sexually abused by the
age of eighteen. Actual reports of sexual abuse for the general population range fiom six to sixty two percent for fernales, and fiom three to tkty one percent for males, depending upon the sample population, wording of questiomaires, and dennitions utilized (Peters,
Wyatt & Finkelhor, 1986). Although actual cornparisons between countries are lacking, sexud abuse is considered to be an international problem (Finkeihor, 1984).
The sporting world is not exempt fkom sexual abuse. Although coach-athlete relationships are meant to serve protective, respectful, and non-sexual purposes, it is not always the case; and despite moral, legal, and ethical responsibilities a number of coaches are sexuaily abusing athletes. A review of the Iiterature revealed only two published studies on the epidemiology of sexual abuse in sport. In a survey of one hundred and fifty four female athletes across Great Britain, approximately twenty five percent revealed one or more of the following: demeaning language (e-g., sexual innuendoes or 'dirty' jokes), verbal encroachment (e.g., invitation to go on a romantic date), intrusive physical contact
(e-g., putting an arm around an athiete or slapphg on the bottom), fondhg, and pressure to have sexual intercourse (Tomilson and Yorganci, 1997). A Merseven percent of respondents refused to answer questions relating to sexual harassment or abuse. Evidence gathered in Canada found that twenty percent of former and curent female Olympic athietes had had sexuai intercourse with a coach or c'authonty figure" (Kirby and Greaves,
1996). Furthemore, almost nine percent of athietes had expenenced 'Yorced sexual intercourse", and twenty percent of these athletes were under the age of sixteen. These figures suggest that at lemone in eleven athletes have been sexually abused Moreover, these numbers represent only those athletes who reaiize that their experience was abusive and those who are willing to acknowledge it. These statistics then, may actually represent the 'tip of the iceberg'.
Indeed, as awareness of sexual abuse in spoa is growing, there is an increasing number of athietes coming forward with reports of their suBering at the han& of coaches, managers, trainers and officiais. For example, in Britain, the Daily Telegraph newspaper reported that the administrators of women's tennis are investigathg allegations that one of the players in the Ladies Professional Tour was sexudIy abused by her coach 'Tor most of her teenage life" (Reid, 1998). More recently, a former athlete has accused one of
America's top ice skating coaches of sexual misconduct (Skater Accuses Coach, 1999).
This increase in attention has also led to a number of court cases, For instance, in
September 1995, British Olympic swilnming coach, Paul Hickson, was jailed for seventeen years after being found guilty of cbserioussexuai offences" against a number of the girls he had coached (Spencer, 1995). Sirnilarly, in 1997, Canadian junior hockey coach, Graham James, was sentenced to three and a haif years in prison for sexually abusing one of his former players. The most recent court case involved leading Australian triathlon coach, Brett Sutton. In 1999, Sutton pIeaded guilty to five counts of sexual assault on one of his fourteen-year-old swimmers. Mer a long triai, Sutton received a two-year suspension fiom coachuig (Thrower, 1999;Williams, 1999).
MainStream clinical psychology, social work and women's centers have been primarily responsible for the progress made in establishing effective preventative rneasures and modes of treatment in the area of sexual abuse. The time has now corne for professionals working in the sport and exercise psychology domain to address this issue.
Yet sexual abuse in sport remains a pariicdarly chdenging and unpopular area of research, not least because of the emotionai and sensitive nature of the topic.
Furthemore, sexual abuse cannot be neatiy categorized into one particular discipline, so accumulation and dissemination of knowledge has been inhibited. In the sport context, sexual abuse has not been addressed intentionaüy und recently. Individuals and associations with a vested interest in ignoring sexual abuse in sport have directly concealed the problem and simdtaneously alIowed it to flourish (Brackenridge, 1997).
Sport psychology with its emphasis on elite performance has also unintentiondy overlooked the abusive behavior of many coaches in sport in the quest for performance enhancement (i-e., excellence). Even the allied discipline, exercise psychology, which focuses on the psychological outcomes of exercise, has not considered that the psychological outcomes of sexual abuse are worthy of attention.
However, sexual abuse in sport is a topic that sport psychologists must address for severai reasons. First, sport psychology is a helping profession, and like other helping professions, spoa psyc hologists must endeavor to develop specific skills for helping their clients. In other words, sport psychologists (and related personnel) must be aware of sexual abuse and be able to provide adorrefer an athlete for appropriate help. Second, a
sport psychologist is likely to be one of the fïrst peopIe to encounter such trauma when
counseling athletes because sexual abuse will undoubtedly have a negative impact on an
athlete's performance. Thus, they must be able to recognize when abuse has occurred.
Just as importantly, the special orientation of Spa psychology provides a unique
oppominity to contribute to knowledge of sexud abuse in Spa.
It has taken the pioneering work of sport sociologists such as Sandra Kirby
(1994), Helen LensSj (1 986, l992a, 1W2b) and Celia Brackenridge (1 987, 1991, 1994%
1994b, 1997) to bring the problem of sexual abuse to the attention of sport professionals.
Yet despite the efforts of these researchers, there is Ml Little work that provides a fundamental insight into the specific issues involved in sexud abuse in the sporting environment. For example, research has stîll not addressed how and why sexual abuse occurs, or which factors may make some athletes more at rkk than othea. Sport psychology and its related disciplines must therefore commit themselves to accessing and understanding new and existing information on sexual abuse in sport. Hence, the following research was conducted to provide a foundation of specific and detailed knowledge of sexud abuse in sport for sport psychologists and researchers. In addition, much of the present work on sexual abuse in sport focuses on establishing contact with abused athletes, interviewhg them and candidly translating their accounts to the general dorsporting community. Although this approach can play an important part in promoting awareness of sexual abuse in sport, it all too often becomes part of the re- abuse process - udding to the problem, rather than resolving it Therefore, the aim of this work was not to simply provide graphic accounts of sexual abuse in sport, but rather to use existing research to advance some theories on how and why sexual abuse may occur
in sport and thus, what can be done to prevent it. The format comprises of three chapters
that are intended to be published as separate papers in scholarly joumals, and a final
chapter, which synthesizes ail the information. Each chapter represents scholarly research
in it's own right, but the sum reflects an understanding of the topic in its' entirety.
Chapter One, 'Applying Theones of Sexual Abuse to Sport', aims to bring sexual abuse in sport to the forefront of attention of sport and exercise psychologîsts. It also aims to provide professionds with a comprehensive knowledge of sexud abuse. Due to an absence of sport-specific data, the content of Chapter One has been drawn fiom a wide variety of social science disciplines, including clinical and counsehg psychology, the sociology of sport, sport and exercise psychology, political science and philosophy. It is clear that in order to appreciate the trauma of sexual abuse and to be able to help abused athletes one must have grounding in the issues relating to sexud abuse. However, because of the shame and secrecy that surround sexual abuse, it is not an easy problem to research.
Myth, stereotype, and various methodological weaknesses in studies have also contrîbuted to the confùsion. Hence, it is essential to clearly outline what sexuai abuse is, the possible signs and symptoms, societal attitudes towards it and the estbnated rate of its' occurrence. The characteristics of 'typical' sexual offenders in sport, and athletes who may be at a 'higr-risk are also explored for the primary purpose of prevention. Similady, etiological theories of sexual abuse in sport cm help in prevention for the more causal factors we can ascertain, the more factors we can work to eliminate. Thus, Chapter One includes an examination of (i) how sexual abuse is defined (ii) societai attitudes towards sexual abuse (through an historical ove~ew)(iii) epidemiological data (iv) characteristics of offenders, (v) populations that are at risk and (vi) the etiology of sexual abuse. Although Merresearch would be required to support the implications made in each area, this Chapter marks a first step in research on the fimdarnentai issues involved in sexual abuse in sport.
Chapter Two, 'The Process of Sexual Abuse and its Effects on Athletes', explores
(i) the process and short-term effects of sexual abuse, and (ii) the long-term effects that sexual abuse may have on athletes (such as depression, loss of self-identity, chronic low self-esteem, feelings of isolation, eating disorders, overhiiuiing, drug/aicohol abuse, and suicide). It proposes that an understanding of the role of power and power relationships is considerably important when exploring the process and effects of sexual abuse, and uses case studies of athletes to support various conjectures. Agai., this is important for working towards eliminating causal factors, and helping athletes who may be abused.
Chapter Two also uses existïng fiterature in the general population to hypothesize about the possible long-tem effect of sexual abuse on athletes. Aithough Merinvestigations would be necessary before any definitive conclusion cm be made fiom Chapter Two, without doubt, this type of research is criticai.
Chapter Three, 'The Prevention of Sexuai Abuse in Sport: Evaluating Efforts', takes an inaugural step in policy research on the prevention of sexuai abuse in sport by reviewing some of the first programs that have been designed by sport organizations. The programs that are evaluated are Eom Canada and the United Kingdom. The evaiuation is based upon a conceptual fiarnework that is used in (i) social and public policy research, which involves examining programs for their conceptualization of the problem, design, potential utility, and commitment to implementing suggested strategies, and (ii) public heaith prevention which encompasses primary, second- and tertiary prevention goals.
Chapter Three underscores the importance of assessing the effectiveness of prevention programs, for protectuig athletes fiom sexual abuse is not a simple matter, but one that researchers must pay carefûi attention to.
Finaiiy, Chapter Four, ' Sexual Abuse in Sport: Future Directions' concludes this work with a summary of the broad topic, and synthesis of the preceding chapters It emphasizes that sexd abuse is a growing problem that requires the urgent attention of researchers and discusses the implications of this work. References
Brackenridge, C. (1987). Ethicd concerns in women's sport Coachine. Focus 6,s-7.
Bracke~dge,C. (1 99 1). Cross- gender coachhg relationships: Myth, drama, or crisis?
Coachhg- Focus, 16,12-14.
Brackenridge, C. (1 994a). "It couldn't happen here": Sexual harassrnent and abuse in
sport. Report of a conference of the Norwegian Women's Olympic Forum,
Lillehammer, Norway-
Brackenridge, C. (1 994b). Fair play or faV game? Chiid sexual abuse in sport
organizations. International Review for the Sociolow of S~ort,29,287-299.
Brackenridge, C.(1997). 'He owned me basicaLiyy:Women's experience of sexud abuse
in sport. International Review for the Sociolow of Sport, 32,2, 1 15-130.
Davies, C., & Lonsborough, A. (1995). Last chance to halt the ra~istcoach. Electronic
Teleera~h.- [on-line] Available:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk~et?ac=000881 520342760&rtmo=rS3aEX3X&atm.. ./
lswim228 .hm
Electronic Telegraph (1998). Sex attack iudo coach is iailed. [on-1ineIAvailable:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/et?a~OOO881520342760&rtmo=rS3aEX3X&atm0=9
.. ./nj ud23 .htm
Finkeihor, D. (1984). Chiid sexual abuse: New theory and research. New York: Free
Press. Kirby, S. (1994). Not in my back -yard: Semiai harassrnent and abuse in sport.
Commonwealth Games Scientific Congress, Victoria, Canada.
Kirby, S., & Greaves, L. (1896). Foui dav: Sexual harassment in mort. Pre-Olympic
scientïfïc Congress, Dallas.
Lenskyj, H. (1986)- Out of bounds: Womea mort and sexualitv. Toronto: Women's
Press*
Lenskyj, H. (1992a). Unsafe at home base: Women's experiences of sexual harassment in
university sport and physical education. Women in Soort and Phvsical Activity
Journal- 1, 19-34.
Lenskyj, H. (1992b). Sexual harassment: Femaie athletes' experiences and coaches
responsibilities. Science Periodical on Research and Technolow-- in Soort, 12,
1-5,
Peters, S.D., Wyatt, G. E., & Finkelhor, D. (1 986). Prevalence. In D. Finkelhor (Ed.).
sourcebook on child sexual abuse. (pp 15-59) Beveriy Hills: Sage.
Porter, E. (1986).Treatine the punp male victim of sexual assault: Issues and
intervention strategies. New York: Safer Society Press.
Reid, T. (1998). Tennis coach accused in under-ape sex scandal. Electronic TeIeemph.
[on-iine] Available:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk~et?ac=O00881 520342760&rtmo=apNbppXL&atmo=
.. htenl4.htm RuseIl, D.E.H. (1982)Xhe prevalence and incidence of forcible rape and attempted rape
of fernales. Victimolom, 7,8 1-93
Skater Accuses Coach of Sexual misconduct (1999, Aprii 12).The Kinaston-Whig
Standard. p.23.
Spencer, R. (1 995). Swimminn chiefs face leeal action. Home News. Electronic
Telemaph, Friday 29" September [on-line serial] Available:
http://www,telegraph.co.uk/et?ac=0008 8 152034276O&rtm=rS3 aEX3Xdkatm.. ./ns
wims29.htm
Summit, R.C. (1 988)Hdden victims, hidden pain: societai avoidance of child sexual
abuse. in G.E. Wyatt, & G.J. Powell. (Eds.). Lastine effects of child sexual abuse
Newbury Park: Sage.
Thrower, M. (1999, April). Coach facing ban dersex offense. Triathlete Magazine, 180.
@- 18)
Tomilson, A., & Yorganci, 1. (1 997). Male coacldfemale athlete relations: gender and
power relations in cornpetitive sport. Journal of S~ortand Social Issues, 21,2,
May, 134-155.
U.S. Department of health and Human Services (1993). National Center on Child Abuse
and Nealect Data System: Sumrnary data comwnent (May)
Williams, J. (1999, mach). Sex lies and finishg tape. 220 magazine, 105. (p. 1) Chapter One
Applying Theories of Sexual Abuse to Sport
It is ironic that the very nature of spoa is intended to enhance ones' enjoyment of life, and improve physicd and mental health. Yet the growing number of reported incidents of sextxai abuse suggests that the consequences of sport may be otherwise. As the Canadian Association for the Advancement of Wornen in Sport and Physicai
Activity States:
Sport is an integral element of the social, cultural, and recreationai fabnc of our
country, and as such is reflective of our society and our values. Sport, therefore,
can be expected to rnirror certain realities, some of which are positive, and
others which demand change. (CAAWS, 1994, p.7)
Sexual abuse is undoubtediy an extremely diacult research area. This is largely due to the emotional and sensitive nature of the topic, and the secrecy and stigmatization that surround it. Furthemore, semal abuse camot be neatly categorized into one particuiar discipline, so accumulation and dissemination of knowledge has been inhibited. In the sport context, sexual abuse has not been addressed intentionally until recentiy.
Individuals and associations with a vested interest in ignoring sexud abuse in spoa have directly conceaied the problem and simultaneously ailowed it to flouish (Brackemidge, 1997). Sport psychology with its emphasis on elite performance has also unintentionally
overlooked the abusive behavior of many coaches in sport in the quest for performance
enhancement (Le., excellence). Even the alIied discipline, exercise psychology, which
focuses on the psychological outcomes of exercise, has not considered that the
psychological outcomes of sexual abuse are worthy of attention.
However, sexuai abuse in sport is a topic that sport psychologists must address
for several reasons. Fust, spoa psychology is a helping profession, and like other
helping professions they must be able to provide and/or refer athletes for appropriate
help. Second, a sport psychologist is likely to be one of the fist people to encounter
such trauma when counseling athletes because sexual abuse will undoubtedly have a
negative impact on an athlete's performance. Thus, they must be able to recognize when
abuse has occurred. Moreover, the special orientation of sport psychology provides a
unique opportunïty to contribute to knowledge of sexual abuse in sport.
It has taken the pioneering work of sport sociologists such as Sandra Kirby
(1994), Helen Lensicyj (1986, 1992% 1992b) and Celia Brackenridge (1987, 1991,
1994% 1994b, 1997) to bring the problem of sexual abuse to the attention of sport professionals. Yet despite such efforts, there is stilI little research that addresses how and why sexual abuse occurs in sport, or which factors may make some athletes more at risk than others. In order to provide a knowledge base, it is essential to clearly outline what sexual abuse is, the possible signs and symptoms, societal attitudes towards it and the estimated rate of its occurrence in sport. What is Sexual Abuse?
Gathering a precise dennition of sexuai abuse for the purpose of research has been dif35cult. DWerent definitions establish different parameters arouod what cm and cannot be considered a case of sexuai abuse. Researchers who choose a restrictive defiaition (e-g., actions that only involve intercourse) will exclude actions that are cleady questionable (e-g, fondling) on the grounds that they do not coIlStitute serious abuse. On the other hand, if definitions are too liberal (e.g., including al1 unpleasant chiidhood sexual expenences, such as accidentdy seeing a parent naked) then research may be rejected as meaningless.
The term sexud abuse is oflen used interchangeably with the term sexd harassment. The difference between these ternis is equivocal in much of the literature-
For example, in England, the Sports Council (1996) argues that sexual harassment may be defined as: "Unwanted attention on the basis of sex whereas sexual abuse is coerced or groomed, i.e., it may appear to be wanted."(p9). However, these definitions do not provide an adequate conceptualization of either sexual harassment or sexual abuse.
Fuahermore, the dividing line between harassment and abuse remains unclear. In fact, the Sports Council's definition implies that in order to determine whether an incident was harassment or abuse, one would have to ask the victim whether or not 'it was wanted'. Obviously, this would have serious ethical and moral problems. This example is just one of many that appear in journal articles and scholarly texts, and it illustrates the problems that arke when hying to distinguish between sexuai harassment and sexual abuse. However, it is argued that one solution to the problem is to combine both concepts under the broad heading of sexual abuse (Table 1). Not only does this effectively eliminate the 'grey area' that exists between original definitions of harassrnent and abuse, but it also provides a more comprehensive conceptualization of crimes of a sexual nature in general.
Table 1
The Definition of Sexuai Abuse
SEXUAL ABUSE IS:
Verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature such as:
FIashhg or exposing sexual body parts Objectifjkg or ridiculing a person's sexual body parts Observing a person shower or change Conununicating (verbally or non-verbally) sexually or seductively Exchange of rewards or privileges for sexual favors Showing pomographic material to another person Forcing participation in making pornographic material Forcing a person to observe sexual acts performed by others Kissing or hoIding in a sexual manner Touching, fondhg or groping Forced sexual intercourse Anal or vaginal penetration by penis, fhgers or objects Forcing a person to touch semai parts of their own or another person
., . When submitting to or rejecting this conduct means that it is used, or is threatened to be used, as a bais for making decisions which affect an individuaI, or when such conduct creates an intimidating, hostiIe or offensive environment for that individual.
Note. Adapted From: Canadian Hockey League (1997) & Harassrnent in Sport Collective (2 998) There are two categories of sexual abuse: overt and covert. Overt sexual abuse is
obvious and blatantIy sexual, although the offender may attempt to deny what is king
done. Fondling a person's genitals is an example of overt sexual abuse. On the other hand, covert sexual abuse is harder to iden* because the sexuai nature of the act is disguised. The nature of spoa provides offenders with an 'ideal' opportwiity for covert abuse. For example, fondhg an athlete may be disguised as helping them with a physicd skiil.
An important aspect of defining abuse concems the issue of consent.
Surprisingly, some authors think of sexud crimes as being 'sexual activity minus consent' (Harrison, 1986). However, 'consent' can be coerced or 'groomed' in many ways. Clearly research needs to determine a borderline for assessing sexual interaction.
As Kazan (1998) explains:
Consent is more than just a matter of what one says or does, but is iutimately
connected to the range of choices available to us. These constraints on sexual
autonomy cmonly be Myappreciated by attending to the context of the
situation. @ -41 -42)
Therefore, it is proposed that sexual abuse is best viewed not in terms of consent or non- consent, but rather in terms of the range choices that were available in a particular context. The notion offrduciary relatiorzshLps is also important when discussing sexual
abuse that occurs in professional areas such as teaching and coachuig. 'Fiduciary' is a
legal term describing the relationship that exists when one party (such as a student or an
athlete) reposes trust and confidence in the other, more powerful, party (such as a
teacher or a coach). The more powerful party has a duty to act only in the tnisting
party's best interest. Sexual interaction may harm the client and is therefore a violation
of the fiduciary's duty (Sutherland, 1996). In other words, because of the fiduciary
nature of the relationship, sexud interaction between a coach and an athlete is
prohibited.
Historical Overview of Sexuai Abuse
Sexual abuse is not a new phenornenon. The first anaiysis and investigation relating to semal abuse is typicaily associated with Freud. In the 1890s Freud counseled
a number of female adult patients suffering from hysteriaL.He concluded that the causal factor in each and every case was, "one or more occurrences of premature sexual experience, occurrences which belong to the earliest years of childhood.. .Chiltiren cannot find theu way to acts of sexual aggression unless they have been seduced previously." (Freud, cited in Masson, 1985, p.271-277) [italics added] . Unfortunately, under the influence of pressure fiom colleagues and public outcry, Freud later retracted this opinion, positing instead that patients accounts of 'seduction' were simply fantasies comected to the Electra complex in women (Masson, 198~)~.Even psychiatry held that violent, sexual crimes were the mere figment of the imagination during this the. Sadly, society stiU hds the prevalence of sexuaf abuse so high that it is sornetimes perceived to be a victim's fantasy, or at worst, a desire. Nevertheless, Freud is credited with being the first clinician to aIIude to the possibility of sexual abuse and thus to bring it to the conscience of society.
Research into sexual abuse did not receive credibility again until the 1950s.
Kinsey and his coIieagues produced the first report on the semai exploitation of children in 1956, which revealed alarming statistics. However, recognition of sexual abuse continued to receive sparse attention by other professionals until the Iate 1970s when the North Amencan and Western European women's movements inspired a wedth of research on the topic. Indeed, many workers in the field of sedabuse attribute progress to the feminist movement. Scholars such as Finkelhor (1979) aiso began producing statistics on the fiequency of sexual crimes, and sexud abuse began to receive more widespread attention in Northem Europe by the 1980s. Subsequently, the traditional mental health system and private organizations began to establish services for victims of such crimes. Today, sexual abuse is widely perceived to be a senous social problem.
The world of sport has been slow to recognize that sexud abuse cm and does occur in sport. As sociologists Donnelly and Sparks (1997) suggest, people in sport have behaved as if they are excluded fiom the Iaws of general society with regard to se& crimes. It is not surprishg then, that sport psychologists have missed the hcreasing attention to sexual abuse in mainstream ciinical and counseling psychology. During the late 1980s increasingly fiequent media reports of coaches charged with molestïng young athletes appeared. SocioIogicaIiy based investigations into sexual crimes and coach-
athiete relationships began to emerge fkom researchers in Canada (Kirby, 1994; Lenskyj,
1986, l992a, 1992b), the United States of Amenca (Burton Nelson, 1994; Crosset,
1986) and the United Kingdom (Brackenridge, 1987, 199 1, 1994% 1994b; Yorganci,
1993). Such research has promoted awareness and focused much-needed attention on
sexuai abuse in spoh
Signs & Symptoms of Abuse
Signs and syrnptoms of sexual abuse cm be extremely dficult to detect since victirns typically attempt to conceal their experience. Concealment and non-disclosure is a result of a variety of factors, particuiariy the fear of negative reactions (i.e., disbelief, blarne, and withdrawal) of others (Hem, 1981; Sgroi, 1982; Summit,
1983). In a shidy of fifs. one female sexual abuse victims, Jehu and colleagues (1987) found that ninety six percent of victims did not disclosure their expenence of abuse because of fears of violence from the offender, loyalty to the offender, and fear of the offender hamiing others. In sport, athletes may not disclosure their abuse due to similar factors, especidy if they feel loyal to the coach when he/she has helped them to improve their performance.
Therefore, if disclosure is difficult for victims it is important for professionals to be familiar with early indicators of sedabuse, so that they can ùitervene. For the victim, early intervention means less immediate trauma and a decrease in the severity of long-term effects. The initial or immediate signs of sexual abuse include physical spptoms such as bnukes, sexually transmitted diseases, painful urination, and pelvic pain (Adams, 199 1; Cunningham, Pearce and Peanie, 1998; Hunter, 1990; Kempe, and
Kempe, 1984). However, professionais such as sport psychoiogists may be able to detect behaviorai, ernotional or mental symptoms more easily. These symptoms include aggression, sleep disorden, anxiety, deterioration in dress style, and problems in school
(Table 2).
