J. Noorduyn Further topographical notes on the Ferry Charter of 1358, with appendices on Djipang and Bodjanegara

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 124 (1968), no: 4, Leiden, 460-481

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Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access FURTHER TOPOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE FERRY CHARTER OF 1358

WITH APPENDICES ON D JIPANG AND BODJANEGARA

he reason for undertaking the topgraphical research which resulted in the present article was the recent discoveq of an TOld Sundanese palm-leaf MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford in which the wanderings of a Hindu-Sundanese hermit through West, Centra1 and East are de5cribed.l This te&, which may provision- ally be dated about 1500, cmtains much interesting information about the geography of Java at that time. On the olther hand, an adequate translation and annotation d this piece of Old Sundanese literature, written in a language which as yet has hardly been studied, proved to present quite a few problerns and to require a great deal of prepara- tory research. The present ahicle, therefore, is concerned with only one piece of information from this text, viz. .the fact that in it the is called Ci (= River) Wuluyu, a name which is strikingly similar to that of the ferry d Wulayu mentioned at the end of the list of ferries in the Old Javanese Ferry Charter of A.D. 1358.2

Bodleian Library MS. Jav.b.3., presented to this library either by Andrew James in 1627 or by the Earl of Pernbroke in 1629. This MS. consists of 30 folios of 3 x 34.5 cm., numbered 0, 1-26, 29, 30, 32, inscribed on both sides (except for the first one which is blank on one side as usual) witli four lines of neatly written Old Sundanese script. It is wel1 preserved except for the fact that the folios NOS. 27, 28, 31, and 33, etc., til1 the end are missing. As there is no title or colophon in the part preserved, the text may arbitrarily be called 'Bujangga Manik' after the name of the hermit who plays the leading part in the story. The Curators of the Bodleian Library have kindly granted me tlie permission necessary for publishing the abave data about their MS. and for quoting a few lines from it in this article (see p. 471). This inscription was first published as "Oorkonden van Trawoelan No. I" in Otulheidkzindig Verslag 1918 (Weltevreden/'s-Gravenhage), pp. 108-112, when four copper plates of it had been discovered. Th. G. Th. Pigeaud

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access A first attempt ak evaluating the significance of this resemblance of names failed becauce there proved to be no study published on the topographical data which are provided by the last part of this Ferry Charter's list of ferries. In 1924, Van Stein Callenfels and Van Vuren published an important study on a paxt of this charter in their article on the topography of the Residency in the 14th cent~ry.~ They showed that the ferries in the charter are listed in a definite order which runs generally from east to west. In the first part of ithe list, containing 34 names as £ar as ik has been preserved, the fenies of the are mentioned in a downstreanz direction as £ar as . Surabaya at its mouth, and in the second part, giving 44 names, those of the Solo River are listed, starting from its mouth (due north of Surabaya) and proceeding in an upstream direction. The said authors succeeded in identifying a nurnber of those ferries which were situated on the lower courses of the Brantas and Solo Rivers. Being specially interested in this part of the rivers, they stopped their idmtifications at the present-day border of the Surabaya Residency, promising to continue on another o~casion.~This continuation of their ar;ticle never appeared, however, so that the last part of the second list, giving names of ferries on the upper course d the Sdo River and ending with Wulayu, remained minvestigated.

Since 1924 the tools available for such topographical studies have hardly improved. The most important progress in aids fw identifying Javanese place-names has been the publication of the first volume of Schoel's Alphubetisch Register in 1931, which coxnpletely supersedes the older lists of geographical names of 1906 and 1923 as it contains more names d places and districts for Java and Madura alene than