Table 2
Earlv Warning Sims of Sexuai Abuse
REFERENCE WARNMG SIGNS Aggression, sleep disorders, ernotional disorders, drop in school grades, appetite Findlay & Corbett (1998) changes, running away, inappropriate interest in sex, reluctance to talk, and fiequent vomiting-
Fear, anxiety, depression, probIems in school, hostility, sexualized behavior, Finkelhor ( 1986) running away and delinquency-
Sexuaiized preoccupation, compulsive sexual behavior, precocious prostitution, Finkelhor & Browne ( 1986) sexual dysfunction, avoidancdphobia of sexud intirnacy, discomfort in intirnate relationships, and emplo_vmentproblems.
EIwelI & Ephros (1987) Excessive dependence on people or fear of specific people
Deterioration in dress style, hiding body in baggy cIothes, becoming accident- Wunter (1990) prone and 'spacing out'.
Athietes who have been sexualiy abused may exhibit specific symptoms, such as a fear of locker rooms, a desire to quit the team, spending Long periods of time alone with the coach, and fear or hatred towards the coach (Table 3). Table 3
Specific Early Warning Simis of Sexual Abuse in Athletes
Specinc Signs of semai Abuse in Athletes May Indude:
Fear of locker roorns A desire to quit the team A reluctance to participate in sport A deterioration in sporting performance Spending long periods of time alone with a coach Sharing deeping quarters with the coach Excessive use of alcohol or recreational dmgs Fear of or hatred towards a coach (or other personnel) Preoccupation with and/or idealization of a coach (or other personnel)
Ail indications of sexuai abuse and the degree to which they are exhibited wdi Vary according to the age of the victim and hisher individual personality. However, symptoms will develop into chronic problems if early detection and intervention is not camed out. Thus, it is essential that professionais are aware of the early waming signs.
Prevaience & Incidence of Sexual Abuse
Statistics on the prevalence and incidence3of sexual abuse in society at large are controversial because crimes involving sexual trauma are ofien unreported due to the shame and secrecy of the offence and the social stigma attached to such crimes. Even so, rates in the general population of the United States range nom six to sixty two percent for fernaies, and from three to thirty one percent for males (Peters, Wyatt and Finkelhor,
1986). In Canada, twenty three percent of females (Badgley, l984), and eight percent of males (Bagley, 1988) are reported to have been sexudy abused. The prevalence rates of sexual abuse in Bntain appear to be lower than the United States and Canada Baker and
Duncan, (1985) report that eight percent of males and twelve percent of females in their study were sedyabused before they were sixteen years old. However, an additional twelve percent of female subjects in this research refüsed to respond to the questions relating to semai abuse.
The variations in data may also be accounted for by a number of methodologicai problems. Obviously, the lack of an operational definition of sexual abuse will dramatically skew reported prevalence rates. Furthemore, differences in the characteristics of subject samples (such as socioeconornic status, ethnicity, age range, educational level and geographic location) may contribute to the variations in data. The response rate of participants in the study, the technique used to obtain subject samples, the data collection technique (inte~ewor questionnaire), as well as the type of questions about sexual abuse will also account for prevalence variation. For example, in the use of gate questions, the subject is only asked a senes of questions about possible abuse experiences if they answered 'yes' to an initial question. Consequently, the reported rate of abuse is likely to be much lower. Despite these methodological concems epidemiological studies are important and the foregoing data reveal that sexual abuse is a serious social problem. Unfortunately, figures on the incidence and prevalence of sexual abuse in spoa
are sparse. A review of the iiterature revealed only two published studies on the
epidemiology of sexual abuse in sport. In a survey of one hundred and £3~four female
athletes across Great Brïtain, approxirnately twenty £ive percent revealed one or more of
the following: demeaning language (e-g., sexual innuendoes or 'dirty' jokes), verbal
encroachment (e.g., invitation to go on a romantic date), intrusive physical contact (e-g.,
puning an arm around an athiete or slapping on the bottom), fondling, and pressure to
have sexual intercourse (Tomilson and Yorganci, 1997). A merseven percent of
respondents refùsed to answer questions relating to sexual harassrnent or abuse.
Evidence gathered in Canada found that twenty percent of former and current female
Olympic athletes had had sexual intercourse with a coach or "authority figure" (KUby
and Greaves, 1996). Furthemore, almost nine percent of athletes had experienced
"forced sexual intercourse" and twenty percent of these athletes were under the age of
sixteen. These figures suggest that at least one in eleven athletes have been sexuaiiy
abused. Moreover, these numbers represent only those athletes who realize that their expenence was abusive and those who are wilhg to acknowledge it. Indeed, these
figures may reflect a small fiaction of a very serious problem. If sexual abuse in sport is a growing concem, research must explore notions of typical offenders, and who is at risk from being abused and why. Characteristics of Sexual Offenders
Sex offenders cm corne in al1 shapes and sizes; they are fkom different social classes and can be of any sexual preference. However, research on offenders has yielded some cornmon characteristics. This has Ied to the development of a 'typical offender' profile, which includes characteristÎcs such as age and sex. Finkelhor (1984) estimates that males are responsibk for ninety five percent of the sexual abuse experienced by females, and eighty percent of the sexual abuse experienced by males. Moreover, ninety six percent of offenders are males in cases of extra-familial abuse (Russell, 1982)4. This is also Likely to be the case in sport because a iarger number of males than females assume coaching positions. Furthermore, when reviewing the cases in sport, it can be seen that most of the offenders are male (Table 4). This is not to suggest that femdes do not abuse, but rather the offender is more likely to be male. However, it is estimated that women compose at least five percent of the perpetration in cases of abuse of girls, and twenty percent in the abuse of boys in the general population (Finkehor, 1986). hdeed, society tends to view the sexuai offences of women as relatively insignificant compared to those of men. As Courtois (1988) States: "Abuse perpetrated by a male is believed to be more damaging than that by a wornan" (pl 16). Nevertheless, such attitudes are detrimental to victims, for they affect who gets identified and treated. Thus, sport must recognize that although males may be more likely to sexually abuse athletes, women in sport should not be regarded as non-abusers. hdeed, as awareness continues to grow, the sporting world may discover that accounts of sexual abuse may involve femaies, particularly if the number of females who coach increases in the fiture. Table 4
Data fiom Sexuid Abuse Cases in S~ort
Reference Country & Sport Offender Triat Outcome Sex & Age of Athlete(s) Steed (1 995) Canada (Basebail) John Freestone GuiIty (1 9yrs) Male (age 1 1)
The SheIdon Canada (Hockey) Graham James Guilty (3.5yrs) MaIe (age 14) Kennedy Story (1 997)
Electronic U.K-(Judo) Peter Squire Guilty (40yrs) Males (ages 13-1 6) Telegraph (1998)
Stokes (1998) UX. (Swimming) Paul Hickson Guilty (1 7yrs) Fernales (ages 1 1- 20)
Reid (1 998) U.K. (Temis) Unknown On-going Females (ages 1 l+)
Rafter (1998) Canada (Soccer) Unknown NIA Males (ages 11+)
Thrower (1999) & Australia Brett Sutton Suspension fiom Female (age 13) Williams (1 999) (Triathlon) coaching (2 yrs)
Data on the typicai age of an offender are sparse, but the most common age of offenders studied in Great Brïtain was forty years old (Dobash, Carnie and Waterhouse,
1993). The ages of the perpetrators listed in Table 4 range from twenty to forty years old, with a 'typical' age being two years old.
Unfortunately, there is lack of consensus among researchers as to what other characteristics a typical offender possesses, probably because offenders cross al1 categones of society. Thus, at present, the typicai characteristics of the offender in sport are Iimited to age (twenty to forty years old) and sex (male). 'High-risk" Populations
Research into populations that may be at an increased nsk of being abused must
be viewed fkom a purely theoretical perspective and does not imply condemnation of the
victim in any way. In other words, blame must never be placed on the victim.
Furthemore, although researchers have atternpted to create an index to measure the risk
of sexual abuse, no single approach has been widely accepted Nevertheless, research in
this area is stiU on-going because a predictive index will improve attempts to prevent
sexual abuse. Using the weli-estabfished literature on risk factors for sexual abuse in the
generd population, it is possible to make suppositional predictions for sexud abuse in
the athlete population. It is important to note that fùture research in the area of risk
factors and sport is required before any definite conclusions can be made.
Although it is clear fiom epiderniological studies in generai society that females
are more likely to be abwd than males, exact ratios are not available. One might be
tempted to conclude that this is also tme in the case of sport. However, the majority of
research that has been conducted on sexual abuse in sport has focused exclusively on
female victims. Therefore, whilst being femaie is a high-risk factor in the general population, whether the same is true within sport is open to debate. Perhaps, the risk of being abused may be higher in females because coaches are usuaily male. On the other hand, Matthews (1997) believes that the sexual abuse of boys is as common as the sexuai abuse of girls in the general population- Indeed, Watkins and Bentovin (1992) suggest that the abuse of males is underreported due to feus of homosexuality and other masculine dynamics. Certainly, more male athletes are coming forward with stories of their abuse at the han& of coaches, as in the case of ice hockey player, Sheldon
Kennedy, who was sexually abused by his coach Graham James. The documented cases of sexuai abuse in sport imply that more males than females are abused. Nevertheless, in the absence of more research, femaies must still be considered to be at a higher risk than males.
Aithough sexual abuse cmand does occur at any age, researchers agree that the most common age at which both males and females are iikely to be abused is between eight and twelve years of age (Finkehor and Baron1986). The majority of reported cases have, in fact, included "latency-age" and "adolescent" victims (Hollin & Howells,
199 1) '. The average age of victims in sport depicted in Table 4 is fourteen. Therefore, combining the data fiom the general population and athlete populations it appears that athietes between the ages of eight and nineteen (particularly fourteen year-olds) are most at nsk. Indeed, this is the age at which separation fkom the parents, because of sport may also increase.
Both Finkehor (1984) and the Department of Justice, Canada (1988) highlight the point that stability and the opportunity to form close bonds with parents or family members is an important factor in protection against abuse. Many of the parental factors thought to be associated with sexuai abuse (such as alcoholism, neglect, or a history of abuse) have been disputed in the literature (Orme and Rimmer, 1981). However, researchers do agree that poor relationships with parents and family are significant nsk factors in extra-fafniliai sexual abuse. In sport, athletes often spend Long periods of the away fiom home for training or cornpetition and are unable to look to their parents as Unmediate role models and daiiy providers of care and support, so the coach may be regarded as a parental figure. Essentialiy this means the athlete tmsts and respects the coach; yet it is this very parental-like tmst and respect that can easily be exploited and abused-
Findy, severai studies that have examined how offenders select their victims, have identifïed other factors that rnay make an individual more vulnerable to sexuai abuse. For example, Conte (as cited in Hoband Howells, 199 1) suggests that there are a number of 'vuinerabilities' in potential victims. Amongst these vulnerabilities are emotionai characteristics such as being shy, unhappy, having a poor body image and possessing low self-esteem. In fact, many children and adolescents are believed to be at risk because they are essentiaily trusting and dependent, want to please others, seek approvd and love, and are taught not to question authority. Io a similar vein, athletes are often taught that the coach is always rÏght. Young athletes, whose self-esteem is in the developmental stages, often compete for the attention of the coach, and are dependent on hider for their wants and needs within sport. Consequently, the very nature of the sport environment may predispose younger athletes to abuse. Brackenridge (1997) dso lists a number of variables within sport that future research may identiQ as risk factors.
These include: physical contact, dress requirements, regular evaluation, fiequent trips away fkom home, slack screening procedures, weak codes of ethics, lack of athlete and parent contracts, and an absence of opportunity to discuss sexual abuse (Table 5). Table 5
Factors That May Make an Athiete Vulnerable to Sema1 Abuse
Factor Specification
Age 8- 18 years old (especially 14 year-olds)
Situation Separated from parents, living away hmhome in order to traidcompete, or frequent travel
Personality characteristics Shy, unhappy, low self-esteem or poor body-image
Nature of sport Requiring increased physical contact fiom the coach (e.g., martial arts), revealing uniforms (eg., swirnming, or gymnastics) or regular evaluatiod'weigh-ins' (e-g., martial arts)
Organization of sport Weak screening procedures, poor code of ethics, absence of opportunity to discuss sexual abuse, or lack of athlete and parent contracts, Note: Adapted from Brackenridge (1997)
The Etiology of Abusive Behavior
Theories of sexual abuse have been forwarded for many years, and their popularïty has ebbed and flowed in pardel to society's willingness to accept them.
Early attempts have yielded several single-factor theories (i.e., those that attempt to explain al1 crimes of a semai nature with a single theory) including psychodynamic, biological, sociological and behavioral theories. The fist single-factor theory held that offenders possessed various 'emotional disturbances' which resulted in an
'inappropriate sema1 interest' in children. For example, Freud (1953) maintained that sexual offenders possessed unresolved oedipal couflicts, or castration afuciety6 , which
resulted in the continuation of uifantile sexual desires into addt life and regression into
less mature behavior. Whilst Freud's efforts did much to advance understanding and
spark research, they lacked scientific evidence. Later psychodynamk theones identified
various non-sexual 'power-motives' in convicted rapists such as underlyùig feelings of
inadequacy (Groth, 1979; Cohen et al, 1971) and the displacement of anger (Hamilton,
1979). These theories have received widespread interest because they were some of the
fust to be based on scientific research using data coilected fiom incarcerated rapists.
However, these studies also possess various methodo logical weaknesses including
inadequate control groups and non-standardized measures. Thus, the validity and
reliability of these studies is questionable.
A vast number of biological theones have also been advanced, yet few of these
offer a wholiy plausible etiological theory of sexual abuse. The most pragmatic
biological theory suggests that sexual crimes are committed in response to intense,
unconventional sexual urges, which are caused by biological factors such as hormone
levels or chromosome composition (Berlin, 1989). Although biochemicai factors may
influence individuai behavior, biological explanations can be crïticized on the grounds
that one's actions are not independent of psychological factors and/or social factors.
Sociological explanations of sexd abuse have, for the most part, focused on
control, and ferninist theories. Theonsts such as Corimer and Simons (1969) assume that offenders are inappropriately socialized (e-g., the offender has not been taught to relate to others, especially women, in a non-violent, non-aggressive manner). Accordingly, the anti-social behavior of others reinforces the individuai's predisposition
to such behavior. However, human behavior is not always shaped by a predisposition
towards deviance. Furthermore, control theones have often been based on empiricai
studies of incarcerated rapists and rapists held in mental health institutions. Thus, it is
difficdt to determine if these subjects are truiy representative of al1 rapists. One
interesting point raised by control theonsts, is the fact that sedgratification is not
necessarily the motive of the offender, rather it is the ability to control and dominate the
victim (Groth, 1979). On the other hand, feminist theories hold that patriarchy gives rise
to gender roles in society which can encourage males to exert their sexd dominance
(Brownmiiler, 1975). Such theories have made a signifïca.t contribution to research in
this area. Nevertheless, this theory cannot account for specific factors which 'encourage'
a male to break the law in this way. Nor cm fedsttheories account for the diversity
of human sexd desire (Le., the fact that children or other males arouse some men).
Indeed, feminist theories cannot explain cases of sexual offending by fernales.
Finaily, behavioral approaches to sexual offences assume that the behavior itseif
is the disorder, and that there is no underlying problem of which the sexual offence is a
symptom. For example, Langevin (1983) regards sexual abuse as a stimulus-response
(S-R) circumstance where, for example, preference for an immature body is a stimulus, and the actual abuse is the response characteristic. Behaviorists hold that the stimulus that is formed is a result of sexual abuse during chiidhood. However, not al1 children who are sexually abused in childhood, go on to be sexual offenders themselves.
Furthermore, most behavioral approaches, iike the S-R theory are oversimplified, and ignore the complex interaction between psychological, behaviorai and situational
factors.
Not surprisingly, during the past fifteen years, research has shown that no
single-factor theory can begin to £ûIly explain sexual abuse, hence several researchers
have adopted a combined or multi-factorial approach. One theory that has received
considerable support is Finkelhor's four-factor model (1 984). Finkelhor' s model
encourages a more comprehensive view of sexual offending because it proposes that
there are four main factors, which may inter-react and cause an individual to offend.
These factors are: emotional congruence (a close connection between an addt's
emotional needs and the victim's characteristics); sedarousal (various factors which
cause adults to &d children sexuaiiy arousing); emotional blockage (the inability to meet sema1 and emotionai needs in an adult relationship); and disinhibition
(psychological and situationai factors that work to overcome inhibitions against having sex with children). Each factor contains a varïety of explanations. Firstly, nom their study of rapists, Scully and Marolla (1986) found that one of the salient characteristics that sexual offenders point to in their victims is their lack of dominance. Similady,
Panton (1978) assessed levels of self-esteem, self-doubt and feelings of inadequacy of incarcerated rapists, non-incarcerated rapists and non-violent rapists, and concluded that the underlying cause of sexual offending is an immature level of sema1 development.
Both theories help to explain why certain victims may have speciai meaning for offenders (i.e., why they are emotionally congruent). One general theory that supports the second factor (sexual arousal) is that some individuals may have sexual experiences with children that condition them when they become aduits to find chifdren to be
sexually arousing (Weneî, Clark, and Hunner, 1981). On the other hand, Howeils (198 1)
specdates that children often elicit strong emotional reactions in many people (Le., they
are 'affectionate') but some individuals rnay mistakenly label these reactions as sexual.
Howells refers to this as 'attributional error'. Blockage-type theorïes hclude those
which suggest that offenders rnay have problems in fomllng adult relationships, because
the offenders lack adequate social skills, andior possess musually high amounts of
anxiety concerning sex (Anderson and Mayes, 1982; Howells, 1981; Wilson and Cox,
1983). There have been numerous investigations on dishinhibitory factors in sexual
offences. The role of alcohol is certaùily ubiquitous. Estimates of its presence as a
disinhibitory factor Vary, but are usually high (Kanui, 1984). Other disinhibitory-type
theories include poor impulse control (Groth, Hobson and Gray 1982), stressful
situations such as unemployrnent (Swanson, 1968), and even psychosis (Marshall and
Norgard, 1983)-
Possible applications of Finkelhor's four-factor mode1 to the sporting situation
are provided in the following two exarnples (Table 6). Example 'A', suggests that
athletes rnay have a special emotional meaning for coaches because they have less
power and lack dominance. In other words, coaches rnay have emotional congruence
with athletes because they make them feel more powerful (Factor 1). The coach rnay
then become sexually aroused to, or 'fixated' on athletes (Factor II) as they see them as
potentid sources of semial gratification. If alternative sources of sexual gratification are not available, or are Less satisfjing, the coach rnay become 'blocked' in hisher ability to gain semal and emotionai gratification fiom adults not in sport (Factor III). FinalIy, in order to overcome hisher inhibitions against having sexual intercourse with an athiete, the coach rnay begin druiking alcohol, which will act as a disinhibitor (Factor IV).
Table 6
Two Examples of Application of Finkehor's (1984) 'Four-Factor Etiologïcal Model' to Sport
EXAMPLE FACTOR 1 FACTOR II FACTOR ILI FACTOR IV (EMOTIONAL (SEXUAL (BLOCKAGE) (DISMHIBITION) CONGRUENCE) AROUSAL)
A Athletes make Coach becomes Coach cannot gain Coach uses alcohol coach feet more 'ftuated' with emotional and to overcome powerfül because athletes through sexual gratification inhibitions and they lack fantasies of from adult sexually abuses dominance. dominance and reIationships. athIetes, submission,
Coach is Coach fin& Coach does not Coach also emotionally athlete's affection possess the social possesses poor immature and lacks and disposition skills to develop and biological impulse seIf-esteem, sexually arousing. maintam an adult control, which relationship- ovemdes inhibitions.
Note: In each case, athletes are sexually abused because the coach has 'ease of access' to them.
Example 'B' suggests that a coach may relate to athletes on an ernotional level because he/she is emotionally immature and tacks self-esteem (Factor 1). Athletes may become a potential source of sexual gratification for the coach because their affection and disposition is appealing to him (Factor II). If the coach is emotionaily immature and lacks self-esteern, alternative sources of sexual gratification may not be available, which will result in a blockage (Factor m.A predisposition to poor impulse control may aiso
ovemde the coach's inhibitions about sexuaily abusiog athletes (Factor IV).
The separate theories contained in each factor are yet to be validated, and Mer
support for Finkelhor's model is required before dennitive conclusions in both the
general and athlete population cm be made. Nevertheless, the overall model is both
intuitive and plausible, and is one that offers a better understanding of the etiology of
sexual abuse in sport. Indeed, Finkelhor's mode1 combines social, biologica1,
behavioral, psychological, and situational factors, and it is able to integrate ail forrns of
intra- and extra-familial abuse. Most importantly, Finkelhor's model does not remove
responsibility fiom the offender and place it on society or the victim. Having offered an
explanation of why abuse may occur in sport, the next chapter wili attend to how
athletes may be sexually abused, and what effects this may have.
Summary & Conclusion
This research has shown that sexual abuse in sport is not a rare occurrence but
rather a problem that requires urgent attention and action by professionals in sport (e-g.,
spoa psychologists and sport counselors). In order to appreciate the trauma of sexual
abuse and to be able to help abused athletes, professionais must have grounding in the
issues relating to sexual abuse. The first step is to become familiar with the comprehensive definition of sexuai abuse and to understand that sexd abuse shouId not be viewed in terms of consent or non-consent, but in ternis of the range of choices that were available to an athlete. In other words, one should always consider whether the athiete was coerced into having sexud intercourse with the coach by being denied
certain privileges, (such as making the tearn) or enticed with rewards (such as making
the team). More importantly, professionals should always consider the notion of
'fiduciary' relationships, which meam that sexud interaction between a coach and an
athlete is prohibited. Those who become aware of coach-athiete relationships must
therefore accept their mord responsibiIity and report ail breaches of fiduciary
responsibilities.
Secondly, professionals need to be vigiiant for athletes who present with
symptoms that may indicate sexual abuse, particuiarly because self-initiated disdosure
is not iikely. When working closely with athletes, signs such as a signincant deciine in
motivation, a desire to quit the team, unexplained detenoration in performance,
excessive use of alcohol or drugs, and problems with the coach shouid always be
checked carefully and thoroughly. Screening athletes for sexual abuse may be a
controversial issue, yet with insight and sensitivity it cm be included in the general
assessrnent of athletes who seek the help of sport psychologists for problems that may
be indicative of sexual abuse (e-g., interpersonal problerns with the coach). This will
ensure immediate intervention for victims, which will reduce their suffering.
It is also critical for professionals to keep an open mind when examining the evidence, particularly that which suggests offenders in sport are more likely to be male.
Although at present there are few, if any, accounts of sexual abuse by female coaches, professionals must be alert to sexual abuse by fernales. In fact, as awareness continues to grow, the sporting world may discover that accounts of sexual abuse rnay involve females, particularly if the number of femaies who coach increases in the f'uture.
Furthemore, professionals must bear in muid that athletes may also be sexually abused by other athletes, in cases of a power differentiai. SÏmilarly, one might assume that athletes who are most at nsk are females. Whiist this may be Iikely, the need keep an open-mind is again cnticai, and no gender should be excluded fiom consideration.
Neverthelas, professionals in sport should be particularly vigilant about athletes who are between the ages of eight and eighteen; especially those who are shy, lack seK esteern, and may have a poor body image.
Finaliy, although it is less important for professionals to be familiar with etiological theorïes of sexual abuse in sport, a review of this area cm enhance one's knowledge base. Furthemore, the more factors that professionals can ascertain the more factors that they can work to eluninate. Until Finkeihor's four-factor mode1 is vaiidated in the spoaing environment, it is difficult to make any definite conclusions on causal factors. What is more important to understand, however, is the fact that responsibility should always rest with the offender. Notes
1. The condition hysteria has one of the longest histories in psychiatry. OrighaUy derived £iom ancient Greece, it was assumed to be solely a dysfiinction of women caused by a 'wandering uterus'. Psychoanalytic theory (Freud) helped to provide a more reasonable etiology of the condition. Symptoms that have been cited include hallucinations, somoambulism (sleep-waïking), functional anesthesia, fünctional paralysis and dissociation. There is no specinc Iisting of hysteria in the Diagnostic and Statisticd Manual of Mental Disorders @SM -IV), but the hypothesized personaiity type is now referred to as 'histrionic personalities' (the Greek roots are stÏU evident). The term 'hysteria' now refers to a nemsis characterized by presentation of physical ailments without organic cause and various other mental and behavioral aberrations such as excessive and uncontrollable ernotion.
2. Electra complex was a term developed by Freud, who beiieved it to be the desire for sexuai relations with a parent of the opposite sex, specifically that of a girl towards her father.
3. Prevalence research in sexual abuse estimates the proportion of adults who have experienced sexual abuse during childhood. Although prevalence research relies on retrospective recd, it cm provide estimates of both previous and recent occurrences of sexual abuse. It can also estimate rates of sexuai abuse over the. Conversely, incidence studies estimate the number of cases of sexual abuse each year. These estimates are based on the number of cases that have been reported at the the. Thus, prevalence studies are thought to provide a much closer estimate of the rate of sexuai abuse (Ghate and Spencer, 1995) and therefore prevalence rates will be used to discuss statistical data.
4. Sexual assault that occurs outside of the family (Le. by acquaiLltances or mangers) is commonly referred to as extra-familial abuse. Conversely, sexual assault that occurs inside the family (Le. by parents, brothers or uncles etc) is known as inira-fmilial abuse.
5. In classical psychoanalytic literature, latency age refers to the perïod fiom the end of the oedipal complex, to the beginning of puberty. Adolescence generally refen to the penod of transition fiom childhood to young adulthood. Taken collectively these stages form a period from approximately 8 years to 19 years of age.
6. Castration anriety is a psychoanalytic term for describing the anxiety that results from a fear of being unable to function properly in the male sex role. References
Adams, J. A. (1 99 1). 1s it (or is it not) sexuai abuse? The medicaI examiner's dilemma.
Chiid and Youth Servicesz 15,2, 129-143.
Anderson, C., & Mayes, P. (1982). Treating family sexual abuse: The humanistic
approach. Journal of Child Care, 1,2,3 1-46.
Badgely, R.F. (1 984). Sexual offences against chiidren Vol. 1. Ottawa: Ministry of
Supply and Services.
Bagley, C.R.(1 98 8). Child sexual abuse in Canada: Further analysis of the 1983 national
survev. Ottawa: National Health and WeKare.
Baker, A.W., & Duncan, S. P. (1985). Child sexual abuse: A study of prevdence in Great
Britain, Child Abuse and Nenlect, 9,457-467.
Berlin, F.S. (1989). The Paraphilias and Depo-Provera: Some medical, ethical and legal
considerations. Bulletin of the American Academv of Psychiatrv md the Law, 17,
233-239.
Black, C.A., & DeBlassie, R.R. (1 993). SexuaI abuse in male children and adolescents:
Indicators, effects, and treatments. Adolescence, 28, 109, 123-1 33.
Brackenridge, C. (1987). Ethical concerns in women's sport. Coaching Focus 6,507.
Brackenridge, C. (1 991). Cross- gender coaching relationships: Myth, drama, or crisis?
Coaching Focus, 16, 12-14.
Brackenridge, C. (1994a). "It couldn't happen here": Sexual harassrnent and abuse in
soort. Norwegian Women's Olympic Forum, Liilehammer, Norway. Brackenridge, C.(1994b). Fair play or fair game? Child sexual abuse in sport
organizations. intemationd Review for the Sociolo~of SPO- 29,287-299.
Brackenridge, C. (1997). 'He owned me basically': Women's experience of senial abuse
in sport. International Review for the Sociolow of Swrt, 32,2, 115-130.
Browder, S. (1975). Aeainst ou.d: Mea. women and me. New York: Simon and
Schuster.
Burton Nelson, M. (1994). The stronrrer women eet, the more men love football: Sexism
and the Amencan culture of sports- New York: Harcourt Brace.
Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women in Sport and Physical Actïvity
(1994). Harassrnent in Sport: A mide to policies. procedures. and resources.
(ISSN: 1195-003X): Corbett, R-
Canadian Hockey League (1997, January). Plaver's First Report: Kirke, G.
Cohen, M. I., Garofalo, M. A., Boucher, R., & Seghom, T. (1971). The psychology of
rapists. Seminars in Psychiatryt 3,307-327.
Corimer, B.M., & Simons, S. P. (1969). The problem of the dangerous sexual offender.
Canadian Psvchiatric Association Journal, 14.
Crosset, T. (1986). Male coacWfemale athlete relationships. First International
Conference for Spoa Science, Sole.
Cunningham, J., Pearce, T., & Pearce, P. (1988). Childhood sexual abuse and medical
cornplaints in adult women. Journal of Intemersonal Violence, June, 3,2,13 1-
144. 40 Department of Justice, Canada (1988). Issues of concem: Focus on children. [On-line].
Available: http:/fc~adajustice.gc.ca~publicatloflS/prevention/en~~WO3html-
Dobash, R P., Carnie, J., Br Waterhouse, L. (1993). Child sexual abusers: recognition and
response. in L. Waterhouse. (Ed)- Child abuse and child abusers: Protection and
prevention, London: Jessica Kingsley.
Donneliy, P. & Sparks, R. (1997). Child sexuai abuse in &O& Policy Options, May, 3-6.
Elwell, M.E., & Ephross, P.H. (1987). Initial reactions of sexualIy abused children. SociaI
Casework: The Jodof Contemwrary Social Work, 68,2,109-116.
Findlay, H., & Corbett, R. (1998). Harassrnent In S. Fairholm. (Ed.). Coaching
Association Canada: Swak out! Act now! A guide to preventing and
responding to sexual abuse and harassrnent for sport clubs and associations,
January 29.
Finkelhor, D. (1979). Sexuailv victimized children. New York: Free Press.
Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child sexual abuse: New theon, and research. New York: Free
Press.
Finkelhor, D., & Baron, L. (1986). High-risk children. In D. Finkelhor. (Ed.). A
Sourcebook of Child Sexual Abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage.
Finkelhor, D., & Brome, A. (1986). Initiai and long-term effects: A conceptual
fiamework. In D. Finkeihor (Ed.) A Sourcebook of Child Sexual Abuse. Beverly
Hills: Sage. Freud, S. (1953). Three essays on the theory of sexuality. In The Cornolete Psycholos5cal
Works of Simund Freud (Standard edit, Vol. 7). London: Hogarth Press
(Original work published in 1905).
Groth, A.N. (1979). Men Who Raix New York: Plenum Press
Groth, A. N., Hobson, W.F., & Thomas, G. (1 982). The child molesters: CLinical
observations. Journal of Social Work and Human Sexuditv, 1, (1-supp-21, 129-
14.
Hamilton, J. W. (1 979). Multiple group rape: Psychosocial considerations. Jodof
Nervous and Mental Disease, 167, 128-1 30.
Harassment in Sport Collective (1997). Harassment and abuse in mort [on-line]
Available: http://www.harassmentinSport.com.
Harrison, R. (1986). Rape: A case study in political philosophy. In S. Tomaseiii, & R-
Porter, (Eds.) Rape: An Historical and cultural enquiry. New York: Basil
Blackwell.
Herman, J.L. (198 1). Father-dauehter incest. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hollin, CR., & Howells, K. (1991). Clinical Ao~roachesto Sex Offenders and their
Victims. John Wiley & Sons.
Howells, K. (198 1). Aduit sexual interest in chikiren: Considerations relevant to theories
of aetiology [n M. Cook, & K. Howells (Eds.). Adult sexuai interest in children.
New York: Academic Press. 42 Hunter, M. (1990). Abused bovs: The neelected Mctims of sexual abuse. New York:
Fawcett Columbine Books.
Jehy D., McCullum, J., Klassen, C., & Gazan, M. (1987). Thera~vwith women who
were sexuailv abused in childhood. Part f :Description of clients. Winnipeg:
University of Manitoba. Psychological seMces Center.
Kanin, EJ., (1 98). Date rape: Unofficial criminals and victims. Victimolow, 9, 1,95-
108.
Kazan, P. (1 998). Sexual assault and the probiem of consent. In S.G. French, W. Teays,
and L.M., Purdy. (Eds.). Violence against women: Philosor>hical uersuectives.
(pp.27-43) CorneIl University Press.
Kempe, R., & Kempe, C. (1984). The common secret: Sexual abuse of children and
adolescents- New York: Freeman Press,
Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W.B., Martin, C. E., & Gebhard, P. (1953). Sexual behavior in
the human male. Phîladelphia: W .B. Saunders-
KKby, S. (1994). Not in mv back yard: Sexual harassment and abuse in sooa.
Commonwealth Games Scientific Congress, Victoria, Canada.
Kirby, S., & Greaves, L. (1996). Fou1 ~lav:Sexual harassment in s~ort.Paper presented at
the Pre-O1ympic Scientinc Congress, Dallas.
Langevin, R, (1 983). Sexual Strands, Hiilsdale, New Jersey: Erlbaum.
Lenskyj, H. (1986). Out of bounds: Women. sport and sexuality. Toronto: Women's
Press. Lenskyj, H. (1992a). Unsafe at home base: Women's experiences of sexual harassment in
university sport and physical educatioa Women in Spoa and Phvsical Activiw
Journal- 1, 19-34,
LensSj, H. (1992b). Sexual harassment: Femaie athletes' experiences and coaches
responsibilities. Science Periodical on Research and Technolow in SDOC 12,6,
1-5.
Marolla, J. A., & Scully, D. (1986). Attitudes towards wornen, violence, and rape: A
cornparison of convicted rapists, and other felons. Deviant Behavior, 7,4,337-
355.
Marshall, P. D., & Norgard, K.E. (1983). Child abuse and nenlect: Sharinn reswnsibilitv.
New York: John WiIey.
Masson, J.M. (1 985). The assault on truth: Freud's sup~ressionof the seduction theorv.
New York: Penguin Books (original work published in 1896) @p. 259-305).
Matthews, F. (1 997) .The invisible bov: Revisioning the victimization of male children
and teens. Health Canada, Ottawa, 27-38.
Orme, TC, & Eümmer, 1. (198 1). Aicoholism and chiid abuse: A review. Journal of
Studies on AlcohoI, 42,273-287.
Panton, J.H. (1 978). Perspective differences appearing between rapists of aduits, rapists
of children, and non-violent semai molesters of female children- Research
Communications. in Pmchologv, Pmchiatrv, & Behavior, 3,4 385-393. Peters, S.D., Wyatt, G. E., & Finkelhor, D. (1986). Prevalence. In D. Finkeihor (Ed.).
A sourcebook on child sexual abuse. @p 15-59) Beverly Hills: Sage.
Rafler, J. (1 997). Napanee coach found e;uiltv of sex assaults- Kingston Whig-
Standard [on-line] Available:
http ~/~1\~~~southam~com/kingstonwhigstaadard/news/970704/943199.html.
Reid, T. (1 998). Tennis coach accused in under-age sex scandal. Electronic
Telemaph [On-he] Available:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/et?ac=0008 8 15203 42760&rtmo=apNbppXL&atmo=
.. ./wtenl4.htm
Rusell, D.E.H. (1 982). The prevalence and incidence of forcible rape and attempted rape
of fernales. Victimologil7,8 1-93.
Sex attack judo coach is jailed (1998). Electronic Telegraph [on-he]Available:
http://~~telegraph.co.uk/et?ac+00088L 520342760&rtmo=rS3aEX3X&atmo=9
-.hjud23 .html
The Sheldon Kennedy Story (1997). [On-line] Available:
http ://www.cmjmusic.com/B bnUns?news/news~html
Sgroi, S.M. (1982). Handbook of clinical intervention in child sexual abuse. Lexington
MA: Heath.
Sports Council(1996, June). Child Protection in mort - Policies. procedures and systems*
(ISBN: 1861740174) Steed, J. (1995). Our Iittle secret: Confiontiag child sexual abuse in Canada Vintage
Canada.
Stokes, P. (1995). Olmiccoach denies rapinn two swimmers. Electronic Teleeraph
[On-linel Available:
http://wwv.telegraphhco.dc/et?ac=00088 1520342760&rtmo=rS3aEX3X&atrn.. .ln
swimO6 .htm
Summit, RC. (1983). The child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome. Child Abuse
and Neglect, 7, 177-193-
Sutherland, P.K. (1996). Sexual abuse by themists. physicians, attorneys and other
pro fessionals. [Dn-line] Available: http://~.wwlia.org/us-prosx.htm
Swanson, D.W. (1968). Addt sexual abuse of children: A clinical spectnun. Amencan
Journal of Oahopsvchiatrv, 48,237-25 1.
Thrower, M. (1 999, April). Coach facing ban after sex offense. Triathiete Magazine, 180.
(p. 18).
Tomilson, A., & Yorganci, 1. (1997). Male coacwfemale athlete relations: gender and
power relations in cornpetitive sport. Journal of Sport and Sociolow issues, 2 1,2,
May, 134-1 55.
Watkins, B., & Bentovin, A (1992). Male children and adolescents as victims: A review
of current knowledge. In G.G. Mezey, & M. B. King. (Eds.). Male Victims of
Sexual Assault Open University Press. Wenet, F-A., Clark, T-R.,& Humer, R. J. (198 1). Perspectives on the juvenile sex
offender. In R. J. Humer & Y.E. W&er (Eds.). Ex~loring:the relationshir,
between child abuse and delinauency. Montclair, Nk Ailenheld Oshmun.
Williams, J. (1999, March). Sex Lies and finishing tape. 220 Magazine, 105. (p.1)
Wilson, G.D., & Cox, D.N. (1983). Personaiïty of pedophile club members. Personalitv
and Individuai Daerences, 4,3,323-329.
Yorganci, 1. (1993). Preliminary hdings fiom a survey of gender relationsbips and
sexual harassrnent in sport. In C. Brackenridge (Ed). Bodv matters: Leisure
images and lifestvIes. Brighton: Leisure Studies Association. Chapter Two
The Process of Serual Abuse and its Effects on Athletes
Sexual abuse occurs within the context of apower imbalance. That is, one person
exerts sexual dominance over another person who commands less power. Clear examples
of the power imbalauce that exists in sexual abuse can be found in cases where
professionals hold positions of power and responsibility, (e-g., teachers, doctors,
psychotherapists, and clergymen). This type of power imbalance is also evident in the
sexud abuse of athietes. Indeed, examining the role of power in sexual abuse is important
for understanding and predicting (i) the process of sexual abuse and its short-term (Le.,
hediate) effects, and (ii) the potential long-term effects it may have on athletes.
The Role of Power in Sexual Abuse
The term power is consistently used in sexual abuse research literature, yet it is
almost never defined or analyzed comprehensively. For example, Brackenridge (1997)
highlights the role of power in the sexual abuse of athletes but fails to offer a complete explanation of the concept:
In sexual abuse, the coach exploits bis power. This power is sustained
because he has the skills and abilities to develop, enhance and maintain
success and a strong reputation for the sport. To this extent, then, the coach has a powerful grip over the organization, which employs him.
(p.120)-
Similarly, Rutter (1989) attempts to ïliustrate the importance of power:
Power.. .refers to a ciifference in degree of personal and social fieedom
between two people that leads to one imposing his wiU on the other. This
will is usually imposed psychologically, but it can also have physical
manifestations, such as the development of sexual intimacy. (p.42).
Both authors highlight the context of a power imbalance but fail to provide a clear understanding of the concept of power- Since power is a central issue in sexual abuse we need to develop an adequate definition of the term.
The word power is derived fiom the Latin word 'posse ', meaning, '20 be able". It covers a broad category of human relations, and includes 'power terms' such as: influence, authority, persuasion, dissuasion, inducement, coercion, compulsion, force and seduction. Central to any definition of power should be a focus on two aspects: the relations and the process of power. Surprisingly, one must traverse the disciplinary terrains of political science, philosophy and sociology to find even rudimentary explmations of power. One approach views power as the ability of person 'A' to get person 'B' to do what 'A' wants despite initiai resistance (Dahl, 1957;Polsbyy 1963).
Power has also been used to refer to a form of control by 'A' over 'B'. There are several ways this control may be exerted: (i) if 'A' secures 'B's cornpliance by the threat of deprivation or promise of rewards - coercion; (hi if 'A' causes 'B' to change hisher course of action, without the threat of deprivation - influence; (iii) if 'B' complies because he/she recognizes 'A's power - authority; and (iv) if 'A' achieves hisher objectives despite 'B's cornpliance by stripping 'B' of hisher choice - manipuiation and
/or force. Thus it cmbe seen that power is manifest in the context of a relation. Many researchers also view power as a commodity that one does or does not have. However, as
Foucault (1980) points out, power is aprocess:
Power must be analyzed as somethùig which circulates, or rather as something
which only functions in the form of a chain. It is never localised here or there,
never in anybody's hands, never appropriated as a cornrnodity or piece of
wealth. Power is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation. And
not oniy do individuais circulate between its threads; they are dways in the
position of sirnultaneously undergoing and exercising power. In other words,
hdividuals are the vehicles of power, not its points of application. (p. 98).
Lukes (1974) merexplains that the process of power is a method of getting another person to change hisher wants (and therefore actions) without being aware of the role power has played in the process:
'A' may exercise power over 'B' by getting him to do what he does not
want to do, but he also exercises power over hun by infiuencing, shaping
or determinhg his very wants. Indeed is it not the supreme exercise of power to get another or othea to have the desires you want them to have -
that is, to secure their cornpliance by controlling their thoughts and
desires? (p. 23 .).
Therefore, if the role of power in sexuai abuse is to be understood, it must be considered to be both a relation and a process. Foucault (1979) also suggests that power is a
"cornplex strategical situation in a particular society" Cp.93). h this case there are three aspects of power that are important: perceptionsp motivations and resources. An individual's perception of power is important to those who exercise if because it can threaten or enhance compliance. For instance, shaping a person's perception of power must be achieved in such a way so that they will "accept their role in the existhg order of things, either because they can see or imagine no alternative to it, or because they see it as natural and unchangeable, or because they value it as divinely ordained and beneficiai'(lukes, 1974, p.24). In other words, those who exercise power must shape an individual's perception of power in order to maintain the process. Ditferences in power cm be attrïbuted to available resources. As Dahl (1957) states: "The greater one's resources, the greater one's power" (p. 409). Furthemore, two individuals with access to the same resources may exercise different degrees of power because of different motivations: one may use the resources to ïncrease hi/her power, the other may not.
Therefore, power can be seen as either virh~ousor immoral dependhg upon its source, the use of resources and the motive for its use. Ifpower is achieved and exercised in ways that are manipulative or intended to increase personal power (while making the weak more powerless), it is exercised negatively. This is commonly referred to as the 'abuse of
power'. A primary example is sexual abuse.
Once the process of power is established its maintenance is self-propelled. Any
attempt to alter it is extremely dificuit On the other hand, Janeway (198 1) suggests that
the continuation of the power relationship depends on the 'cosperation of the weak', but
the weak can alter this by questioning the status quo, instead of simpiy accepting it. While
this sounds simple in theow in practice it is much more difncult. tndeed, Gaventa (1980)
suggests that 'A' becomes increasingly more powerful as 'B' becomes increasingly powerless. Thus, 'B' not only has to overcome 'A's accumulating power but must
overcome hisher own increasing powerlessness. In other words, once the process of
power is established the weaker party is highly unlikely to be able to alter or stop the
cycle.
The hierarchical nature of sport equips those who are potential offenders with the
resources necessary to exercise power. Coaches, for example, possess substantial power
over athletes by the authority delegated to them by the sport organization. Whilst one
coach may use this power to shape and influence athietes in a positive way (such as promothg good sportsmanship, or building an athiete's self-esteem through ski11 development) the potential offender wiU use this power to increase an athiete's vulnerability and 'cornpliance' to sexual abuse. Exactly how an o-nder does this is explored in the following section.
The Process of Sexual Abuse & its Short-term Effects on Athletes Researchers have presented various models to illustrate the complex process of sexual abuse, where the rote of power is particdarly evident. Emerick (1994), who divides the process of offending into four stages (engagement, grooming, assadt and conceaiment), has perhaps fonvarded the most plausible model. It has also been widely accepted by researchers because it is comprehensive. Indeed, Emerick's four-stage model can even be identified in non-abusive relationships (Table 7).
Table 7
Emerick's (1 994) Four-Stage Mode1 of Sexual Abuse as Apdied Abusive & Non-
Abusive Relationshi~s
Stage (abusive Obiective (abusive Stage Obiective (non-abusive rdationship) relationship) (non-abusive reIationship) relationshiol
I Engagement Create illusion of being 1 Engagement Create image of being a non-offender. (introduction) loving and responsible Seek out a victim. mate. Seek out a partner.
II Grooming invite others to view Ii Grooming (courtship) Begin courtship and offender as loving and invite partner's farniIy responsib Ie. and fil'ends to view one Cultivate sense of as Iovïng and 'shared responsibility' responsible. with victim- CuItivate sense of 'togethemess' with partner.
KI Assault Use victim to filfil1 III Seduction Fulfill sexual interests sexual interests. with partner.
IV Conceahnent Maintain illusion of IV Evaluation Reflect on relationship being non-offender. (maintenance or and either continue with Ensure victim's CO- recovery) it by ensurhg partner's operation. cornmitment or Applying Emenck's model to non-abusive relationships cmhelp to explain why athletes may not reaiize that they experienced sexual abuse. As one athlete explains, "At the the,
1 thought the sex was consensuai... now when 1 look back, 1 don't think it was consensuai" (Skater Accuses Coach of sexual Misconduct, 1999). Furthemore, the work on trauma written by Judith Herman (1992, 1997) and contextuaI data fiom previous interviews with abused athletes lends considerable support to Emerick's model.
Stage One: Engagement
The main objective of the offender during the first stage is to create the iliusion of being a non-offender. As Hennan (1997) outiines:
Authoritarïan, secretive, sometimes grandiose, and even paranoid, the perpetrator
is nevertheless exquisitely sensitive to the reaiities of power and to social noms.
Only rarely does he get into dificulties with the Iaw; rather he seeks out situations
where bis tyrannical behavior will be tolerated condoned or admired. His
demeanor provides an excellent camouflage, for few people believe that men of
such conventionai appearance can commit extraordinary crimes. (p.75).
Another important objective is to seek out an individual who is perceived to be vulnerable and controllable. Potential offenders often seek out positions of trust with children and adolescents in the community because this ailows them both access to victims and the protective authority of the organization (McGuke and Grant, 1990).
Coaching sport is one such position of trust, which allows the offender 'free' access to
victims of al1 ages.
The most 'successfui' abusers are those who have garnered high respect nom the
community Pracke~dge,1997). The offender will often be making a significant
contribution to the sport organization, which may publicly recognize his service, unaware
of his hidden motives. For example, not ody was abuser and coach Graham James named
Inside Hockey's Man of the Year in 1989, but the Canadian Amateur Hockey Association
also praised hhfor behg a 'good role model'. Similady, swimmïng coach and abuser,
Paul Hickson, was made Olympic Coach of the British Team in 1988 for his 'dedication'
to swimming. Such situations make it extremely diicult for the organization to
acknowledge that a coach could have committed such offences and to take necessary
actions to punish them. Despite some complicity, for most case examples illustrated in this text, the relevant organization has been publicly 'shocked' and 'dismayed' when a coach has been found guilty of sexual assault. Earning high respect from the community also makes it dficuit for others (especidy the families of athletes who are often befiiended by the coach) to accept athletes disclosures of sexual abuse by their coaches.
'Engaging' an athlete is achieved through exercising power and control over every aspect of the athiete's life, and simultaneously ensuring that the athlete remains unaware of the hidden motives behùid this. Disempowerment and psychological trauma are rnethods used to instill helplessness and to shatter the victim's sense of self in relation to others (Herman, 1992). This is the process of power that is clearly evident in sport. A coach does not have to be sexuaüy abusing an athlete to begin or maintain the power process. The majority of male coaches are known to adopt an authoritarian approach
(Whitaker and Molstad, 1985). That is, the coach will expect strict, non-questioning obedience of athletes to the û-ainïng reghne that the coach lays down. Athletes who are coached in such ways are deprived of their independence and decision making. For example, during Tomilson and Yorganci's (1 997) interviews with athietes, one subject stated of her relationship with her coach: "1 relied on hUn too much ...On the few occasions he wasn't there for me and I was stranded, 1 was like a spare part. Crikey! What would 1 do? Panic. Because 1 was used to relying on him ail the tirne." (p. 147)-
Indeed, the offender may seek to destroy the victim's sense of autonomy (Herman, 1992), which is eady achieved in sport because coaches have power over the athlete's whole self, including diet, sleep, weight control, and interpersonal relationships. Athletes not only accept this as ' normal' but also often feel indebted to the coach. As one athlete
explains: " He owns your body and he owns your muid and he owns ail the results you put outy'. (Smith, 1993). In this manner then, the coach becomes the most powerfùl person in the life of the athlete.