republished the text in his Java in the 14th Centzrry (The Hague 1960-1963), adding to it that of a fifth plate which had already been published by Brandes and Krom in 1913 ("Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden" No. CXIX, V.B.G. 60, 1913;~. 255) and giving the charter the name of Ferry Charter, while he alco provided an English translation, notes and a commentary (ibidcin, Vol. I pp. 108-112; I1 pp. 137-138; 111 pp. 156162; IV pp. 399-411). The inscription is incomplete; one of the missing plates presumably contained the beginning of the list of ferries the rest of which is to be found on plate No. 5 (?). P. V. van Stein Callenfels en L. van Vuuren, "Bijdrage tot de Topografie van de Residentie Soerabaia in de 14de eeuw", T.K.N.A.G. 41 (1924) pp. 67-81 ; especially pp. 67-74. Van Stein Callenfels en Van Vuuren 1924 pp. 73-74. Later on Van Stein Callenfels published a few corrections on his and Van Vuuren's findings in his article "Bijdragen tot de Topographie van Java in de Middeleeuwen", Feestbtwdel Kon. Bataviaasch Genootsclzap, Weltevreden 1929, Vol. I1 p. 392.

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the latter for the whole d the Archipelaga5 Nevertheless, even this work cannot but be far from complete since its lists are limited io names of aclministrative unitc. Many more names are to be found on the excellent large-scale topographical rnaps (1 : 20,000; 1 : 25,000; and 1 : 50,000) which have been issued by the Tqmgraphical Bureau / Service in increasingly improved editims since the beginning of the topographical survey abd a hundred years ag~.~These maps are indispettsable in any case for finding the exact lamtion of names to be identified.7 But these topographical rnaps, however helpful they may be, still do nat mtain more than a selection d the names actually in use. In these circurnstances, the gaps left by the maps can only be filled by investiga- tions on the spot such as have been carried out incidentally by Van Stein Callenfds and other~.~

One of the lescans which cm be and has been learnt from the lists and maps mentioned abeis that in quite a few cases the Same name recurs in weral different parts d Java. This is a serious handicap for any atternpt at identifying historica1 names. Therefore, a sound principle in such studies in historica1 topgraphy is, ,that no identificatim is acceptable unlecc there is specific evidence suprting it. This principle was consciously applied by Krom: it was on this basis, for example,

W. F. Schoel, Alphabetisch Register van de Administ.ratieve- (Besti~urs-)en Adatrechtelijke Indeelkg van Nederlandsch Indie, Deel I: Java en Madoera, Batavia 1931, 450 pp. The second volume of this work was never published but exists in typewritten form: Deel I1 Buitesgrnesten (two parts.. . (7) and 1571 pp.). The earlier official lists are: Lijst van de Voornuamste Aardrijkskundige Namen in den Nederlandsch-Indischen Archipel, Weltevreden 1906, 273 pp. and idem Tweede herziene uitgave, Weltevreden 1923, 361 pp., in which was included the Aanvl&llingslijstop (idem), 's-Gravenhage 1918, 218 pp. The older editions of the topographical maps cometimes show names not recurring on more recent editions. The older mes are also useful because they are prior to the 20th-century increase of population. On the other hand they often contain mistakes in the orthography of narnes, e.g. 'Kapoean' for 'Këboan'. The topographical maps are referred to below with their nurnber and lette?. inúications, which are given according to the latest system adopted by the Topographical Service (e.g. 50/XL A) even in the case when the map actually consulted was an earlier edition in which a slightly different systern was used. The maps on the scale of 1 to 20,000 were consulted in the reprint of 1887 in which a nurnbering system per residency was applied. E.g. Van Stein Callenfels 1929 pp. 373, 378; idem, "Plaatsnamen in den Nägarakytägama", Oudheidkundig Verslag 1917 p. 61 (about Waleri = Mleri near Blitar) ; L. Adam, "Geschiedkundige aanteekeningen omtrent de residentie Madioen" V, Djawa 19 (1939) p. 22 (the discweq by Moh. Enoch that the former name of the of Sagaten was Purbaya).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access that he rejded Rouffaer's suppsitions mcerning the location d Wurawari, but accepted Van Stein Callenfels' ideriitification of Wëngkk in the region since it was supported by archamlogical argummts as wel1 as by a Javanese tradition.' Therefore, Berg's wntentim 'that the idmtification of ancient names with modern place-names, cm account of the diversity of passibilities, is more hazardous thm ;t forma generaticm of scholars believed it to be',lo does n& seem to apply to scholars like Krom and Van Stein Callenfels. On the mtrary, akhough it stands to rmnthat many mcient names have gone out of use in the course of histmy, Berg's qualified scepticism as regards the results to be expected from SU& topgraphical studies (ibidm pp. 203, 206) appears ta be unjustified in view of the results which, despite the rather poor equipmt available, have neverthele. b.een, achieved thus far.'' In the case d the fhes listed in the Ferry Chanter, the specific evidence required fm their identifimtion is twafold, viz., fii-st, their necessarily being situated cm the bank of a river - which, moreover, has proved to be either the Brantas m- the Solo river - and, secondly, their being listed in their topographical onder down the Brantas River or up the Solo River. If these two general data are rigorously used as heuristic principles they together limit the geographical space for ach item of the list to such an extent thak ach identification made can be considered as certain in principle. Below, the names of the last 28 Sdo River fe.rries as they are listed in the charter (Nolc. 17 to 44 of the mdlist) are given, starting from the last identification made by Van Stein Callenfels and Van Vuuren and ending with the last name mentioned in the charter. The numbers to be faund on the sketch-map facing p. 480 in this article comespond with thoce of the list given here and dmte the location d those ferries which have been identified.