The offender's next objective is to befiiend parents and guardians of the athietes in addition to complimenting the athlete about their persona1 and social characteristics.
This serves to ensure that those involved (both athletes and the community), view the coach as a loyal fiiend and caretaker, in short, someone to be trusted. The coach may now begin to extend special privileges to the athlete and help them to achieve their goals. This can be done by making an athlete a team member or capta giving them extended playing time or generaily increasing their status within a team or group. As Herrnan
(1997) suggests: "The granting of small indulgences undermines the psychological resistance of the victim far more effectively than unrernitting deprivation and fear" @.
78). A coach has the power to provide the athlete with their very wants and needs (e.g.,
skill, improvement, selection, and success) and this has meant for many "having to
submit to the sexual advances of a coach" (SmithJ993). Whilst the athlete is provided
with their wants, it also reinforces their compliance to the abuse, and stnps them of their
ability to Say 'no'. At this point the coach may also begin to verbally abuse the athlete so
that psychological domination is malntained. RareIy is violence or the threat of
depnvation required to instill constant fear in the athlete. This is because athletes are
aware of the immense authority of the coach and fear that ifthey do not comply with the
coach's wishes their success andor career wîll end. In short, the authority and influence
of the coach can secure compliance. For example, a fiend of a leading tennis player who
has recently pressed charges against her coach-abuser States:
He [the coach] had played mùid games with her for her entire life to make her feel
Like "this is the only way you' re going to make it". .. He couid have nui her over in
a car park and she would have got up and said "Well, he's the only one who is
going to make me a championy'. That's how he programmed her. He controls these
players through fear. (Reid, 1998)
As a result the athlete becomes confused. The coach is both helpful and numiring, but is also an increasuig threat to their mental, emotional and physical well being, and their sporting careers. Inevitably and slowly, the athlete is stripped of their choices and simultaneously becomes manipulated by the coach. Stage Two: Grooming
Emenck (1994) refers to the next stage as 'grooming' which involves the
offender's plan to Merreduce the victim's resistance, and to make others unaware of
his behavior (leberg, 1997). This process is gradua1 and very subtle. Once an athlete is
'engaged' the offender may begïn to invite others to view himmer as a loving, caring and
responsible person. By using normative physicd and social contact with the athlete (such
as physicaiiy helping them with a skill, or offe~gto drive the athlete home after
practice), the coach may become sexually aroused and excited whilst the athlete becomes
desensitized to the physicai andor social contact. A coach may wrestle, tickie, hug or
play garnes with a younger athlete, gradually pushing back their bomdaries of persona1
space. Or the coach may disguise events as accidents. Peter Squire, who was convicted of
sexually abusing young judo players is said to have often abused athietes on the judo mat, claiming the incidents were "accidental" (Electronic Telegraph, 1998). Opportunities for this are abundant in sport, given the amount of physicai handling that is sometimes used in coaching. The athlete is likely to feel loved, important and protected by the coach who is simply viewed as an aectionate person who enjoys being with athietes. The uses of intermittent rewards or expressions of love are dso used in this phase to 'bhd' the victim.
The second objective of the groorning process is to cultivate a sense of 'shared responsibility' within the athlete and 'normalize' the assault behavior, though obviously, this is entirely fiom the offender's perspective. To do this, the coach will often misrepresent social morals and encourage the victim to view coach-athlete sexual relations as a 'healthy' outcome of the environment As a result, an athiete may misinterpet the abusive behavior as a 'normal' part of sport- Indeed, sexual relationships between male coach and fernale athlete are now commonplace and many athletes end up marrying their coaches. (Robinson, 1990). Similady, athletes rnay become preoccupied with the coach because they have developed an emotionai dependence on mer.This may be particularly me of a coach has used incentives and rewarcis. Both situations effectively illustrate the process of power, for the athlete has changed their actions without being aware of what is happening. Some athletes may be quicker to recognize the inapproprïateness of coacldathlete relationships, so grooming has to take a slightly different fonn. in these cases emotional appeals, threats and blarning the athlete may be used.
However, as long as the athlete maintains social connections with others, the coach's power is still limited. Thus, the coach begins to isolate the athlete from partners, family, and even the wider social world. The coach may 'encourage' the athlete to drop social engagements, boyfkiends, girlfnends and family gatherings; suggesting instead that the athiete should be totally 'focused' on the sport. Isolation is not difficult for the coach to arrange. Geographical separation due to training and cornpetition increase the coach's ability to isolate the athlete. In this respect the coach acts as a captor, isolating the athlete fiom influences of society and controlhg an athlete's thought processes and beliefs:
"Captivity, which brings the victim into prolonged contact with the perpetrator, creates a special type of relationship, one of coercive control." (Herman, 1997, p.74). Once isolated, the athlete is dependent on the coach for al1 their needs, and may even become attached to himher at the sacrifice of the athlete's own welfare. Consequently, the athlete will be confused about the coach's behavior and perhaps feel threatened. In the final phase of psychologicai controi over the victim he or she is:
Forced to violate her own moral principles and to betray her basic human
attachments. Psychologicaiiy, this is the most destructive of ali coercive
techniques, for the victirn who has succumbed loathes herself. (Heman, 1992, p.
83)-
The processes of engagement and grooming are often associated with pleasure for the victirn because of the use of rewards and privileges. Yet the trauma of the next phase, assault, combined with this pleasure is a powemil tool because it confuses the victim's sense of what is actuaily occurring (Leberg, 1997).
Stage Three: Assault
During the assault phase, the offender's objective is to fulnll hidher sexual interests while minimizing the risk of being reported. The coach may ask the athlete for permission to touch them or 'consent' to other sexual acts. The athlete may perceive these assaults as consensual and 'nomal'. However, the coach may also, or altematively, initiate sexual acts without the athiete's consent, particularly when the athlete is unable to protect themselves (e-g., whilst asleep, or bathing). For example, a Canadian soccer coach that was found guilty of sexually assaulting four young players in 1997, is reported to have provided his victims with aicohol and marijuana so that he could initiate sexual intercourse when the athlete's "defenses were weakened or they were passed out"
(Rafter, 1997). Only at this point may an athlete perceive the behavior as abusive, and feel powerless Eghtened, confuseci, ashamed and threatened; especidy if the athlete
feels they 'consented' or somehow played a role in the behavior. In a report by
Brackenridge (1997), one athlete who was abused by her coach illustrates this perception:
"1 was obsessed with hirn.. .it wasn't rape it was seduction.. .it was my fault." (p. 123).
Stage Four: Concealment
In the £inal stage of abuse the offender aims to maintain the illusion of being a respecâul comrnmity member who is loving and responsible. Meanwhile, helshe may be constantly reminding the athiete of the 'special' nature of their relationship, asserting feelings of attachent to the athlete, and perhaps making emotional, (e-g., '4 love youy') social (e.g., "It would be easier to live together") and even hancial commitments (e-g.,
"If you let me do this, 1dl give you money") to the athlete. Confused, the athlete feels both a responsible adult who is special and loved, yet also feels ashamed, dirty and mvious about the situation. Additionaiiy, the coach may feel the need to threaten the athlete in order to maintain secrecy and silence, for these are 'shelters for powery
(Foucault, 1978). If secrecy is threatened the coach rnay attack the credibility of the athlete. Caught in web, the athlete feels helpless, fnghtened and intimidated, while the coach feels increasingly powerful. Unable to change the situation, the athlete may completely surrender.
The process of abuse of power has now been completed. Any attempts by the athlete to alter the cycle of abuse are relatively futile since they are becoming more powerless, whilst the coach is accumuiating more power. This process summarized in
Table 8. Tabie 8
A Surnmarv of the Stages of Se& Abuse in Sport
Stace Obiective Coach's Behavior Athlete's Percedon
1 Engagement Create ilIusion of being a Befiiend athietes, families, View coach as tmsted non-o ffender- community and fkiend and caretaker- organization-
Seek out a vulnerable Compliment athIete and View coach as nurturing athlete. extend special privileges or and special, help to achieve a goal-
II Grooming Invite others to view coach Use normative contact to Feel mature and view coach as Ioving and responsible, desensitize athlete to touch, as a peer.
Cultivate a sense of 'shared Misrepresent social morals Misinterpret nature of responsibility' within and encourage athlete to reiationship. athlete, view relationship as healthy,
Measure athlete's risk of Commit smaller orences- Feel confused about reporting assaults. relationship,
III Assaults Use athlete to fÙlfil1 sema1 Ask for consent to sexual Perceive assaults to be interem, intercourse. consensual and feel 'loved' or special. Initiate assaults without Perceive assault as abusive consent- and feeI threatened-
IV ConceaIment Maintain illusion of being Remind athlete of 'special' Perceive coach as abuser non-offender- relationship, and relationship as sexual abuse, Ensure silence and secrecy. Make social, emotional or financial commitments.
Note: Adapted f?om Emenck (1994)
The Long-terrn Effects of Sexual Abuse in Athletes
Individuds who are sexually abused are affected sexually, physicaily, mentally, emotionally, and spiritually. The impact cmbe severe and Melong. Trauma of this type is an overwhelming Life experience that cm put enormous psychological stress on human
adaptation. As Herman (1997) describes: "Trauma arrests the normal course of
development by its repetitive intrusion into the survivor's iife." (p.37). Intrusion may
mean the deveiopment of unusual States of consciousness for some victims, which can
Lead to an "abrupt disintegration of one's i~erworld" (Janoff-Bulman, 1992, p.63). In
other words, body awareness, the sense of serf, feelings and emotions become detached,
which can threaten one's psychological integrity-
The array of psychological symptoms that stem fkom sexual abuse have received
widespread attention by researchers in the field of clinical psychology and psychiatry'-
Unfortunately, to date there is no research that examines the specific long-term (i.e.,
chronic) effects that sexual abuse has on athletes. Therefore, this section will use the
existing literature fiom the general population to make hypotheses on the possible Long-
term effects that sexual abuse may have on athletes. Although further research would be
required to support the implications, this section marks a fust step in attempting to
identifjr specific long-term effects.
Depression & Loss of Self-identity
The psychological Losses associated with trauma often result in severe depression
in victims of the general population (Brown and Finkeihor, 1986; Peters, 1988; Stein et al, 1988; Bryer, Nelson, Miller and Krol, 1987). Depression is a severe emotional state that involves significant changes in mood, feelings of helplessness, loneliness, self- reproach, loss of identity, isolation and distorted thiaking2. Depression can become
irnmobilizing, making one unable to act positively or fhd pleasure in things. In turn, this undermines self-confidence and staas a vicious cycle of decreasing self-esteem and
increasing depression.
For abused athletes, depression rnay be particularly severe for severai reasons.
Firstly, athletes who have been involved in their spoa for several years have as their central identity, the role of 'athlete'. A Large part of this identity is a result of devoting most of their resources (e-g., physical, mental, social, and financial) to developing their sporting talent. However, because sport is now co~ectedwith painful mernories and it involves the offender, abused athletes may lose their passion for sport, and perhaps they may even quit sport aitogether. Subsequently, they may lose a large part of their self- identity. For elite athietes who made an early cornmitment to a career in sport, 'identity foreclosure' may be particularly problematic (Marcia, 1978). Previous encouragement to de-ernphasize educational and work oppominities in favor of developing athletic exceilence Ieaves them with few alternatives for structuring a new identity. There is increasing literature which suggests that athletes who temporarily or permanently disengage fiom sport (either through injury or through retirement) are at an increased risk for developing depression (Kleiber and Brock, 1992; Smith, 1996; Smith and Milliner,
1994). In fact, the nature of psychological distress and depressive symptoms in athletes who have recently disengaged fiom sport has even been paralleled to the Stage Theory of death and dying developed by Kubler-Ross (1969) (Blinde and Stratta, 1992). This suggests that research on athletes who present with depression should screen for possible sexual abuse.
Peaonal power is the right of every person and hisher source of ~e~esteem,and when it is taken away the effects can be dramatic. Therefore, (and particularly for those athletes who remain in sport), sexud abuse may cause athletes to perceive themselves as unable to control situations, and this can induce crippling feelings of helplessness. indeed,
Seligman (1975) has show that if people are made to feel that their situation is beyond control they will eventudy stop trying to influence the situation. This phenornenon is known as Iearned helplessness and is characteristic of victims who have been subjected to prolonged penods of sexuai abuse. Instead of escape, the victims focus on survival.
This can also help to explain why athletes may remain passive participants for a long the, and why they may not take action to stop the abuse. The abusive coach may have particularly reinforced art athlete's feeling of helplessness during the assault stage of the abuse, as suggested earlier. In fact, athletes who have expenenced abuse are likely to have adopted a position of complete surrender to the coach at this point, due in part, to leamed helplessness. As a result they perceive that they cm be controlled and violated. Hence, depression is a likely outcorne. Unfominately, learned helplessness is Ofien global rather than specific (Abramson, Seligman and Teasdale, 1978). For abused athietes then, leamed helplessness may extend beyond the abuse and beyond sport, leading them to feel ineffective and unable to make an impact on any situation. Not only is this iikely to have a negative effect on athletes' sporting performance, but it may also lead to a pattern of negative thinking that may cause them to become trapped in a cycle of confusion, self- loathing and depression, the consequences of which are very self-destructive:
The extensive recouse to dissociative defenses may end up aggravahg
the victims' dysphoric emotional state, for the dissociative process
sometimes goes too far. Instead of producing a protective feeling of detachment, it may Iead to a sense of complete disconnection fiom others
and disintegration of the self. (Herman, 1997, p. 108).
In other words, depression cm be a very serious threat to survival. Indeed, disconnection fiom others, and the disintegration of the self that is ùiherent in depression, often brings with it an increased risk for suicide.
Suicide
For the victim of sexual abuse, suicide often feels like the only option left in a Life that feels out of control. Suicide is a complex phenornenon, characterized by a multitude of feelings, including hopelessness and helplessness, a narrowing of perceived options, a need for escape and severe distress (Kaplan and Sadock, 1994)~. As many as Nteen percent of people with major depression commit suicide (Lerner, 1997). Furthemore,
Briere and Runtz (1986) suggest that abuse vîctims are twice as likely than non-abuse victims to experience suicida1 ideation andlor attempt to end theK Iives,. Whether athletes who have been sexually abused are at an increased risk of committing suicide, is unknown. However, given the association between sexual abuse and suicide in the general population, it may be Likely. Indeed, there have been an increasing number of articles on athlete suicide in the media since the late 1980s. For example, Lester and Topp
(1987) report that more than fZly major league basebail players have commined suicide since 187 1, and in 1990, the Canadian Globe and Mail newspaper reported the suicide of a young hockey player (Fine, 1990). While none of these cases were screened for possible sexual abuse, this factor should not be overlooked in fùture studies. Indeed, Anthony
(1987) suggests that some suicides occur as a direct redt of a "devastating expenence"
within cornpetitive sport. One such 'devastating experience' may be sexual abuse.
Low Self-esteem
Self-esteem can be defbed as the extent to which a person feels positive about
himself or herself (Sonstroem, 1984). Childhood and adolescence is a critical time for the
development of self-esteem (Demo and Savin-Williams, 1983; Robson, 1988;
Silverstone, 1992). Although there appears to be a positive association between athletic
participation and higher self-esteem mlythe, 1982; Browne and Francis, 1993; Thompson
and Sherman, 1993), a growing body of literature also suggests that low self-esteem is an
enduring and common sequel to sexual abuse (Browne and Finkelhor, 1986b; Cavaiolas
and Schiff, 1989; Courtois, 1988). This suggests that regardless of initial levels, the self-
esteem of athletes who experience abuse is Likely to be damaged. This may be because the
athlete loses their basic sense of self during various stages of the abuse, particularly during disempowerment and psychological trauma methods used in the engagement stage. Indeed, in the book Shattered Assumptiom, author Janoff-Bulmaa (1992) posits that self-esteem is destroyed because the victim can no longer assume that they have control over their lives. Hemian (1997) also suggests that the deliberate nature of sexuai abuse violates the victim's autonomy and dignity, and this effectively destroys 'me belief that one can be oneself in relation to others" (p. 53).
Primary caregivers (Le., parents or guardians) can significantly affect the self- esteem of children and adolescents, either positively or negatively, depending upon the nature of influence (Sonstroem, 1984). In a similar vein, the coach in sport cm be
considered as the 'primary caregiver' of athletes, because of the unique and often close
nature of the coachlathlete relationship. If the coach abuses hidher power, damage to an athlete's self-esteem may be profound, not least because it has involved the betrayal of an important and trusted relationship. Brackenridge (1 997) posits that the destruction of seU- esteern may be much more noticeable in athletes because confidence and self-esteem are key amibutes in sport. Furthemore, for male athletes the damage to seksteem may be paaicularly profound because of the commoniy held belief and misconception, that males are supposed to be able to fight and defend themselves. As Sheldon Kennedy states:
"Your self-esteem is so beat down, and you're so unsure of yourself. I question myselfall the tirne" (The Sheldon Kennedy Story, 1997). For young athletes whose self-esteem and identiq are still in the developmental stages, an abusive coach may permanently scar self- esteem. Low self-esteern can lead to a feeling of worthlessness, extreme self-criticism, feelings of failure and self-hate. Expectations may lead to actual experiences. In other words, it becomes a 'serf-furfilhgprophecy *. Hence, the athlete who expects failure is likely to expenence failure. This may feed hto a vicious circle of negativity and decreasing self-esteem.
Furthemore, when an individual is made powerless and their privacy is invaded, they are Likely to expenence intense feelings of shame, guilt and self-blarne, which cm also lower self-esteern. For example, Feiring, Taska and Lewis (1998) found that shame is a significant mediating factor in the development of depression and low self-esteem following sexual abuse. During the actual assault phase, victims do not have control over their own body and thus their sense of self is damaged In tum, this may lead to feelings of humiliation, which are, in fact, ofien intentional effects of the offence: "The purpose of
the rapist is to terrorize, dominate, and humiliate his victim, to render her utterly helpless.
Thus rape, by its nature, is intentionaily designed to produce psychological trauma"
(Herman, 1997, p.58)
Feelings of shame rnay be particdarly intensined for abused athietes because they
may perceive that they somehow 'took part' in the se& activity. As previously outlined,
cultivating a sense of shared responsibility is the offender's main objective during the
grooming stage. Therefore, athletes who were effectively desensitized to the intimate
contact with the coach, and, for example, those who were 'blinded' by the coach's
expressions of love during this stage, rnay be particularly prone to feelings of shame. In
addition, any gratification that the athlete rnay have used to rationalize the abuse during
the groorning stage rnay reinforce their perceived responsibility for the abuse, paaicularly
since the receiving of 'rewards' is likely to be met with social disapproval.
Self-blame is aiso a significant part of sexual abuse and the subsequent deche in self-esteem. Janoff-Bulman (1992) postdates that there are two types of self-blarne, both of which may be prevalent in abused athletes. In characterologicd self-Marne, responsibility is focused on the victim's character or personaiity, and this represents a more global assessrnent of the seK For exarnple, the athlete rnay believe that the abuse happened because they were not able to recognize that the coach's intentions were abusive.
On the other hand, behaviorul self-blame is control-related and blame is focused on the victim's own behavior. During the abuse the coach rnay feed behavioral self-blame which rnay then provide the athlete with 'proof that they were at fault. As noted earlier, blaming the athlete may be particuiariy used during grooming and assault stages. In one instance, a victirn of the rapist-coach Paul Hickson, "pleaded with him to wait until her
14" birthday in a bid to make him stop. From that time, the young swimmer was regdarly raped."(Stokes, 1995). In other words, by granting her plea, the abuser deceptively led the victim to feel that she consented to the abuse, and was therefore to blame. Goveming bodies of sport who have been slow to respond to incidents of sexual abuse dso feed into the athlete's self-blarne. One example is clearly iilustrated by the former secretary of the
Amateur Swirnming Association of Great Britain, who, upon being asked why the organization did not respond to athlete's complaints, stated: '9 distinctly remember asking the question of under-age sex - were any under age? - and they said not." (Spencer,
1995). In essence, because the victims were presumed to be 'old enough' to stop the abuse, it was not considered to be a problem.
Self-injury, Eating Disorders & Overtraining
Self-injury occurs when an individual exerts physical damage to hidher body, chronicdly, ritualisticaily, or sporadicaily5. This damage may be innicted through scratching, biting or buming, though cutting oneself is the most comrnon method of self- injury in the general population (Favazza and Conterio, 1988). In the last decade of research, self-injury has become increasingly associated with the effects of sexud abuse
(Courtois, 1988, Young, 1982, Favaua, 1987), perhaps because victirns have deep self- hatred for themselves and want to destroy their bodies. in sexual abuse, self-injury has a variety of underlying motivations: (i) anger that is directed at oneself, (ii) ~e~punishment for the abuse, (iii) disfigurements to avert Merabuse, and (iv) a plea for help (Blume, 1990). Overall, such behavior is intended to relieve unmanageable stress and emotional
pain, thereby dulhg feelings of powerlessness. For athletes who have been sexuaily
abused, self- injury may involve two specific types of behavioa that are ofien comected
to sport: (i) eating disorders, and (hi overizahhg .
There appears to be a signifïcant cause-and-effect relationship between previous
sexual trauma and the subsequent development of an eathg disorder6. Clinical studies of
eating disordered patients report that between forty percent (Hall et al, L989) and seventy
percent (Oppenheimer, Howells, Palmer, and Chaioner, 1985) have been sedyabused.
Eating disorders may also be more common in athletes who have been abused than other
abused populations, because of the emphasis on and legitïmbtion of thinness, and the
unusual eating patterns that are inherent parts of some sports. Indeed, several authors
have argued that because some sports promote a focus on weight, (e-g., weight restrictions, judging criteria, coach-appiied pressure and performance demands encouraging very low body fat.) they might precipitate an eating disorder in predisposed athletes (Davis et al, 1994; Pietrie, 1993; Thompson and Sherman, 1993). Proposed catalysts to the development of eating disorders in athletes include 'traumatic events' and
'stressfid periods' such as sexual abuse (Sundgot-Borgen, 1994).
However, the exact link between sexual abuse and eating disorders is controversial. Since sexual abuse is a violation of an individual's physical boundary (Le., the trauma is outside the realm of personal control), some researchers believe that victims may react to this by over controlling those elements that are within their power - their bodyweight and body image: The body of the patient with an eating disorder is required to remain
absolutely under self-control and not be subject to extemal
influences. -.the control derives fkom a temble sense that one's
body.. .is out of control, easily influenceci, invaded, exploited, and
ovenvhelmed by extemal forces. (Goodsitt, 1983, p.55).
Similarly, Haii et al, (1989) posit that viccims who develop bulimia nervosa may be subconsciously striving to gain as much weight as possible to become 'nonesexud ', and thus avoid merabuse. In this case, an increase in bodyweight and physical size meam a linear increase in personai power. On the other hand, victims who becorne anorexic may be stnving to lose weight in order to appear 'skeietonized' and avert a potentid abuser. In both cases an eating disorder is an underlying mechanism for gaining control over or averting sexual abuse. An alternative explanation is the 'sema1 barrier weight theory '
(Weiner and Stephens, 1996). Accordingly, an individual who was sexually abused at a certain weight will exhibit eating disordered symptoms in an attempt to avoid being at, or reaching, that certain weight so that they may avoid the painful mernories of the abuse.
Although there are no empincal data to support a possible link between eating disorders and semai abuse in athletes, the association between the two factors in the generd population shouid not be ignored in fiiture studies.
Successful performance in sport is ofien only as great as the preparation tirne an athlete invests, and with longer competitive seasons, overtrainhg and overtrahhg syndrome is becoming more common in athietes (Hooper, 1995;McCano, 1995; Ragh, 1993). Overtrauiing syndrome is a terni that is used to describe high volume andlor high
intensity training without adequate recovery that results in an array of psychological and
physiologicai problems, such as emotional instability, depression, bacterial infection,
insomnia, cardiac arrhythmia, and chronic fatigue (Fry, Morton and Keast, 1992). Not ai1
athietes who overtrain develop overtraining syndrome, but research has identified several
characteristics and behaviors that make athletes susceptible to overtraining syndrome.
These include athletes who are perfectionists - those who consistently over-achieve
because their standards are set too high (Shank, 1983).
Perfectionism, is a form of self-protection, which has also been iinked to the
sequel of sexual abuse. (Blume, 1990). Victims may overcompensate for their inner sense
of badness (self-blame) by striving for perfection in dl that they undertake, as well as trying to fulfil their strong need to be Liked and admired (low self-esteem). Hence, the victim rnay become a superb performer, an empathif caretaker, the perfect son or daughter, an acadernic achiever, and/or a mode1 of social confomiity. As Herman (1997) explains of the fernale overachiever: "She brings to all these tasks a perfectionist zed, dnven by the desperate need to fhd favor ... In adult life, this prematurely forced cornpetence may lead to considerable occupational success." (p. 1OS).
Therefore, athletes who have been sexually abused may develop a perfectionist zeal which can cause them to overtrain, and thus increase their likelihood of developing overtraining syndrome. Aithough overtminhg may appear to be a 'quest for success', the underlying drive for overtraining and perfection in abused athletes is more likely to be the pursuit of power and influence, and the Fantic search to regain control over their Hethat was lost to abuse. Unfortunately, struggling to achieve the impossible goal of perfection , the athiete is more Likely to be continually faced with inadequacy. No amount of success will suffice, for the athlete's view of the self is perfectly bad rather than perfect Indeed, the admiration and praise of others will simply cobthe athlete's need to bide their flaws. Overtraining and perfection will therefore feed into the athlete7sever-decreasing self -esteem.
Dissociation via hgs& Alcohol.
Dissociation cm be defmed as: ccDisruptionsin the usuaily integrated fiuictions of consciousness, memory, identity or perception-" (Amencan Psychiatnc Association, p.477). In other words, dissociation is a process through which an individual will comparimentaiize various parts of their personality, emotions or body, and view them as separate fiom their whole body7. Symptoms of dissociation include an inability to recali
Somation of a traumatic nature, and reversible memory impairment. Dissociation is a common response in victims of sexual abuse (Bnere and Rw1987, 1988;Courtois,
1988 , Roesler and McKenzie, 1994), due to the traumatic nature of violation. It serves to block painful feelings and emotions, but it can also lead to confusion since it can maintain feelings of powerlessness, destroy self- identifl and personal relationships.
Although there is no evidence to suggest that abused athletes may be more at risk of developing a dissociation disorder than non-athletes, athletes may attempt to produce sirnilar numbing effects to dissociative states by using alcohol or dmgs.
Most researchers agree that many athletes at the higher echelons of competition have experimented with performance-enhancing drugs (Donohoe and Johnson, 1986;
Todd, 1987; Voy, 1991). However, data aiso indicate that an increasing number of athletes use alcohol (Martin, 1998) and recreatiooal dmgs ( Spence and Gauvin, 1996) for
'social reasons'. Substances may be used by abused athietes as a method of dissociation
from the abuse because they cm produce a trance-like state of detachment, and a state of
separation fiom a mind and body that is in considerable pain. Temporary relief fiom
painful memories is obtained by the euphoria that the substance produces (the sudden and
dramatic elevation in mood known as a 'high'). Indeed, psychiatrists often refer to the use
of alcohol and dmgs to numb emotional pain as 'self-medication'.
Alcohol and drug abuse can jeopardue the personai health and safety of the
athlete. Physiologicaliy, when a substance is fiequently coosumed, the body is able to
react and adapt to that substance in its' given amount until it reaches a plateau. To overcome the plateau the athlete must consume increasing amounts of the substance in order to achieve the 'high'. The physical stress that is placed on the organs of the body through increasing amounts of a substance cm cause irreparable damage and may progress to a point where the body may actually break-down. Substance abuse that is done to mask feelings instead of dealing with them cm also have negative effects on interpersonal relationships, personal finances and school or job functioning. Athletes may run into financial problems and may turn to illegal activities in order to obtain money to support their addiction.
Researchers have not yet considered the possibility that sexuai abuse may be responsible for some cases of alcohol and hguse amongst athietes. However, substance abuse does appear to be more common in victims of sexual abuse in the general population ( Harrison, et al, 1989; Herman, 1986; Ladwig and Anderson, 1989; Sullivan, 1988), and given the seriousness of addictions merresearch on the association between
sexuai abuse and alcohol/dnig use by athletes is clearly warranted.
Isolation From Others & Preoccupation with the Offender
Traumatic events cmdestroy the psychological structure of the self, and systems
of attachment to individuais and society as a whole. In short, traumatic experiences cm
challenge fundamental human relationships. Basic trust is acquired in early Life through
relationships with primary caretakers. Erikson (1963) suggests that trust is crucial because
it forms the basis of ail relationships and faith, and it forms a foundation of belief in the
continuity of 1Xe. However, sexual abuse breaches trust. Relationships that are supposed
to offer protection, pose as a threat to personal security. Accordhg to Herman (1997),
abuse victims dltherefore oscillate between "intense attachrnent and terr5ed
withdrawal" (p.%). That is, the victim desperately seeks a relationship that wil1 offer
them security; yet perceived threats to this securïty can resuit in an abrupt change in the relationship, and the victirn becomes increasingly confüsed who to trust or disûust
Ultimately, this can force a vichto re-evduate al1 human relationships, conclude that people are not trustworthy, and begin to isolate themselves fiom others: if no one is close to them, then no one can hurt them. Nonetheless, this Ieads to intense feelings of loneliness, and intensifies the perception of being 'Merent' than others. A lack of trust and a subsequent narrowing of one's circle of fiiends may be particularly dinicult for the abused athlete. Research on the psychological effects of the transition out of sport has shown that a major part of the psychological distress of athletes results fiom the diminishrnent of their social support network (Blinde and Stratta, 1992; Smith and Milliner, 1994). Furthermore, isolation fkom partners, famiiy and the wider social world
is a main objective of the offender during the grooming phase of abuse, and the more
isolated the offender is able to make the victim, the more likely the victïm will be to cling
to the perpetrator-victim relationship. hdeed, Hennan, (1997) mens this to a hostage
situation:
Attachent between hostage and captor is the de rather than the
exception. Prolonged confinement while in fear of death and in isolation
fiom the outside world reliably produces a bond of identification between
captor and victim. (p.82).
As a result, a victim may develop a preoccupation with hishr abuser, even after the
abusive situation has ceased. Again, this may be particuiarly tnie for athletes who have
'enjoyed' specid privileges and rewards during the engagement, grooming and assault
stages of the abuse. For exampIe, Brackenrïdge (1997) suggests that the athlete will typically "feel ambivalence about the abusive coach and some express guilt as they feel they may have hurt him. This reluctance to blame the coach is .. .a reflection of the genuine affection, which the athlete has built up for the coach" (p.123). In fact, these types of feelings towards the abusive coach are £kequently misunderstood by society, but they represent the confusion, helplessness, and the emotional dependence of the athiete that the coach has worked hard to produce. If an athlete is to resist developing emotional dependence on the coach, they must actively contradict the belief system of the coach
(i.e., that sex between a coach and athlete is appropriate). However, resistance is extremely ciifficuit for athletes because it entails the suppression of affection and respect for the coach - the coach who has enabled the athlete to achieve success in spo*
Intervention & Recovery
Recovery fiom sexual abuse is a long and complicated process, which shodd only be carried out under the supervision of experienced and qded professionals, such as, psychiatrists, counselors, and psychologists. lndeed, it is beyond the scope of this research to provide an in-depth review of treatment procedures for this reason. SuBice to Say that recovery requires a considerable amount of adaptation in order to incorporate the traumatic experience and simultaneously achieve 'recovery'. The goals of recovery may involve networking support systems, identifjhg old destructive patterns, taking controlled risks, confrontation of feelings, and ofien re-experiencing the abuse (Table 9).
Table 9
Gods of Recoverv fiom Sexual Abuse Identified in Therapeutic Literanire
Reference Go& of Recovery
Faria & BelohIavek (1984) Cornmitment to recovery. IdenciQing old panems, Increase self-control and selfeteem, Ability to express constructive anger, Conml of seIf~tnictivebehavior, Networking support systems, Understanding sexual response
Restoration of seIf-image, Recognition and expression of felings, Communication, Controlled risks, Problem sotving, Recognizïngpersonai na&
Empowennen&Safery (diagnosing the problem, restoring control, cstablkhing a safe environment), Rernembrance (reconstnicting the event transforming memory), Mourning. Reconnection (learning to ttght, reconciling the self and reconnecting with others) Athletes who have been abused represent a special population of society, it is important that those who will be able to offer an insight into the specific aspects of involvement in spoa are involved in the recovery process. A multidisciplinary team, headed by the psychiatrist, counselor, or psychologist, and consisting of the sport psychologist and sports medicai personnel is therefore recommended. Furthemore, this type of team will also be able to help with the rehabilitation of the athlete back into sport, if this is what the athlete desires.
Due to the devastating nature of sexual abuse, it is unlikely that a victim will return to their previous state of firnctioning. Trauma victims do not simply 'get over' their experience and remto 'normal' but rather:
Trauma survivors no longer move through life unmindfül of existence;
they cmmore readily relish the good, for they ail too welI know the bad.
They have made their peace with the inevitable shortcomings of out
existence and have a new appreciation of life, and a realization of what is
really important. The wisdom of maturity, which acknowledges the
possibility that catastrophe will disrupt ordinary routine, replaces the
ignorance of naivete. And the trauma survivor emerges somewhat sadder,
but considerably wiser. (Jano ff-Buhan, 1992, p. 175) Summary & Conclusion
Spoa psychologists and counselors must be prepared for a wide range of feelings and reactions when confionted with incidents of sexual abuse, fiom dis- and denial to pity and anger. This will make it extremely difncdt for the professional to maintain objectivity. In order to help intervention, professionals must have a sound knowledge of sexual abuse dynamics, incIuding reactions to disclosure, offender patterns, and the athlete's reactions, which have been explored in this work. There are two major implications for sport psychologists and counselors to consider fiom this. Firstly, sport psychologists and sport counselors must appreciate the role of power in sedabuse for whilst power may be used by some coaches to shape and influence athletes in a positive way, others may use it to increase an athlete's 'cornpliance' to sexual abuse- Sexual abuse is not a 'simple incident' but a compiex process that involves four different stages which are intended to reinforce cornpliance to sexual abuse, maintain secrecy, and disempower an athlete. During the engagement stage of sexual abuse the athlete's family and fnends, the sporting communïty and perhaps even the spoa organization wiil have been befiriended by the coach, and will therefore have difnculty in believing the athlete. Hence, there is a critical need for sport professionals to use this insight and help to dispel the myth that the athlete was 'at fadt' or that the 'relationship was consensual' and encourage al1 involved to take the necessary legal action.
Secondly, sport professionals who are armed with some knowledge of sexud abuse may be one of the first people to recognize waming signs and indicators of the sema1 abuse process andor its eEects. In other words, sport psychologists play a crucial part in diagnosis and immediate interventiodreferral for abused athletes. Consequently, they mua make a commitment to familiarize themselves with the process of sexual abuse, its shoa and long-term effects and their symptomatology. hdeed, depression, loss of seK identity, chronic low self-esteem, feelings of isolation, eating disorders, overtrahhg, drug/alcohol abuse, and possibly niicidal ideation wiIl require urgent and effective intervention When athletes reaiize that their experience was abusive, the task of the sport professional is to refer the athiete for specialized courisehg or psychiatrie support.
Here, sport psychologists and coanselors may becorne part of the multidisciplinary support team, providùig an insight into the specific aspects of involvement in sport, and perhaps helping with rehabilitation. However, with older athletes who may not be aware that their expenence was abusive, adorwho may be preoccupied with or attached to the offender, spoa psychologists and counselors will have a different task. In this case, they must help the athlete to reaiize that their experience was abusive so that they can make the necessary referrals for intervention and support. This wiLi include helping the athlete to actively contradict the belief that sex between a coach and an athiete is appropriate which was instilled and reinforced by the coach during the process of sexual abuse, and help the athlete to overcome emotional dependence on the coach. NOTE TO USERS
Page(s) missing in num ber only; text follows. Microfilmed as received.
This reproduction is the best copy available. Notes
1. The psychological effects of sexual abuse are often categorized tmder Post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD). PTSD is outlined in the D.S.M.-N as follows: " The development of characteristic symptoms following exposure to au extreme traumatic stressor invoiving direct personal expenence of an event that involves actual or threatened death or senous injury, or other threat to one's physicd intee; or witnessing an event that involves death, injury, or threat to the physicai integrity of another person; or leaming about unexpected or violent death, serious hm, or threat of death or injury expenenced by a family member or other close associate (Cnterion A 1). The person's response to the event mut involve intense fear, helplessness, or horror (or in children, the response must involved disorganized or agitated behavior) (Criterion A 2). The characteristic symptoms resulting fiom the exposure to the extreme trauma include persistent re-experiencing of the traumatic event (Criterion B), persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of general responsiveness (Criterion C), and persistent symptoms of increased arousal (Criterion D). The NI symptom picture must be present for more than 1 month (Criterion E), and the disturbance must cause clinically signincant distress or impairment of social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning (Criterion F)." See pages 424- 429 for details. Throughout history P.T.S.D. has also been referred to as 'hysteria', 'shell shock', 'combat neurosis', 'battered child syndromey, 'rape trauma', 'battered woman syndrome', and 'child semai abuse accommodation syndrome'. For a review see Whidield (1995) pp, 234- 136.
2. The D.S.M.-N classifies the major forms of depression as mood disorders, which have a disturbance in mood as the predominant feature. These are then split into two major subdivisions - unipolar disorders and bipolar disorders. h the unipolar form of the disorder, (which is more fiequent) the person experiences depressive episodes only. In the bipolar form of the disorder, the person experiences both manic and depressive episodes. This research refers to both unipolar and bipolar forms of depression.
3. Committing suicide is intentional behavior of high lethality deliberately planned by the individual, which results in his/her death. This is often referred to as a 'successfûl attempt' . To atternpt suicide involves either: intentional behavior as above, which, by chance, does not result in death; or an act of self-destructive behavior of low or uncertain lethaiity, not clearly perceived by the individual to likely result in death. Suicide ideation refers to thoughts, contemplation, revenes, fantasies and obsessions in which an individual invents themes and stories with hisher suicida1 death as an essential element. 4. The term selflfifiZZing prophecy is used in psychology to refer to the fact that experiences can turn out just as one expects them to because one acts in a mamer that optimizes these very outcomes.
5. Self-injury is also referred to as: self-mutilation, cutting, self-abuse, self-harm and para-suic ide.
6.The DS M-N categones various eating disorders as follows: Anorexia Nervosa is characterized by an intense fear of becorning obese, dramatic weight loss, obsessive concem with weight, and a disturbance of body image. Bulimia Nervosa is characterized by repeated episodes of binge eathg foliowed by purgïng through self-induced vomiting adorthe misuse of laxatives. Eating Disorder Nol Otherwise Specijied refers to those disorders that do not meet the critena for anorexia or bulimia but have a dîsordered eating pattern as the predorninant feature. One example is the eating behavior that is commonly referred to as compulsive eating (however, it shodd be noted that the DSM-N does not recognize this as a psychological or behavioral syndrome, and therefore it is not included).
7. The DSM-N recognizes five types of dissociate disorders as follows: Dissociate Amnesia - the inability to recall important infiormation of a traumatic nature that cannot be explained by forgetfulness. Dissociate Fugue - the inability to recall one's past and confusion about personal identity that is associated with sudden, unexpected travel away fiom home, Dissociate Identity Disorder (formerly Multiple Personality Disorder) - the presence of two or more distinct personalities or personah. States that recunently take control of the individual's behavior, accompanied by an inability to recd personal information Depersonalization Disorder - the persistent or recurrent feelùig of being detached fiom one" mental processes or body that is accompanied by intact reality testing Dissociate Disorder Not Othenvise Speczjted - those disorders which do not meet the criteria for a specific dissociate disorder but the predorninant feature is dissociation. References
Abramson, L.Y., Seligman, M.E.P., & Teasdale, J.D. (1978). Leamed helplessness in
humans: Critique and reformdation Journal of Abnormai Ps~cholow,87,49974.
Amencan Psychiatric Association. (1 994). Diaenostic and statistical manual of mental
disorders (4~ed.). Washington, DC.
Anthony, M. (1987). Teenage suicide: spreading a network of caring over the field of
athletic cornpetition-Interscholastic Athletic Administration, 14,2,4-6.
Blinde, E.M., & Stratta, T. M. (1992). The c%p~acareer death" of college athletes:
Involuntary and unanticipated sport exists- Jooumaai of Sport Behavior 15, 1,3-20.
Blurne, E.S. (1990)- Secret çurvivors: Uncove~gincest and its aflereffects in women-
John Wiley & Sons.
Blythe, D. (1982). The impact of pubertv on adolescents: A loneitudinal midv. Rockville
MD: National hstitute of Mental Health.
Brackenrïdge, C. (1 997). 'He owned me basicaily': Women's experience of sexual abuse
in sport. International Review for the Sociolow of Sport, 32,2, 115-130.
Browne, A., & Finkeihor, D. (1986a). Lnitial and long-tem effects: A review of research.
In D. Finkeihor- (Ed.) A Sourcebook of Child Sexual Abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage
Publications,
Browne, A., & Finkelhor, D. (1986b). Impact of child sexual abuse. Psvcholoeical
Bulletin 99,66077. Brome, B. A.,& Francis, S. K. (1993). Participants in schooi-sponsored and independent
sports: Perceptions of self and family. Adolescence. 28, 110,3 83-3 9 1.
Briere, J., & Runtz, M. (1986). Sexuai thoughts and behaviors in former sexud abuse
victims. Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, 18,4 13-423.
Briere, J., & Runtz, M. (1987). Post sexual abuse trauma. Journal of Intemersonal
Violence, 2,1,367-379.
Bryer, J.B., Nelson, B. A., Miller, J.B., & Krol, P.A. (1987). Child semai and physical
abuse as factors in addt psychiatrie ihess. Amencan Joumai of Psvchiatw, 144,
11, 1426-1430-
Cavaiola, A.A., & Schiff, M. (1989). Self-esteem in abused chemically dependant
adolescents. Child Abuse and Neglect, 13,327-334.
Courtois, C.A. (1988). Heaiine. the incest wound: Adult survivors in thera~yNorton and
Company.
Dahl, R. (1 957). The concept of power. Behavioral Science 2: 20 1-2 15.
Davis, C., Kennedy, S.H., Ravelski, E., & Dionne, M. (1994). The role of physical
activity in the development and maintenance of eating disorders. Psvcholoeicai
Medicine 24,4,957-967.
Demo, D.H., & Savin-Williams, R.D., (1983). Early adolescent self-esteem as a function
of social class: Rosenberg and Pearlin revisited. Arnerican Journal of Sociolow,
88,763-774. Donohoe, T., & Johnson, N-(2 986). Foui Play: Drua abuse in mort. New York: Basil
BIackweii Inc,
Electronic Telegraph (1998). Sex attack iudo coach is iaîled. [on-IineJAvailable:
http :If-.telegraph.co .uk/et?ac+OOO8 8 1520342760&rtmd3aEX3X&atmo=9
.. ./njud23 ,htm
Emenck, R.L. (1994). Child Sexual abuser A doser look at offenders, offense cycle,
process of abuse, and victim, trauma Unpublished manuscript. In C.L. Whitfield.
Memorv and abuse: Rememberinrr and healing the effects of trauma, Florida:
Health Communications, Inc-
Enckson, E.H.( 1963).Childhood and society. New York: W. W. Norton & Co.
Fairia, G., & Belohlavek, N. (1 984). Treating female adult survivors of chiIdhood incest-
Social Casework, 65,465471-
Favazza, A. (1987). Bodies under siege: Self-mutilation in culture and psychiat..
Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Favazza, A.R., & Conteno, K. (1988). The plight of chronic self-mutliators. Journal of
Communitv and MentaI Heaith, 24, 1,22-3O.
Feiring, C., Taska, L., & Lewis, M. (1998). The role of shame and attribution style in
children' s and adolescents adaptation to sexual abuse. Child Maltreatment:
Journal of the Amencan Professional Society on the Abuse of Children, 3,2,129-
142.
Foucault, M. (1979).The historv of sexualitv. VoIume One: An introduction, London:
Allen Lane. FoucauIt, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: selected interviews and other writings 1972-
1977, London: Harvester Press.
Fine, S. (1990 ApnI 2)Student gave few hints of plan to end his life. acauaintances x.
Toronto: Globe and Mail,
Finkelhor, D., & Browne, A. (1 986). Initial and long-term effects: A conceptuai
fiarnework. In D. Finkelhor (Ed.) A Sourcebook of Child Sexual Abuse. Beverly
Hills: Sage. - . Fry, R. W., Morton, A.R., & Keast, P. (199 1). Overtrauiing syndrome and the chronic
fatigue syndrome part one. New Zealand Journal of Sport Medicine, 19,3, Spring,
48-52,
Gaventa, J. (1 980). Power and tiowerlessness: Ouiescence and rebellion in an
Ap~alachianValiev. Oxford: Claredon Press.
Gil, E.(19 88) .Treatment of adult survivors of childhood abuse. Launch Press.
Goodsitt, A. (1 983). Self-regdatory disturbances in eating disorders. International
Journal of Eating Disorders, 2,51-60.
Hall, R.C.W., Tice, L., Beresford, T.P., Wooley, B., & Hall, A.K. (1989). Sexual abuse in
patients with anorexia nervosa and bulimia. Psvchosomatics, 30, 73-79.
Harrison, P.A., Hofhan, N.G., & Glenace, E.E.(1989). Differential dmg use patterns
among sexually abused adolescent girls in treatment for chernical dependency.
International Journal of Addictions, June, 24,6,499-5 14.
Herman, J. D. (1986). Histories of violence in an outpatient population: An exploratory
study. Amencan Journal of Orthopsvchiatry, 56, 1, 137-141. Herman, J. (1 997). Trauma and recoverv: The aflermath of violence from domestîc abuse
to uolitical terror. Basic books-
Hooper, S. (1995). Ovectraininp- abstracts. Australi-an Conference of Science and
Medicine in Sport. (17-20 October). Sport Medicine Australia
Janeway, E. (1981). Powers of the weak. New York: Morrow Qui11 Paperbacks.
JanoE-Buiman, R. (1992). Shattered assum~tions:Towards a new psycholow of trauma
Free Press.
Kaplan, HL, & Sadock, B.J. (Eds.) (1994). Psychiatric emergencies. In Kaplan and
Sadock' s Synopsis of Psychiatry. Behaviorai Sciences CLinical Psychiatry.
William's & Wilkins,
Kleiber, D.A., & Brock, S.C. (1992). The effect of career-ending injuries on the
subsequent well-being of elite college athletes. Sociolow of Sport Journal, 9, 1,
70-75.
Kubler-Ross, E. (1 969).0n death and dying. London: Tavistock/Routledge.
Ladwig, G.B., & Andersen, M.D. (1989). Substance abuse in wornen: Relationship
between chemicai dependency of women and pst reports of physical andlor
sexuai abuse. The International Jomai of addictions, 24,8,739-754.
Leberg, E. (1997) Understandine child molesters: Taking charge. USA: Sage
Publications.
Lerner, S. (1 997). Chemicai Reaction. Medical Science, July/August, 57-61.
Lester, D., & Topp, R.(1987). Suicide in the major leagues. Percephial and Motor Skius
67,3,934. Lukes, S. (1974). Power: A radical view. Studies in sociology, Macmillan Press.
Marcia, J.E. (1978). Identity foreclosure: A unique chailenge. Personnel and Guidance
Journal, 56,558-561.
Martin, M. (1998).The use of aicohol among NCAA Division 1 female coilege basketball,
softball, and volleybail athletes, Journal of Athletic Training, 33,2, 163-167.
McCann, S. (1995). Overtraùiing and bumout. In S.M. Murphy (Ed.). SDO~Psvcholoav
Interventions. (pp. 347-3 69). Champaign, Illinois: Human kenetics.
McGuire, T.L., & Grant, F.E.(lWO). un der stand in^ Child Sexual Abuse. Butterworths.
Oppenheimer, R., Howells, K., Palmer, L., & Chaloner, D. (1 985). Adverse sexual
experiences in childhood and clinicai eating disorders: A preliminary description.
Journal of Psvchiatric research, 19, 157- 16 1.
Peters, S.D. (1988). Child sexual abuse and later psychotogicd problems. In G. E. Wyatt,
& G. J. Powell (Eds.). Lastinrr effects of child sexual abuse, (pp. 10 1-1 17). Sage
Publications.
Petrie, T. A. (1993). Disordered eating in fernale collegiate gymnasts: Prevalence and
personaVattitudinal correlates. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psvcholow, 15,4,
424-43 6.
Polsby, N. W. (1 963). CommUlZitv power and political theorv. Yale studies in political
science. 7. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Rafter, J. (1997). Napanee coach found guilty of sex assaults. Kinnston Whig Standard
[on-line] Available:
http://~.southam.com/kingstonwhigstandardne~~/970704/943199.html. Raglin, R.S. (1 993).0vertraining and staleness: Psychometric monitoring of endurance
athletes. In R.N. Singer, M. Murphy, & L.K. Tennant. (Eds.).Handbook of
research on [email protected]). New York: Macmillan.
Reid, T. (1998). Tennis coach accused in under-age sex scandal. Electronic TeIegrapk
[on-line] AvaiIabIe:
Roesler, T.A., & McKenzie, N. (1 994). Effects of chiidhood trauma on psychological
hctioning in adults sexuaIly abused as children. Journal of Nervous and MentaI
Disease, March, 182,3, 145- 150.
0 Robinson, L. (1 990, August 23). Beating the ~inkribbon snidrome. Globe and Mail (p.
Robson, P.J. (1988). Self-esteem: A Psychiatnst's View. British Journal of Psvcholoey,
153,6-15.
Rutter, (1989). Sex in the forbidden zone: When men in power-therapists. doctors, cIerw2
teachers and othea betray women's trust. Jeremy Tarcher hc.
Seligman, M.E.P. (1 975). Helplessness: On de~ression.develo~ment, and death. San
Francisco: W.H. Freeman,
The Sheldon Kennedv Storv (1 99 7). [on-line] Available:
http ://www.cmjmusic.com/B bniins?news/news.htmi
Shaok, P.A. (1 983). Anatomy of burnout. Parks and Recreation, 17,5248. Silverstone, P.H.(1992). 1s chronic Iow self-esteem the cause of eating disorden? Medical
Motheses, 39,3 11-3 15.
Skater Accuses Coach of Semai misconduct (1999, Apd 12).The Kingston-Whig
Standard.@23).
Smith, A. D. (1996). Psychological impact of injuries in athletes. Sports Medicine, 22,6,
391-405.
Smith, D. (Director).(l993, November 2). Sexual abuse of femaie athletes by male
coaches. In D, Strider (producer )-5" Estate. CBC (Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation) Television. Toronto, Canada.
Smith, A.M., & Milliner, E.K. (1994). Injured athletes and the risk of suicide. Journal of
Athletic Training, 29,4,337-341.
Sonstroem, R. J. (1 984). Exercise and self-esteem. in R-L. Terjung (Ed). Exercise and
SPO~Science Reviews. (12, pp.123-155). Lexington MA: The Collamore Press.
Spence, J,C., & Gavin, L. (1 996). Drug and alcohol use by Canadian university athletes:
A national survey. Journal of Drw Education, 26,3,275-287.
Spencer, R. (1 995). Swirnmine chiefs face lepal action. Home News. Electronic
Telepph Friday 29" September [on-line serial] Available:
http ://www.telegraph.co .uk/et?ac=0008 8 1520342760&rtm=rS3aEX3X&atm.. ./ns
wims29.htm
Stein, J, A., Golding, LM., Siegel, LM., Burnham, M.A., & Sorenson, S.B. (1988). In
G.E. Wyatt & G.J. Powell (Eds.). Lastine effects of child sexual abuse, (pp.135-
154). Sage Publications. Stokes, P. (1995). Olympic coach denies raping two swimmers. ElectronÏc Teleaa~b
[O n-line] Available:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/et?ac=0008 8 15203 42760&rtrno=rS3aEX3X&atm... fn
swimO6.htm
Sullivan, E.J. (1988). Associations between chernical dependency and sexual problems in
nurses. Journal of Intemersonal Violence, 3,5,326-3 30.
Sundgot-Borgen, J. (1994). Risk and trigger factors for the development of eating
disorders in femaie elite athletes. Medicine and Science in Sport and Exercise, 26,
4,414419-
Thompson, R.A., & Sherman, R-1. (1993). He1~i.n~athletes with eatinn disorders.
Champaign, IL+:Human Khetics.
Tomilson, A., & Yorganci, 1. (1997). Male coacidfemale athlete relations: gender and
power relations in cornpetitive Spa. Journal of Sport and Sociolow Issues, 21,2,
May, 134-155.
Todd, T. (1 987). Anabolic steriods: The gremlins of sport. Journal of SPO~History, 14, 1,
87- 107.
Voy, R. (1991). Drues, S~ortand ~olitics.Champaign, IL: Lesiure press.
Weiner, E.J., & Stephens, L. (1 996). Sexual barrier weight: A new approach. In
Schwartz, ME., & Cohn, L. (EdsJ Sexual abuse and eatin~disorders. (pp.68-78).
Bninner/Mazel, Inc,
Whitaker, G., & Molstad, S. (1985). Male coach/female coach: A theoreticai analysis of
the female sport experience. Journal of S~oaand Social Issues, 9,2, 14-25. Yorganci, 1. (1993). Preliminary findings fiom a survey of gender relationships and
sexual harassrnent in sport. In C. Brackenridge (Ed)Bodv matters: Leisure
images and lifestvles- Brighton: Leisure Studies Association.
Young, M. de. (1982)- Self-injurious behavior in incest victims: A research note- Child
Welfare, 61, 8, 577-584. Chapter Three
The Prevention of Sexual Abuse in Sport
The development of prevention programs for sexual abuse did not begin until the
late 1970s, several years derprograms had been established to help victims of incest and
rape by strangers (Finkeihor, 1986). For the most part, prevention programs originated
&om the gras roots without government sponsoahip, and relied on the voluntary effort
of rape cnsis centers and concemed members of local communities. However, since the
1980s, there has been a proliferation of prevention programs in Western countries due to
increasing governmental support. The resulting climate has been favorable for the
development and implementation of prevention programs for sexual abuse that occurs in
professional areas such as education, religion, and medicine.
The growing number of cases of sexual abuse in sport that have been highlighted
in the media have also prompted leading authorities in spoa to design various prevention
programs (e-g., policies, reports, guidelines and other documents). This chapter evaluates
these prevention programs, a process which is important for three main reasons: (i) it
determines whether each program is effective for prevention, (ii) it may help to modi@
certain aspects of each program, and (üi) it contributes much-needed knowledge to the area. Since a carefiil review of the literature revealed that research has failed to evaluate or even discuss the preventive efforts of sport organizations, this chapter marks an
inaugural step in policy research on the prevention of sexual abuse in sport. Methodology
Subjects & Sam~Ies
Several major sport organizations in Canada and England were contacted for
Somation regarding their steps in prevention. in total, sixteen letters were sent out: nuie to Canadian organizations and seven to English organizations. The response rate was surprisingly poor. Only three documents were returned: two fiom Canadian organizations,
(the Harassment in Sport Collective, and the Canadian Hockey League) and one fiom an
English organization (the Sports Council) (Table 10).
Table 10
Documents Retumed for Evaiuation
Co LIective Type of Document Provided TitIe of Document Organ izat ion
Harassrnent in Sport Guide to pdicies, procedures and "Harassrnent & Abuse in Sport" Collective resources (Canada)
Canadian Hockey Report prepared by Gordon Kirke, Q.C. "Players First Report" League (Canada)
English Sports Report of a one-day workshop "Child protection in Sport: Policies, Council Procedures & Systems" mgland) The fïrst organhtion to respond to the request for information was the Hmasment in
Sport Collective- The Collective was founded in 1993, in an effort to confiont the issues
of harassment and abuse in sport. A working group, aunùig to educate and iduence sport
organizations, the Collective now represents over thiay-five sport organizations in
Canada (Appendùc I). The Coiiectïve's preventive efforts are outhed in a document
entitled 'Harassrnent and Abuse in Sport'? and they include the development of a mode1
policy and generd guidelines for the prevention of harassment and abuse in sport. The
Canadian Hockey League (CEIL) produced the second document that was evaluated. In
1997, the CHI, commissioned the Players Fimi Report to confront the issues of
harassment and abuse within the CHL. Queen's Counselor, Gordon Kirke, prepared the
report, which consists of policies and procedures designed to prevent harassment and
abuse in the CHL, and to create an "appropriate environment and support mechanism in
the event that abuse does occur" (Kirke, 1997). The Engiish Sports Council produced the
final document that was evaluated. in 1996, the Sports Council held a daylong seminar to
address harassment and abuse in sport. The seminar was created in conjunction with the
National Coachhg Foundation (NCF), the British Olympic Association (BOA), the
Central Council for Physical Recreation (CCPR), and the National Society For the
Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPPC). The report is a surnmary of the information that was presented at the workshops, together with some general recommendations for prevention. Each section of the report was written by Werent authors (Appendix Il). Design & Procedure
Evaluation of prevention programs in social and policy studies ofien focuses on
program conceptualization and design, program utility, and program implementation
(Rossi and Freeman, 1989). Each area encornpasses a set of fiindamental questions that
are asked of a program (see Table 11). Rossi and Freeman's evaluative tool is both
comprehensive and systematic and was therefore used to evaluate prevention programs in
sport. Some questions in the evaluative tool cailed for additional criteria to be
established, which follow. By adopting a well-established evaluative fiamework of this
type, friture research is likely to be more consistent.
Table 11
Questions Asked in the Evaluation of Prevention Programs
Area of Evaluation Evaluative Questions
Program Conce~tualization& 1) 1s semai abuse appropriately conceptuaiized? Design 2) What is the target population 3) 1s the prograrn designed to rneet a set of goals and objectives? 4) CS there a coherent underlying rationale? 5) Have chances of successfiil impIementation been maximized?
Potential Utility Will the program be effective in reaching its intended goals? Implementation 7) 1s the program reaching the target population? 8) Are the strategies being conducted as specifled?
Note: Based on Rossi and Freeman (1989) (1) 1s se& abuse appropriately concepnialized?
The way in which sexual abuse is defined and presented influences the design and
potential success of prevention programs, thus the process of anaiyzing the implications
of definitions is cnticaily important in evaluation (Rossi and Freeman, 1989). However,
defining a particular problem is not as straightfonvard as it rnay seem, which is rnainly
due to the influence of the stakeholders that are involved. For example, if organizations
oversimplify the conceptualization of sexuai abuse, the ameliorative actions that follow are not likely to be sunicient for prevention. Thus, how programs conceptualize sexual abuse was the first aspect of each program that was examined.
(2) What is the target population?
The evaluation of target population investigated both who is targeted and how they are targeted. Firstly, the evaluation examined if the target population focuses on athletes and sport personnel of organizations (Le. coaches, managers, administrators and officiais,) since they are the key groups involved in the problem of sexud abuse in spoa.
Detemiioing how a subject is targeted involved assessing whether the programs' intervention strategies were delivered to them direct& or indirect&. If programs target athletes and sport personnel indirectly, their effectiveness depends on whether the pathways leading £tom immediate to ultimate targets are correctly identifïed (Rossi and
Freeman, 1989). Hence, the evaluation examined whether programs targeted athletes and sport personnel directly. (3) 1s the program designed to meet a set of goals & objectives?
Prevention rests on the need to reduce the gap between a goal and reality (Rossi
and Freeman, 1989) and thus it is critical for organizations to have clear goals and
objectives. The criteria upon which goals and objectives were measured are based on
three levels of prevention @rimary prevention, secondary prevenrion, and tertiary prevention) , which are used in public heaith promotion and prevention policies (Clark,
1981; Leventhal, Prohaska & Hirschrnan, 1985; Runyany 1985). This approach to
prevention has also been used with considerable success in sexual abwprevention in the
general population (Bagley, 1990; 1991). Prirnary prevention is the most important step
because it encompasses the ultimate goal - to eradicate sexual abuse. On the other hand,
both secondary and tertiary prevention focuses on intervening once sexual abuse has occurred (Table 12).
TabIe 12
The Criteria upon Which Goals & Obiectives Were Assessed
Stage of Prevention Criterion Goal Criterion Objectives
Prirnary prevention Eradication of sexud abuse Elimination of causai factors Education of targeted populations
Secondary prevention Identification of sexuai abuse Promotion of disclonire- tnendly atmosphere Minimization of hamifi11 Training those who respond to cases consequences (on the victim) EstabIishing efficient cornplaint procedures Establishing effective treaunent of victims Establishing effective pend poIicies
Tertiary prevention Long-term Intervention Provision of adequate and effective therapeutic measures for victims
Note: Adapted From Bagley (1990, 199 1) (4) 1s there a coherent underlying rationale?
Often, main 'stakehoiders' design prevention programs, which can significantiy
influence the underlying rationale. For example, a sport organization represents both a
stakeholder and a responder to the problem of sexual abuse in sport As a stakeholder, the
organization may focus on maintaining its 'heaith', which rests on the number of
participants involved in sport, the revenue it generates, and the 'cleaaliness' of its image.
Consequently, the needs of the population at risk are secondary to the needs of the
organization's health, or at worst, they are ignored completely. To assess the underlying
rationale of the prograrn an in-depth review and subsequent analysis of the impetus
behind each and every strategy was carried out. Then the number of 'organizationaliy-
based' versus 'athlete-based' recomrnendations were tallied.
(5) Have chances of successful irnplementation been maximized?
Prevention programs canno t be effective without carehilly developed implernentation systems. For example, if implementation systems are not clearly documented it is likely that the intervention strategies will not be delivered in a uniform way across al1 agencies that rnay become involved, and this may lead to a haphazard approach to prevention Therefore, this section assessed the extent to which access to intervention strategies are optimized, and the specification of intervention strategies: how easily intervention strategies can be accessed, how many people will be able to benefit fiom them, and how each specific strategy is intended to be implemented. Potentid Utility
(6) Will the program be effective in reaching its intended goals?
A program's potential utility rem, in part, on the degree to which a program is likely to produce the desired outcome (Rossi and Freeman, 1989). Therefore, the potential impact of each program was assessed by examining the congmence of intervention strategies in each program with those used in primary, secondary and teaiary prevention.
Intervention strategies for primary prevention that have been used in the prevention of sexual abuse in the generd population include educatiodawareness programs, legislation, screening procedures and policy-making. Intervention strategies used in secondary prevention include developing a 'disclosure-fiiendly' atmosphere, fostering the responsibility to report suspicions, training and education programs for professionds who will respond (compIaint management), policy implementation and evaluation. Tertiary prevention strategies are comprised of establishing counseling and support services for victims, and implementing definitive pend policies (Bagley, 199 1; Bagley and King,
IWO).
Implementation
(7) 1s the program reaching the target population?
(8) Are the strategies being conducted as specified?
Due to the primitive nature of awareness of sexual abuse in sport, and the fact that the three programs were in the design stage of intervention, implementation could not be thoroughly assessed. However, a general discussion of implementation, which uicludes questions seven and eight, is included in the discussion and conclusion sections of this report. Once each of the other aspects was examined the major strenghs and weaknesses
of each program were used to detemiuie the program's overaii effectiveness. In addition,
a cornparison was made between each program.
Harassment & Abuse in Spoa (The Harassment in Sport Collective)
( 1) 1s sexual abuse appropriately conceptualized?
The Harassment in Sport Collective defines sexual abuse as foIIows: "Sed
abuse is when a young or Iess powerful person is used by an older or more powemil
child, adolescent or adult for sexual gratification" (Woodhouse, 1997). The strength of
this conceptualization is that it is very interactive. For example, it accounts for the abuse
of athletes by other athletes, coaches, managers or officials; the abuse of coaches by other
coaches, managers or officials and so on. In other words, the Collective correctiy
identifies that it is power that is at stake rather than the position of the individual.
However, the concept of power is not Myexplained, and thus the program has dificulty
in (i) determinhg who exactly is 'less powerful', (ii) understanding why having 'less power' is a risk factor for sexual abuse, and (iii) exploring how this risk factor can be reduced or eliminated. Consequentiy, the program is not able to sufncientiy address what action can be taken to reduce the disempowerment of athletes who are less powerful. The definition also oversimplifies sexual abuse shce it implies that it is about 'sexual gratification'. This has senous implications for determinhg what acts and situations will be considered abusive. For example, wiil a certain behavior not constitute abuse if the
'abuser' was not sexudy gratified? Throughout this work, it has been shown that sexud abuse has less to do with sexual gratification than the abuse of power. Consequently,
definitions and the ameliorative actions that foUow them should be based on tbis fact-
(2) What is the target population?
Four different targets are idenWied in the Collective's program: personnel of sport organizations (e-g., coaches, volunteers, officiais, managers, administrators etc), the sporting community (e-g., parents), the general community, and athletes. On one hand, this represents an ided and comprehensive target population because it covers many different groups, yet the feasibility of covering such a broad target population must be questioned. Broad target boundaries cm often result in an overestimation of need and a subsequent 'watering dowd of the program in order to serve an excessively large target group (Rossi and Freeman, 1989). In other words, The Collective's target boundary may restrict the resources available to deliver intervention strategies to the key groups (sport personnel and athletes). On the other hand, organizations are targeted directly in this program which has two advantages. Firstiy, it can help to motivate stakeholders support, for if organizations are centraliy involved in preventive efforts, it is more Iikely that they will O ffer &ancial andor administrative assistance in implementing intervention strategies. Secondly, it is more likely that sexual abuse prevention will become a broader, nation-wide campaign. However, for the most part, athletes are targeted indirectly. Many of the intervention strategies are designed to be delivered to them through secondary agencies. For example, a major part of the Collective's education program relies heavily on parents to educate athietes. While parents do play an important role in the iives of athletes, the effectiveness of this strategy depends on the effectiveness of parental education programs and the abilitylmotivation of parents to communicate their
knowledge to athletes. A much more effective education strategy wouId be to develop an
education group who could deliver programs directly to athletes.
(3) 1s the program designed to meet a set of goals and objectives?
The program States that their goals and objectives are to:
(1) Manage the issue of harassment and abuse in sport. This involved media
relations and developing a collective response. We developed key media messages
and identined primary media spokespersons.
(2) Manage the problem of harassment and abuse in sport. This involved Iooking
at the big picture and developing a strategy to create a safe environment for ai1
participants in sport. Developing a strategy will help to avoid duplication and gaps
in the spoa community's response to the issue. (Harassment in Sport Collective,
1997).
These goals and objectives are very broad and vague. Indeed, it is uncertain how the
Collective will measure the outcome of intervention. WilI the program have successfidIy
'managed' the problem if the number of athletes that are abused simply dues not increase, or would 'managing' the issue require an actual decreuse in cases? A second major criticism is that the Coi.Iective's goals and objectives do not correspond with those of public health prevention. The Collective's ultimate goal is to 'manage' the issue/ problem of sexual abuse in sport, rather than eradicating or preventuig it. In fact, primary prevention (i.e., eliminating causai factors and educating targeted populations) is given
Little prionty in the program. Instead, it focuses on secondary prevention (i.e., the development of policies for dealing with complaints) because the majority of strategies that are included in the program center on intervening once abuse has occurred.
Therefore, it can be argued that the Collective's work is not essentially preventive in nature,
(4) Does the program have a coherent underlying rationale?
Although the description of the program emphasizes that the interest of athletes should be the basis of the plan, there are several aspects of the program that repudiate this notion. Firstly, when explainhg why sport organizations should have a harassment policy, the Collective almost exclusively focuses on the fact that it will help to maintain the 'health' of the organization. For instance, the program suggests that having a policy will: "help the sport organization to avoid the time, expense, and unwantedpublicity of an employee, member, or athiete going outside of the mganiraiion to lay a formal human rights cornplaint". (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997) [italics added]. This suggests that the main benefit of a policy is that it can help to maintain the flawless image of organizations, by keeping cornplaints informai and keeping them inside. Indeed, because the importance of maintaining "a good reputation in the cornmunity" is underscored in several places, the program appears to be very superficial in its aim. Secondly, the program focuses on trying to: "Avoid the indirect costs of harassment which include Low productivity, low morale, high turnover of staff and.. . diminished performance of athletes and coaches." (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997). Again, this implies that the health of the organization is more important that preventing athietes fiom being abused. In fact,
the main advantage of the program appears to be its potentid to avert responsibility for
abuse: "A policy is the organization's best legai defense shouid an employee, member, or athlete lodge a formal discrimination or harassment cornplaint. Shodd this happen the organization faces [a] serious dilemma: .. . the organizatïon might be held directly iiable for the harassment." (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997). ALthough the Harassment in
Sport program does address some of the needs of athletes, on the whole, the underlying rationde of the program is to maintah the 'health' of sport organizations.
(5) Have chances of successfûl implementation been maximized?
General irnplementation systems for the Collective's program rests primarily, on the development of a web site and the distribution of guides and brochures to aii its targets, particularly other sport organizations. Using the World Wide Web to promote awareness of sexual abuse in sport holds the potentiai of being able to reach a very large number of people involved in sport. Nevertheless, this strategy depends upon individuai access to the World Wide Web, and the ability of the Collective to inform al1 of their targets of its existence. Furthemore, the Collective appears to be more concemed with reaching spoa organizations than athletes. Therefore, the effectiveness of implementation is limited. Access to specific intervention strategies is less clear. For example, the
Collective has enlisted the help of the Center for Spoa and Law in developing a mode1 policy for sport organizations. However, the question remains as to what the Collective will do to encourage organizations to adopt policies. in fact, personal communication with the Center for Sport and Law suggested that this is a major concem for them also: "While we continue to work on policies, we have also shifted our attention to the
implementation of policies as a next essential area."(Findlay, H., personal
communication, August 6, 1998). Similarly, the program suggests that a nation-wide
help-line should be made available for athletes, but how the Collective will inform
athletes of its presence is dom.Indeed, specincation of implementation systems is
not discussed for the majority of intervention strategies. This suggests that the Collective
wilI have difficdty in ÏmpIementhg its schemes and establishg a lmified response
across organîzations. The failme to specify implementation mechauisms of specinc
intemention strategies is highiighted in the next section.
(6) Will the program be effective in reaching its intended goals?
The goal of the program is to 'manage' the issue/problem of harassrnent and abuse
in spon but, as stated above, this offers little in the way of prevention. The main
intervention strategies of the collective that correspond to those in public health
prevention are screening, cornplaint management, the provision of counseling and support
,and education,
Screening' refers to the process of investigating the background of personnel
involved in coaching in order to determine if they are potential abusers. There are many methods that are used În screening personnel including police checks, interviewing, and refeirug to child abuse registers. The Collective outhes a comprehensive screening system that involves the use of a detailed application fonn and recruïting process, interviews, reference checks, police record checks, supervision~evaiuation,and follow-up. in addition, the program provides usefd and stmctured screening tools for each method. Although thk was the most comprehensive screening strate= that was reviewed, the
feasibility and practicality of this system is dubious. In addition, screening is not enough
to prevent potentid offenders fiom coaching thus it should be used in conjunction with
the ceaification and regdation of coaches.
The collective has designed two methods for improving complaint procedures.
These are training sport organizations in how to manage complaints; and employing
'neutrai' investigators. Nthough the poky provides a detded description of how
organizations should handle complaints of sexual abuse, there is Little information about
how the program intends to organize the training of personnel in complaint management.
Rather, the Collective discusses the actions that a provincial umbrella sport organhtion
(Sport British Columbia) has taken - information workshops, 'harassment advisor'
workshops, and 'harassment officer' workshops - but does not confirm whether the
Collective themselves wili promote these strategies. In this respect, complaint management does not appear to be an effective strategy. Unfortunately, the second strategy also lacks merit. The Collective proposes that organizations should implement a person to 'oversee' the issue of harassment and abuse in sport- Specificaily, this strategy involves appointing two people to act as 'harassment officers':
[The sport organization] shaii appoint at least two persans.. .who are themselves
members or employees of the sport organization, to serve as officers.. .the role of
harassment officers is to serve in a neuiral, unbiased cupucity and to receive
complaints, assist in informai resolution of complaints and investigate formal
written complaints. In carrying out their duties.. .officers shdbe directly responsible to the [sport organization]. (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997)
[italics added] .
Although this strategy recognizes the importance of approaching decisions and actions
with objectivity, there is at least one discrepancy. That is, the Collective also suggests
that 'harassrnent officers' may wish to seek the assistance of a 'neutrat mediator' during
the cornplaint process (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997). If ofncers were tdy
objective, surely the need to seek the advice of a 'neutral mediatoc' wouid not be
necessary ?
In the preamble to the prograrn, the Coilective States that it will provide referrals to counseling services for athletes, make connections with a 'kids help-he', establish peer support groups, and provide athletes with "information for appropriate interventionsy' (Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997). These suggestions compose secondary and tertiary prevention measures. The notion of establishing a peer support group (run by abused athletes for abused athletes) is a unique and intuitive one. Support groups in the generai community are now commonplace which suggests that they are an effective source of help. In the actual program, the notion of using a help-line for athletes is given some attention, but details for referral, peer support groups, and providing athletes with information are not given. nius, there is Little chance that these strategies will actually be implemented. In other words, providing counseling for athletes will probably revolve entirely around establishing a help-line for athletes. If so, this will not be sufficient for secondary and tedary prevention. The Collective states that '%ducation is the key to the prevention of abuseyy
(Harassment in Sport Collective, 1997). Thus, the program aims to provide education for
targets, by using resources, guides, seMces and 'progxams'. Much of the education-
related information that is contained in the report is aimed specificaily at parents, coaches
and Spaorganizations. Increasing the awareness of sexual abuse in those who play a
central role in the life of athietes has several advantages. Firstly, it holds the possibility of
establishing social vigilance of athletes and coaches; secondy, it may increase the detection of athletes who are being abused; and thirdly, it may improve reactions to disclosure. More importantly, by educating personnel the immoral and unlawfid nature of abuse is emphasized. This may serve as a deterrent to potential abusers. 'ïhe strength of the program ais0 lies in the fact that it proposes to implement 'Relationship Violence
Prevention Education' that addresses unlawfül and/or immoral behaviors in intimate relationships. This has the potential of educating athietes and coaches about the hamiful consequences of abusing power. However, there is one major problem in the campaign - the education of athletes composes less than one qumter of the whole education campaign. It is arguable whether this is a sufficient quantity given that athletes are a key group. Should these issues be taken into account then the effectiveness of the Collective's education campaign wouid be improved. smary
The Harassment and Abuse in Sport program contains many weaknesses and few strengths (Table 13). In fact, the number of problems outlined above, imply that the program fails in its conceptualization, design, and potential utility- Although it remains to be seen what the Collective implements, this research suggests that it wïii make Little
impact on the prevention of semai abuse in sport.
Table 13
Maior Strengths & Weaknesses of the Harassrnent & Abuse in Sport Program
Major Strengths Major Weaknesses
Bath key groups (athletes and organizations) Conceptualization of semai abuse are targeted oversimp Iifled Organizations are targeted directly Target population too broad Contains comprehensive screening strategies Athletes are mostly targeted indirectly Inchdes practical tooIs for screening Goals are too broad and vague Relationship Violence Prevention Education Goals are not consistent with public health has potential to be effective prevention mode1 Education campaign targets key groups Primary prevention given Meattention Underlyhg rationaie is based on health of organization rather than welfare of athletes Fails to state how specific intervention strategies intend to be implernented Lack of attention to athIete counsehg and support Comptaint management strategies lack potentiai objectivity Education of athletes comprises less than one quarter of the whole education campaign
The Piayers First Report (The Canadian Hockey League)
(1) 1s sexual abuse appropnately conceptualized?
Sexual harassment/semal abuse is defined in the Piayers First Report as: Unwelcome semai advances, requests for sexual favors, or other verbal or
physical conduct of a semai nature when: submitting to or rejecting thîs conduct
is used as, or there is a threat that it will be used as, a basis for making decisions
which affect the individual; such conduct has the purpose or effect of interfering
with an individuai's performance; or such conduct creates an intimidating, hostile
or offensive environment. (Kirke, 1997)
This definition uniquely combines the concepts of sexual abuse and sexual harassment.
By doing so it elimioates the complex 'grey area7 that exists between original definitions of sexual abuse and sexual harassment. Combining concepts may be considered to be confûsing by some, yet it can also be argued that the Players First Report provides a more comprehensive understanding of the issue and thus it rnay be able to provide more extensive intervention. The effects of this may be far-reaching. For exarnple, including the notion of a 'hostile or offensive environment' in the definition cails for intervention strategies that will reduce or elirninate this type of environment. This may also help to challenge some of the other systemic problems within sport, such as racism and homophobia. However, one criticism that can be levied at the program's definition relates to the use of the term 'unwelcome'. As explored in the discussion of the process of sexual abuse, an athlete does not necessarily have to revoke sexual advances nom a coach, in order for sexual interaction to constitute sexual abuse. By using the word 'unwelcome', an important aspect of abuse is misunderstood. If the program were to address this, the conceptualization of abuse would be much more complete. Nevertheless, the conceptualization offers much potential for the design of intervention strategies. (2) What is the target population?
The report begins with a clear outhe of its key targets: athletes and spoa persomei. By concentrating their efforts on the key groups, the program is less like1y to exceed its financial and administrative capabilities and resources, and they are more likely to be able to meet the specific needs of each group. For example, as weli as the general education of athletes, the program will have more tirne and resources to be able to irnplement athlete-empowerment progxams. Although the CHL may be cnticized for taking an individuai rather than collective action against sexual abuse in sport, by concentrating on the two key targets, the program is more likely to successfully meet their needs and demands. Furthermore, athietes and organizations are targeted directly. These facts should not be ovedooked. In fact, they are some of the most important assets of the program.
(3) 1s the program designed to meet a set of goals and objectives?
The main goals of the program are: "To (a) decrease the likelihood of marassrnent and abuse] happening in the CHL in the fbture, and (b) provide an appropriate environment and support mechanism in the event that it does happen." (Kirke, 1997). The first goal is clear, specinc aod measurable: the program wil1 be considered successful if there is a decreases in the number of athletes who are sexudy abused in the CHL. The outcome of the second goal would be harder to measure unless a clear definition of an 'appropriate environment' and 'support mechanism' is included. Similarly the program's
objectives are less specinc:
To explore defensive measmes scch as the screening of personnel and
educating players with respect to the causes and consequences of
harassment.. .[and] provide recomrnendations to the establishment of a
confidentid support system and a counseling network for players and employees
who experience harassment. (Kirke, 1997).
Both the goals and objectives conform to the public health rnodel of prevention (i.e. the
program works towards prevention in the true sense of the word). Primary prevention
foms the bulk of the program in the form of screening procedures, reference reviews, on-
going employee evaluations, education programs for athletes and advocacy for athietes.
Secondary prevention is addressed in the report through poiicy implementation, the improvement of complaint procedures, the training of complaint investigators, and promotion of a safe, respectful, and dignified environment. (Kirke, 1997). Finaiiy, the provision of counseiing and suppoa services for athletes comprises the tertiary level of prevention. Therefore, the program rests on a set of valuable goals and objectives to those of public health prevention.
(4) 1s there a coherent underlying rationale?
In the preamble, the report states that 'Wothing is more important than protecting players" (Kirke, 1997), and this certainiy appears to be the case. The fist evidence of this Lies in the fact that the majority of intervention strategies appear to have the athletes well- being at hem. For example, the report recommends appointing extemai 'advisors' for athietes, who wiii be responsible for educating athietes and employees with respect to harassrnent and lifestyle issues, as well as informing athletes about their rights and options under the policy, and the availability of counseling and support senrices. The advisors represent a source of neutral and unbiased support because they will be drawn fiom the general community (e-g. social workers, psychologists, p~ychiat~sts,doctors) rather than nom within the spoa organization. Consequently, it is more Iikely that the needs and weüàre of the athletes will be the first priority. Even in the preface to the
Report's policy, there is a strong reminder of where priorities should lie: 'Tt is important to remember the motivation behind the Report: the ultirnate objective is to put Players
First."(Kirke, 1997). Thus, the underlying rationale of the report appears to be 'athletes fïrst and organizations second'. Without a doubt, this is one of the program's major strengths.
(5) Have chances of successful implementation been maximized?
The general implementation system of the Players First Report is the development of a web site and the distribution of guides and brochures for personnel in the CHL and athletes. As previously outlined, the success of using the World Wide Web rests on individual access, and the ability of the CHL to promote it. However, the Report gives equal attention to spoa personnel and athletes. On the other hand, the Playen First Report fails to sufociently specifl the means by which they intend to implement each intervention strategy which will obviously inhibit the potential utility and effectiveness of
each strategy. This is emphasized in the following section.
(7) WiU the program be effective in reaching its htended goals?
The main intervention strategies of the Players First Report that correspond to
those in public health prevention are screening, education, complaint management, and
athlete counseling and support.
Like the Collective, the Players First Report proposes a comprehensive screening strategy, which includes police record checks, the use of child abuse registries, reference reviews, on-going employee evaluations, and psychological screening. While these strategies are effective, the report does not provide exarnples of useful screening tools to aid the organization in implernenting these suggestions. Therefore, these strategies are less effective than those contahed in the Collective's program, because they lack practicality. In addition, the report does not address the regdation and certification of coaches, which limits its effectiveness.
The Players First Report proposes two methods for complaint management. The first is the implementation of a 'complaint investigator' who wiil be independent of the
CHL, and will be selected for their "knowledge and expertise in conducting investigations" (Kirke, 1997). This has at least one major benefit: the investigator is independent of the organization (Le. helshe is appointed fiom outside), and thus is more likely to be objective. The second method of improving cornplaint management relates to the implementation of an 'advisor' for athletes. Advisors wiil be appointed fiom professional areas in the general community (such as social work, police, psychology and medicine) and will be responsible for the welfare of athletes (Kirke, 1997). This includes
helping abused athletes through the complaint process. Again, this strategy ensures that
an objective approach is taken. The advisors will also receive the necessary resourfes and support to help them ensure that the complaint process is as eficient and effective as possible. Therefore, this intervention strategy has much to offer in tems of secondary prevention.
The report mentions that the CHL shouid investigate the use of two support systems for athletes. These are the implementation of a nation-wide toll-fiee telephone service for abused athletes, and the establishment of a counseling referral and counseling insurance scheme. in theory, both propositions appear to be very valuable since they will enable abused athletes to get advice and support unbeknown to the organization.
However, the report does not stipulate how either strategy will be irnplemented. Rather it
States that the 'plausibility' of counsehg referrais wil be 'explored'. In other words, this strategy is not necessarily recommended. Consequently, because these suggestions lack practical application, the overall effectiveness of this secondary prevention mesure is reduced.
s-ary
Overd, the Playen First Report possesses a larger number of strengths than weaknesses (Table 14). Indeed, the major strengths of the Report enhance its concephialization, design and utility- In tum, this suggests that implementation of the intervention strategies will be much easier for the CHL. Therefore, the Players First
Report has the potential to be both effective and preventive. Table 14
Maior Strengths & Weaknesses of the Players First Report
Major Weaknesses Major Strengths
- Concepnralization of sexual abuse irnplies that - Reiatively comprebensive conceptualization of consent is a critical issue sexual abuse - Objectives are vague - Focuses on key groups (athletes and - Failure to state how specific intervention organizations) strategies will be implemented - Organizations and athIetes are targeted directly - Lack of practical too ts for screening - Goals are ctear and specific - Lack of attention to athlete coumehg and - GoaIs are consistent with public heaith support prevention mode1 - lnciudes primary, secondary and tertiary prevention strategies - Underlying rationale based on the welfare of athletes - Complaint management is objective - Complaint management considers athletes
Child Protection in Sport: Policies, Procedures & Systems (The English Sports Council)
(1) 1s sexual abuse appropriately conceptualized?
In the introduction of the report, Celia Brackenridge defines semai abuse in terms of sexual harassrnent as follows:
Sexual harassrnent is usually defined as 'unwanted attention on the basis of sex'
whereas sexud abuse is coerced or groomed, Le. it may appear to be wanted and
involves: [the] exchange of reward or privilege for sexual favors, rape, anal or
vaginal penetration by penis fkgers, or objects, forced sexual activity, sexual assault, physicallsexual violence, groping, indecent exposure, [and] incest.
(Brackenridge, 1996, p.9)
This conceptuaiization is extremely confusing, not least because it implies that the only difference between sexuai harassment and sexual abuse is that semial harassment is
'unwanted' whereas sexual abuse may appear to be 'wanted'. Obviously, this is an oversirnplification of the issue, which suggests that the program will meet with problems in practice. For example, if sexuai interaction occurs between a coach and an athiete, wiii the Sports Council have to inquire whether the athlete did or did not 'want it', in order to determine whether it was sexuai harassment, sexual abuse, (or neither) and determine the appropriate course of action? Lfso, the Spoas Council will be subject to moral and ethical criticisms. Furthemore, this conceptualization does not emphasize the role that power plays in the process of sexual abuse. Therefore, the program cannot hope to address the abuse of power as a causal factor in sexual abuse. Consequently, this conceptualization is both problematic and limited.
(2) What is the target population?
The Sports Council's report focuses on two key groups: athletes and sport organizations. WhiIe this has the same general advantages as those noted for the Players
First Report, the Sports Couocil merrestricts 'athletes' to 'young athletes' or 'children in sport' (although no age criteria is provided). By doing so, the Sport Council unfortunately eliminates 'older' athietes, which has important implications for the subsequent prevention efforts. For example, by focusing on young athletes it is Wely that intervention strategies such as education programs wiIf not be appropriate for the
developmental stages of older athletes. On the other hand, athletes and organizations wiil
both be targeted directly and indirectly, and providing that direct targeting comprises the
main method, then the effectiveness of intervention will be improved.
(3)1s the program designed to meet a set of goals and objectives?
The Sports Council strongly emphasizes that their report represents a first step in prevention, and thus a general evaiuation is more appropriate. The Spoas Council's goals are twofold: '%O raise awareness of the issues and suggest practical measures for reducing the risk of child abuse in sport." (p.4) Despite its early stage, the program acknowledges that elimùiating sexuai abuse is of paramount importance. Consequently, it promises to focus on primary prevention (legislation of coaches and education campaigns) and secondary prevention (policy design and implementation, the improvement of cornplaint procedures). Thus, the program's initial goals appear to be very valuable for prevention.
(4) 1s there a coherent underlying rationale?
The Sports Council's underlying rationale is difficult to determine, because various sections of the report have been composed by different authors, each of whom have a distinct approach to and perspective on the problem. For instance, the section composed by the NSPCC acknowledges that athletes should be the main concem: "Above all...clubs and organizations need to promote a culture within which children are regarded with respect and treated with courtesy"(Clark, 1996, p. 16). This suggests that the report will be geared towards placing the athlete kst. However, the section 'Promoting good practice in sport' does not (as the title would suggest), focus on the
welfare of athletes, but rather the 'health' of the organizatioa. For example, in discussing
the importance of education, it states: ''National bodies could also play a part in educatuig
the public so that where incidents did occur damage to the image of a sport or sport in
general was minimized." (Armstrong, 1996, p.33). ThÏs begs the question of whether the
underlying rationde is really to protect children, or whether it is to protect the image of
spoa and the health of organizations, or both.
(5) Have chances of successful implementation been maximized?
Due to the report-style and early nature of the Sports Council's program, no
details of this aspect are given, and therefore were not able to be evaluated.
(6) Will the program be effective in reaching its intended goals?
The program highlights several strategies that form part of their 'action plan' to
prevent sexual abuse in sport, which concur to those in public heaith prevention. These
are: establishing a grïevance and disciplinary system (cornpiaint management),
implementing criminal record checks (screening), education, and implementing independent help in athlete counseling and support. Due to early stage of this program specific details of each strategy are not available. Therefore, this section of evaluation will be limited to the theoretical plausibility of each tactic.
The Sport Council suggest that screening should involve the use of detailed application forms, police checks, social services checks, reference checks, and comprehensive interviewing. WhiIe the effectiveness of this practical tool remains to be seen, the Spoa Council stresses the need to be reaiistic yet thorough when screening:
Because many perpetrators of abuse and sexual abuse in particular are
dishonest, manipulative and force the collusion of others, it has to be
acknowledged that it is extremeIy difncult to screen out individuals entirely
through the recniitment and selection process.. .It is also important.. . [for
personnel] to demonstrate a healthy Ievel of skepticism and enqujr into
information given. .. by applicants. It is also important aot to be given a sense of
cornfort by the receipt of clear checks. Many abusers are not convicted, either
because they don? get caught or because cases do not reach the court, or do not
result in convictions even if they do go to court. (Clark, 1996, p. 19)
The report also emphasizes the importance of this approach to screening when selecting volunteers despite the urgent need for their help. Thus, the program's screening mechanisms do promise to be comprehensive and effective.
The notion of using national help-lines that allow children to tak to people outside of the sport organization setting is stressed in the introduction of the report. In addition, it also suggests that every organization should set up a 'buddy' scheme for athletes (Pearson, 1996, p.37). Both strategies recognize the need to establish independent resources, but without details of each suggestion evaluation is dificult. In accordance with the other programs, irnplementing a help-iine appears to be one feasible method of secondary prevention, in that it may help to ensure that abused athletes receive adequate support. However, the suggestion of using a 'buddy' scheme must be carefulIy considered on the grounds that it would make the population at risk responsible for its own welfare as a group. Therefore, it is doubthil that the second strategy would be effective in primary, secondary or teaiary prevention.
The Sports Council takes a unique approach to improving cornplaint management in that it suggests that sport organizations should develop support links with broader child protection systems. Accordingly, the role of locai child protection agencies wouId be to provide advice, guidance, and if possible, training to sport organïzations (p. 21). At least in the case of children in sport, this strategy makes intuitive sense. Indeed: "Referrals to social services departments are received fiom many sources but especially fiom pro fessionals who have considerable direct contact with children, such as health visitors, staff in schools, and doctors." (Clark, 1996, p.21). Furthemore, the report suggests that investigations into alleged cases of abuse should be overseen by local child protection agencies. This would help to ensure that investigations are carrïed out fairly and objectively. However in theory, this is only applicable to minors. Whether locai child protection agencies would be able to help in cases of abuse that concem athietes over eighteen must be considered. Nevertheless this proposal promises to be an effective secondary prevention strategy.
Although the utility of education for prevention is underscored in the report, suggestions for education campaigns lack effectiveness. In fact, ody two issues are raised in the report: (i) that the education of parents should be undertaken through schools because of limited resources, and (ii) that education of sports personnel should be achieved through coach education schemes, national seminars and workshops. (Crisfield, 1996, p.29). Clearly, the Sports councii must give more careful consideration to this issue
if they are to make thek education programs effective.
Like the Collective's program, the Sports Council's report contains a high ratio of
weaknesses to strengths (Table 15)' which Lùnits the effectiveness of its
conceptualization, design and potential utility. However, the fact that the report is in the
very early stages of design, shouid not be overlooked. Indeed, as a first step, it possesses
some valuable assets. If the Sports Couocil was now to address some of the major
cnticisms that were highlighted above, the effectiveness of their actions wouid be much
improved.
Table 15
Maior Strengths & Weaknesses of the Sports Council's Program
Major Weaknesses Major Strengths
- Conceptualization of sexual abuse - Both key groups (athletes and organizations) oversimpIified and confiising are targeted - Athlete targetuig is restncted to 'young athtetes' - Goals are mostIy consistent wïth public heaith - Prirnary prevention given less attention than prevention mode1 secondary and tertiary prevention - Comp Iaint management utif izes 'outside' - Underlying rationale focuses more on heaIth of agencies ( IocaI chiId protection authorities) the organization - Suggestions for screening redistic yet thorough - Insuficient attention is given to education - Benefits of ushg independent resources - Some snategies place onus on athletes emphasized Discussion
In terms of program conceptualization, design and potential utility, the Players
First Report appears to be the most valuable and effective prevention program. This is largely due to the fact that the program's goals and objectives are consistent with those inherent in public health prevention. Indeed, the intervention strategies of the Players
First Report give equal attention to primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention areas.
Thus it offers a more comprehensive and systematic approach to preventùig sexual abuse m sport.
Due to the early nature of the prevention programs in spoa it is niffFcult to comment on implernentation issues. However, there is a distinct need for program monitoring in order to estimate the extent to which programs are efficacious. h some cases, certain elements of prograrns may not be translated into practice because of the resistance of key groups (e-g., sport organizations), an hability to interpret guidelines or limiting resources, especially where increased responsibilities are laid upon each organization. The ability of each program to reach athletes and sport perso~elof organizations also rests on the standardization and consistency of intervention. Problems will arise if the design of the program feaves too much discretion in implernentation to the delivery system so that intervention varies significantly across all sites. Since none of the three progrms include an adequate outline of implementation strategies, their ability to success£ûlly reach targets is debatable. Another problem concems the dilution of intervention strategies because of a lack of resources. This means that an indlïcient amount of intervention wifl reach the target population. As discussed, the Collective in paaicular does not consider the feasibility of implementing many of their strategies. Therefore it is extremely doubtful that they will be delivered as planned. In hirn, the effectiveness of the whole program is consïderably reduced.
Several suggestions for modification of existing programs include: altering existing conceptualizations of sexud abuse so that they are more appropriate and comprehensive, focusing efforts on key groups, adjushg goals and objectives in accordance with the public hedth prevention model, making the weLfare of athletes the underlying rationale, re-addressing prÏmary prevention in more detaiI, and Nmuig attention to irnplementation (Table 16).
Table 16
Suggested Modifications for Proerarns
SUGGESTIONS FOR MODiFYING EXISTING PREVENTION PROGRAMS IN SPORT
1) Alteration of existing conceptualizations of sexuaI abuse so that retated issues are addressed
2) Focusing on and restricting efforts to key groups (ahletes and sport personnel)
3) Adjusting goals and objectives in accordance with the public health prevention model
4) Making the welfare of athletes the underlying rationale
5) Re-addressing primary prevention (the eradication of sexual abuse in sport) in more detail,
6) Turning attention to implementation systems Several recommendations for future prevention prograrn that have not been addresses to
date are as follows-
1. Establishing Athletes' Assistance Programs (AAPs)
This strategy is sida.to the Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs) offered in
many professional and vocational workplaces, and implemented through industry and
govemment. EAPs are designed to promote employee health and weU-being by providing help, counseling and referrd for employees who are experiencing personal, financial,
farnily, emotional or psychologicd problems- The crucial component of an EAP is the provision of confidentid and/or anonyrnous counseling, and they are generaliy recognized to be highly successfùt. Therefore, it is recommended that sport organizations should follow suit, and adopt Athletes' Assistance Programs (AAPs) to ensure that the wellàre of athletes are being met. AAP staff should have appropriate experience and skills in identifj6ng problems, interviewing, counseling and referring athletes. They should also demonstrate exceptional skiils in communication, trust and discretion in dealing with sensitive issues (such as semial harassrnent and sexual abuse). Clearly, this creates an excellent opportunity for sport psychologists who not only meet al1 of the above cnteria, but also possess significant knowledge of and experience in working in the sportiag environment. AAPs should be positioned at an organizational level to enhance access, yet the seMce should be kept strictly independent of that organization (Le., the c~~dentialityof the athlete should be protected at a11 times). The range of issues addressed in AAPs shodd encompass the totality of athletes' needs, including the facilitation of educational programs, social support, self4evelopment and empowement propms, emotional support and nutritionayhealth assistance and refed. These issues reflect the many areas in which the welfare of athletes is overlooked. More specifically, at the primary prevention level, AAP stafï- would be responsible for overseeing sexuai abuse education campaigns. Secondary prevention duties wouid include promoting
'disclosure-niendly' and respectfuf atmospheres and ensurhg that abused athletes receive effective treatment Finally, in tertiary prevention, AAPs shodd help to provide counseling and support for victims.
2. Chailenging Existing Values & Behaviors in Sport
This strategy takes a broader view of attemptuig to eliminate sexual abuse and encourages society to challenge the conventionai foundations of values and behavioa that are rooted in sport. However, pioneering change is far fiom easy since sport is steeped in tradition. Because of the increasing amount of power delegated to organizations within sport, athletes are becoming increasingly less powerfûl, which is a significant risk factor for sexuai abuse. Consequently, the welfare of athletes is becoming less important. The fight for govemment funding has aiso led to changes in the organizations that control spoa. Their primary goal now is to maximize govemment and pnvate funding, and thus they have gained increased control over the conditions of spoa participation, whilst decision-mahg and protection has moved farther away fiom the athlete. It is this imbalance of power that contributes to the reluctance of sport to address the individual and collective rights of athietes in order to prevent them £iom harassrnent and abuse.
Therefore, if programs are tnily committed to preventing sexual abuse, radical change is necessary. ChallengÏng existing values and behaviors in sport begins with awareness, but it aiso requires practice that is reflected in interpersonal, economic and legal realities.
Priority must be given to correcting the power imbalance between coaches, sport
organizations and athletes, responding to the welfare of athletes, and placing Iess
emphasis on the fight for bding. Needless to Say, such changes are iikely to be met with
senous opposition. Nevertheless, chdenging values and behaviors offers much in the
way of prevention of sexual abuse in sport
3. Statutory Regdation of Coaches
At present, there are a variety of models for occupational and professional
licensure in general society by statute. These have been established to meet society's need
to have professional groups (such as teachers and psychologists) licensed in order to
protect the public fiom immoraVunprofessional practice and abuse (Feinstein, 1985;
Maney, 1988). In generai, statutory legislation takes one of three forms: licensure,
certification or registration. The most effective form of regdation is a hue licensure
because it ensures minimum professional competence, which is assessed through
comprehensive examination and evaluation (Ginsberg and Anderson, 1988). Certification
and registration offers less protection because they sirnply regulate the use of a title,
which is gained through passing Less stringent examinations or training. However,
statutory regulation does provide more effective protection than non-statutory regulation.
In Canada and the UK coaches are not govemed by statute-based regdations but rather,
coaches have the option to obtain certification through the Coaching Association of
Canada (CAC) or the National Coaching Foundation @CF) of England, if they wish.
Whilst mandatory certification and regulation would iimit the number of people who cm coach, it might provide a more effective way to govem and evaluate all those who do coach, and assess how they coach. Thus, there is a critical need for the CAC, NCF, individual organizations and prevention programs to formulate a unined fkont and establish statutory regdation of coaches. Obviously this takes time, but in the interim organizations must address the resistance to deahg with issues of coaching misconduct so that a more comprehensive approach to aberrant behavior is developed. This may involve mandatory training programs for deaiing with responsibilities and the creation of a professional task force that examines non-cornpliance with reporting.
4. Development of a 'Disclosure-fnendly ' Atmo sphere
To eliminate sexud abuse we need to break the silence. For each athlete who can come forward with a compla.int, there is an abuser who can be stopped. Furthemore, only by disclosing can victims have the possibility of receiving adequate support Certainiy, the aim is not to foster the atmosphere of a 'victim hunt', but rather to eliminate the pressure, secrecy and negative reactions that often force athletes to remain silent. An atmosphere in which the concerns of atbletes are respected shouid not only apply to the issue of sexual abuse, but to al1 issues. If athletes know that their concems about training, for example, will be listened to and valued, then they are more likely to come forward with concems about abusive behavior. Athletes who have suffered abuse may be anxious about the consequences of their disclosure, both for themselves and for the abuser. Therefore it is essentiai that the atmosphere is constructive rather than punitive (Stone, Tyler and James,
1984). This type of atmosphere must also apply to the repoaing of suspicions by personnel and an athlete's Eends. In other words, suspicions mut be welcomed and
investigated without fear of retribution.
Conclusion
This chapter took an inaugural step in poiicy research on the prevention of sexuaI abuse in sport. Unfortunately, the response rate to the request for information was poor; thus, only thcee programs could be evaluated. NevertheIess, it was found that the 'Players
Fust Report' commissioned by the CHL was the most effective in terms of its conceptualization, design and potential utility. Further, this report also adhered to some of the most important goals and objectives outiined in public health prevention prognuns.
The Harassrnent in Sport Collective's program and the English Sports Council's programs were considerably less effective in this respect,
Several recomrnendations were made for mo-g these and other existing programs, and designing new programs. These were to (i) expand the conceptualization of sexual abuse so that related issues are included, (ii) restrict efforts to athletes and spoa personnel, (iii) use the public health mode1 of prevention for definhg goals and objectives, (iv) make the welfare of athletes the main priority, (v) ensure that the eradication of sexual abuse is the dtimate goal, and (vi) turn attention to implementation.
Implementation could not be assessed because of the early stage of the three programs.
However, attention to implementation is critical. It is also recommended that organizations establish an Athletes' Assistance Program, work towards changing existing values/behaviors in sport and establish statutory regulation of coaches, and promote a disclosure-fnendly atmosphere. Above ail, this chapter showed that protecting athietes fkom sexual abuse is not a simple matter, but one that research must pay carefbi attention to.
This report has levelled a nurnber of criticisms at each program, yet they should be praised for their efforts, because it brings sport one step closer to addressing the problem of semai abuse. Nevertheless, this work also shows that criticaI evaluation can serve to increase the effectiveness of these efforts. hdeed, without effectnre action, prevention in the true sense of the word will not be possible at di. References hstrong, H. (1996). Promotuig good practice in sport. In S~ortsCouncil's child
protection in mort: Policies. procedures & svstems. Report of a Sports Council's
seminar for national governing bodies. (June 28, pp.32-3 3).
Bagley, C. (1 99 1). Preventuig child sexual abuse: the state of knowledge and fiiture
research. Io CRBagley, & R. J. Tomilson. (Eds.). Child sexud abuse: Criticai
perspectives on rirevention. intervention. and treatment Toronto: WaiI &
Emerson, hc.
Bagley, C., & King, K. (1 990). Child sexual abuse: The search for healing. Routledge.
Brackenrïdge, C. (1996). Child abuse in sportWhose problem? In Sports council's Child
protection in sport: Policies. procedures & svstems. Report of a sports Council's
serninar for national goveming bodies (June 28, pp. 8-15).
Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women in Sport and Physicd Activity
(1994). Harassment in Sport Collective Harassment and abuse in swa [on-line]
Avaiiable: http://www.harassmentinsport.~om.
Canadian Hockey League (1997, January), Plaver's Fïrst Report: Kirke, G.
Clark, B. (1996). Notes of keynote address. In Sports council's Child protection in s~ort:
Policies. procedures & svstems. Report of a sports Council's semùiar for national
governing bodies (June 28, pp. 16-22).
Crisfield, P. (1 996). Training issues for protecting children in sport. In Sports council's
Child protection in mort: Policies. orocedures & svstems. Report of a sports
Council's seminar for national governing bodies (June 28, pp. 28-29). Feïnstein. (1985). Speciai report: The ethics of professionai regdation. New Endand
Journal of Medicine, 3 12, 80 1-804.
Findlay, K., & Corbett, R. (1998). Harassment. In 5. Fairholm.(Ed.).Coaching Association
Canada: Soeak out! Act now! A guide to preventing and responding to sexual
abuse and harassrnent for sport clubs and associations, January 29.
Ginsberg, M.R., & Anderson, E.A (1988).The range of models for professional
regulation: A review. In A. Maney, & S. Wells.(Eds.). Professional
remonsibilities in protecting; chiidren: A public health approach to child sexual
abuse. Sexual Medicine. Volume 9. New York: Praeger.
Harassment in Spoa Collective (1997) Harassment and abuse in SPO~[on-line]
Available: http://www.harassmentinsportcom.
Kirke, G. (1997) Plaver's First Report A report commissioned for the Canadian Hockey
League (January).
Leventhal, H., Prohaska, T.R-, & Hirschman, R.S. (1985) Preventive hedth behavior
across the life span. In J-C. Rosen, & L. J. Solomon (Eds. ). Prevention in health
ps~choloW. University Press of New England.
Maney, A. (1988). Professionai involvement in public health strategies for the prevention
and control of child sexual abuse. In A. Maney, & S. Wells. (Eds.). Professional
responsibilities in protecting children: A public health ap~roachto child sexual
abuse. Sexual Medicine. Volume 9. New York: Praeger. Pearson, V. (1996). Protecting the most wlnerable in spoa in Sports councilysChild
protection in ma: Policies. orocedures & wsterns. Report of a sports CounciI's
serninar for national goveming bodies (June 28, pp. 36-37).
Rossi, P.H., & Freeman, H.E. (1989). Evaiuatïon: A svstematic approach. Sage
Publications.
Runyan, C.W. (1985). Health assessrnent and public policy within a public health
fiamework. In P. Karoly (Ed.). Measurement strategies in health pwcholow. New
York: Wiley
Sports Council(1996, June). Child Protection in wort - Policies. urocedures and
systems. Report of a sports Council's seminar for national goveming bodies
(ISBN: 1861740174).
Stone, L.E., Tyler, RP., & James, J. (1984). Law enforcement officers as investigators
and therapists in child sexual abuse: A training model. Child Sexual Abuse and
Neelect, 75-82.
Woodhouse, P. (1997'). Abuse and neglect; red cross abuse prevention SeMces In
Harassment in Sport Collective Harassment and abuse in wort [on-Line]
Available: http://~.harassmentinsportrtcom. Appendix A
Sport Organizations Included in the Harasment in Sport Collective
AthIetes Canada Athletics Canada Badminton Canada Canada Games council Canadian Amateur Diving association CAHPERD Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women m Sport & Physical Activity Canadian Blind Sport Association Canadian Canoe Association Canadian Center for Ethics in Sport Canadian Curling Association Canadian Eque*an Association Canadian Gymnastics Association Canadian Hockey Association Canadian Interuniversity Athletic Union Canadian Olympic Association Canadian Paralympic Committee Canadian Parks and Recreation Association Canadian Professional Coaches Association Canadian Rugby Union Canadian Freestyle Ski Association Canadian Wheelchair Basketbal1 Association Coaching Association of Canada Commonwealth Games Association of Canada FederaV Provincial / Territorial Sport Committee Federation of Canadian Archers Field Hockey of Canada Football Canada Judo Canada Intergovemental Sport & recreation Cornmittee National Sports Center - Calgary Softball Canada Sport Canada Spuit of Sport Swimming Canada VolleybalI Canada Water Polo Canada Water Ski Canada Appendix B
Contributing Authors to the Sports Council's Prevention Program
- - - -
CeIia Brackenridge Professor of Sport & Leisure (Cheltenharn & Gloucester
Bruce Clark Director of the NSPCC's Centra1 children's Services
Catherine Walden NSPCC Regional Personne1 Support Officer
John Barlow NSPCC East Area ChiIdren's Services manager
Penny Crisfield Nationat coaching Foundation
John Hall ChildLine Counseling Support Manager
Helen Armstrong independent ChiId Protection ConsuItant
Tom Narducci NSPCC National training & Development Officer
Vida Pearson 'Re-Source' Independent Consultant Chapter Four
Sexual Abuse in Sport: Future Directions
To date, there has been liale research on sexual abuse in sport. Only three authors
(Brackemidge, 1994, 1997; Kirby, 1994; and Lenskyi, 1992% 1992b) have attempted to address this issue. However, these authors have IargeIy focused on the sociological aspects of sexual abuse in sport. Nevertheless, sexual abuse is an extremely complex problem, and one that cannot be neatly categorized into a single research discipline. Thus, this thesis combined a variety of social science disciplines including clinical and counseling psychology, the sociology of sport, sport and exercise psychology, political science, philosophy, and social work. Indeed, because of the muiti-disciplinary nature of each chapter, this thesis represents the first comprehensive work conducted on sexual abuse in sport. Moreover, the aim of this thesis was to use existing research fiom the various disciplines outlined above, to advance hypotheses on how and why sexual abuse is occurring in sport, and thus, what can be done to prevent it. Hence, this work adopts a uniquely proactive and comprehensive approach to the problem of sexual abuse in sport.
As the title suggests, this chapter discusses future directions for researchers in sport, which have, in fact, been drawn fiom the research conducted in this thesis.
Ypplying theories of sexuaI abuse to sport' med the scholarly vacuum that existed in previous research, by addressing the fiindamental issues involved in the sexual abuse of athletes. This included an examination of how sexual abuse has, and should be defined; societal attitudes towards sexual abuse using an historical overview; epidemiological data; 'typical' offender profles; athletes who might be at 'hi&-risk'; and possible
etiological factors. However, there is still much work to be done in this ana Firstly,
research must elicit precise national and international pictures of the incidence and
prevalence of sexual abuse in sport, for untii comparative data are availabie we are not
able to claim any accurate knowledge of its rate of occurrence. This requires carefid
attention to current methodological concems such as the definition of sexual abuse.
sampIe seiection, design of studies, response rates, and data collection techniques.
Without a doubt, the very nature of sport (e-g., fiequent trips away fiom home, dress
requirements, slack screening procedures, etc.) appears to put athletes at nsk. Mthough
we do not know for certain that each of these contingencies are, in themselves, increasing
the chance of athietes being sexually abused, one cm speculate that severai factors in .
combination should be investigated for causaiity. Sïmilarly, etiological theones of sexual
abuse in sport can help to build a foundation for prevention, for the more causai factors
we cm ascertain, the more factors we cm work to eiiminate. Again, a multi-factoriai
approach is clearly warranteci as no single-factor mode1 can offer a wholly plausible
etiologicai theory. Therefore, it is suggested that researchers in the field should investigate the factors identified in Finkeihor's (1984) four-factor mode1 of sexual offending (emotional congruence, sexual arousai, emotionai blockage and disinhibition).
To continue the advancement of knowledge on sexuai abuse in sport, the challenge for research then, is to answer the many questions from this chapter that at present, remain unanswered.
The complex process of sexual abuse and its resulting effects on athletes has, until now, rernained relatively uninvestigated. Certainly, the role of power and power relationships has not been fully understood by researchers in the field. Yet, as 'The process of sexual abuse und its effects on athletes ' shows, explaining power and power relationships is crucial for prevention. Similarly, until the present investigation, the possible long-terni effects of sexd abuse on athletes have been overlooked. But this remains a criticai area of research as new cases of sexual abuse in sport unfold. Only by appreciating the trauma that sexual abuse may have on athletes cm professionals then offer effective intervention for athietes. Due to the scarcity of research on the process and effects of semai abuse in sport, there is stiU a great ded of work needed. Firstly, although
Emerick's four-stage mode1 of offending could be transferred to the sport environment, there still exists a Iarge gulf between theones on the process of sexual abuse in the general and the sport population. Therefore, more research is needed in this area-
Secondly, studies should be conducted on possible long-tenn effects of sexual abuse on athletes. These should include explo~glinks between athlete suicide and sexual abuse, and athletes use of dmgs/alcohol and sexuai abuse. Research should ais0 screen athletes who present with depression, eatïng disorders, or overtraining syndrome for sexuai abuse.
This type of research is particularly crucial for professionais who will work with abused athletes for without sport-specinc research the provision of intervention remains considerably rudimentary.
' Prevention of sexual abuse in sport: EvaZuating efforts ' took an inaugurai step in policy research on the prevention of sexual abuse in sport by reviewing some of the nrst programs that have been designed by sport organizations. Unfortunately, the response rate to the request for information was poor; thus only three programs could be evaluated.
It was found that the 'Players First Report' commissioned by the CHL was the most effective in terms of its conceptualization, design and potential utility- Fder, this report also adhered to some of the most important goals and objectives outhed in public health prevention programs. The Harassrnent in Sport Collective's program, and the English
Sports Council's programs were considerably less effective in this respect. Seved recommendations were made for mowgthese and other existing programs, and for designing new programs. These were to (i) expand the conceptualization of sexual abuse so that related issues are Ïncluded, (ü) restrkt efforts to athletes and sport personnel, (Ci) use the public health mode1 of prevention for deflliuig goals and objectives, (iv) make the welfare of athletes the main priority, (v) ensure that the eradication of sexuai abuse is the ultimate goal, and (vi) tum attention to implementation. Implementation could not be assessed because of the early stage of the three programs, However, attention to implementation is critical. Certainly, more research is needed to assess both the effectiveness of prevention programs and the extent to which they are being implemented.
This will also contribute much-needed knowledge to the prevention of sexuai abuse in spoa in general. In the interim, however, it is recommended that organizations establish an 'Athletes ' Assistance Program', work to wards changhg existing valueshehaviors in spoa and the statutory regdation of coaches, and promote a disclosure-fiiendly atmosphere. Above dl, this chapter showed that protecting athletes from sexual abuse is not a simple matter, but one that research rnust pay careful attention to.
Sport possesses many good attributes. It can add riclmess and varïety to the lives of those who participate in it. A plethora of Literature indicates that it cm have a significant, positiie effect on a variety of populations, including athletes at every level, and those who have physicai health problems, psychiatrie disorders, and those who are plagued by stress and mxiety- But sport has to enhance the mental and physicai health of
everyone who participates. Many athletes have suffered fiom the devastating effects of
sexuai abuse in silence for too long. Now it is thne for researchers in sport to step in and address this issue. Surely it is worth sacrificing the temporary emotionai dficulties of researching this area in order to Save a Metirne of pain and anguish of future athletes. Selected Bibliography
Bagley, C.R., & Tomilson, R J. (1991). Child sexual abuse: Critical oersuectives on
prevention. intervention. and treatment Toronto: Waü & Emerson, Inc.
Bass, E., & Davis, L. (1 994). The courage to heal: A euide for wornen m*vorsof child
sexual abuse. USA: Harper Perenniai.
Brackenrïdge, C. (1997). 'He owned me basicdy': Women's experience of sexual abuse
in sport. International Review for the Socioloev of Soort, 32,2, 115-1 30.
Briere, J. & Runtz, M. (1985). Symptomatology associated with prior sexuai abuse in a
non-clinical sample. Paper presented at the annuai meeting of the hmerican
Psychîatric Association, LA.
Browne, A., & Finkeihor, D. (1986). Impact of child sexual abuse. Psycholo&al
Bulletin, 99,66-77.
Bryer, J.B., Nelson, B. A., Miller, I.B., & Krol, P.A. (1 987). Child sexual and physical
abuse as factors in adult psychiatrie illness. Arnerican Journal of Psychiam 144,
11, 1426-1430.
Cohn, A. (1986). An approach to preventing child abuse. National Committee for
Prevention of Child Abuse, Chicago, IL.
Colton, M., & Vanstone, M. (1996). Betrayai of trust: Sexual abuse by work with men
who abuse children. ..in their omwords. Free Association Books Ltd. Corby, B. (1993). Child abuse: Towards a knowledae base. Buckingham: Open
University Press.
Dahl, R. (1 957). The concept of power. Behaviord Science 2: 20 1-2 15.
DeLong, A. (1985). The sexually abused child: A cornparison of male and female
victims. Child Abuse and Neglect, 9,4,576-586.
DonneIIy, P. & Sparks, R (1997). Child sexual abuse in spoa. Policv O~tions,May, 3-6.
Elwell, M.E., & Ephross, P.& (1987). Initial reactions of sexually abused children. Social
Casework: The Journal of Contemporarv Social Work, 68,2,109-116.
Finkelhor, D. (1 979). Sexually victhnized children. New York: Free Press.
Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child sexual abuse: New theorv and research. New York: Free
Press.
Finkelhor, D. (1986). A sourcebook of child sexuai abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage.
Foucault, M. (1979). The historv of sexuality. Volume One: An introduction, London:
Allen Lane-
Foucault, M. (1980). Powerlknowledge: selected interviews and other writiags 1972-
1977, London: Harvester Press.
Freud, S. (1953). Three essays on the theory of sexuality. In The Complete Psycholo~cd
Works of Sigmund Freud (Standard edit, Vol. 7). London: Hogarth Press
(Original work published in 1905).
Gaudet, M. A. (1 984). The victim and the offender: A pii771ing relationship. Part 1.
Liason, 1O, 7,401 1. Ghate, D., & Spencer, L. (1995). The ~revalnceof child sexual abuse Ui Britain: A
feasible study for a large-scale national swevof the rreneral population, London:
HMSO.
Gil, E. (1988). Treatment of adult survivors of childhood abuse. Launch Press,
Herrnan, J. D. (1986). Histories of violence in an outpatient population: An exploratory
study. Amencan Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 56, 1, 137- 141.
Herman, J. (1997). Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence fkom domestic abuse
to political terror- Basic books.
Holiin, C.R., & Howeils, K. (1991). Clinical A~~roachesto Sex Offenders and their
Victirns. John Wiley & Sons.
Hunter, M. (1990). Abused boys: The neglected victims of sexual abuse. New York:
Fawcett Columbine Books
Janeway, E. (1 98 1). Powers of the weak. New York: Morrow Quili Paperbacks.
Janoff-Bulman, R (1 992). Shattered assumotions: Towards a new ps~cholo~of trauma.
Free Press.
Jehu, D. (1989). Beyond sexual abuse: Thera~vwith women who were childhood
victims. UK: John Wiley & Sons.
Johann, S. L., & Oskano, F. (1989). Thera~ist/clientsexual abuse. Springfield IL: CC
Thomas.
Kinsey, AC, Pomeroy, W.B., Martin, C. E., & Gebhard, P. (1953). Sexual behavior in
the human male. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders. Leberg, E. (1997). Understandine chiId molesters: Takine charee. USA: Sage
Publications.
Lenskyj, H. (1992). Sexual harassment: Female atmetes' experiences and coaches
responsibiliàes. Science Periodicai on Research and Technotow in S~ort,12,6,
1-5.
Lukes, S. (1974). Powerr A radical view. Studies in socioloev, Macmillan Press.
Maney, A. & Welis, S. (1988.). Professional reswnsibilities in protecting children: A
public health a~~roachto child sexual abuse. Sexual Medicine, Volume 9. New
York: Praeger.
Marshall, W. L., Laws, D. & Barbaree, H. (1990). Handbook of Sexual Assault. London:
Plenum Press.
Masson, LM. (1985). The assault on tnith: Freud's sup~ressionof the seduction theory.
(pp. 259-305) The aetiology of hysteria New York: Penguin Books {original work
published in 1896).
Matthews, F. (1997) .The invisible boy: Revisioninp the victimization of male children
and teens. Health Canada, Ottawa, 27-38.
May, R. (1972). Power and innocence: A search for the sources of violence. USA: Delta.
McCann, L. (199 1). A combined approach to taking a trauma history. Treatine Abuse
Today. 1, 1, MadApr.
McGuire, T. L., & Grant, F.E. (1990). Understanding Child Sexual Abuse. Butterworths. Mevey G.G., & King, M. B. (1 992). (Eds.) Maie victims of sexual assault. Open
University Press.
Nathanson, D-L, (1989). Understanding what is hidden: Shame in se& abuse.
Psvchiatric Clinics of North Arnenca, 12,2,
Nelson, M. & Clark, K. (1987). The educators mide to mevention of child sexual abuse.
Santa Cruz: Network Publications of ETR Association.
O' Conneli, M. A. (1991). Clearing up some myths about sex offenders. Treating Abuse
Todav. 1,2, MayIJune.
Parkinson, F. (1993). Post-trauma stress: A personal mide to reduce the long-term effects
and hidden emotional damage caused by violence and disaster. USA: Fisher
Books*
Rush, F. (1980). The best kept secret: sexuai abuse of children. Englewood CWs NJ:
Prentice Hal1
Rutter, (1989). Sex in the forbidden zone: When men in oower-thera~ists,doctors. clergy,
teachers and othen betray wornen's trust. Jeremy Tarcher Inc.
Sex Abuse in Sport (1993, August 25). In On the Line. BBC (British Broadcasting
Corporation) Television, Manchester, U.K.
Scully, D. & Maroila, 1. (1985). Riding the buil at gilley's: Convicted rapists describe the
rewards of rape. Social Problems, 32,251-263- Smith, D. (Director). (1993, November 2). Sexual abuse of femde athietes by male
coaches. In D, Strider (producer ). 5" Estate. CBC (Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation) Television. Toronto, Canada.
Teays, W., & Purdy, LM. (1998.). Violence against women: ~hiioso~hicalperspectives.
Corneu University Press.
Tomilson, A., & Yorganci, 1. (1997). Male coacldfemale athiete relations: gender and
power relations in cornpetitive sport. Journal of Swrt and Sociolow Issues, 21,2,
May, 134-155.
Walsh, B.W., & Rosen, P. M. (1989). Self-Mutilation: Theow, research and treatment.
NY: Guilford Press-
Whitaker, G., & Molstad, S. (1985). Male coach/female coach: A theoretical analysis of
the female sport experience. JoumaI of Sport and Social Issues, 9,2, 14-25.
Whitfeld, C. L. (1995). Memory and abuse: Rernembering and healinn the effects of
trauma. Health Communications, Inc.
Wyatt, G.E., & Powell, G.J., (Eds.). Lastine eEects of child sexuai abuse. Newbury Park:
Sage.