N. J. Krom, Hindoe-lavaansche Geschiedenis, 1931, pp. 242, 257. Another problern is the frequent changes of narnes which have taken place even in recent times, cf. e.g. J. G. de Casparis, Inscripties uit de Çailmdra-tijd, Bandung 1950, p. 148; W. F. Stutterheim, "Een vrij overzetveer te Wanagiri (M.N.) in 903 A.D.", T.B.G. 74 (1934) pp. 282-283 ; L. Adam 1939, as cited in Note 8 above; and Appendix I on Djipang, Radjëgwesi and Bodjanëgara, below. l0 C. C Berg, "Bijdragen tot de kennis der Panji-verhalen", B.K.Z. 110 (1954) p. 207. l1 E.g. in the studies mentioned in Notes 3, 4, and 8, above, and in those con- cerning the eastem progress of king Hayam Wuruk.

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17. Widang The ferry of Widang (No. 17 of the charter's 18. Pakëbohan second list) was the last one identified by Van 19. Lowara ( ?) Stein Cdlenfels and Van Vuren. The village of 20. Duri Widang lies on the left bank of the Solo River, 21. RäSi just opposite Baht (map 53/XL A, 1 : 50,000). 22. Rewun Pakëbohan (No. 18) is the present-day Këboan, 23. Tëgalan which is situated on the left bank of the river, 24. Dalangara sorne 6 km. upstream of Widang (map 52/XL B). 25. Sumbang The reading of the nat name, ~owara(No. 19), 26. Malo is uncertain, as appears from the question-mark in 27. Ngijo the transcription of the text. Since it is n& clear 28. Kawangen to which part of ithe word the questicm-mark refers, 29. Sudah any emendation is questionable. But the reading 30. Kukutu Losari rnay provisima11y be suggested, as a village 31. Balun of this name is (or: was?) fwnd some 5 km. 32. Marëbo upstream of Këboan, on the right bank of the 33. Turan nver (map Rëmbang T VIII, 1 : 20,000). 34. Jipang The name of Duri (No. 20) is only to be found 35. Ngawi on maps older than the first topographical survey, 36. Wangkalang e.g. in Melviii van Carnbée and Versteeg's Atlas 37. Pënüh (map XVI b, eastefn part d Rërnbang, surveyed 38. Wulung by Versteeg in 1858), and is also menticmed by 39. Barang Roorda van Eysinga in 1850.13 Accmding to Ver- 40. Pakatelan steeg's map, it was situaited on the right bank d 41. Wareng the nver at about the place where the topgraphical 42. Ngamban map (52/XL B) gives the name of Bandjar, some 43. Këmbu 4 km. upstream of Losari and me9 km. upstream 44. Wulayu of Këtwan. The next four names (NOS. 21-24) wuld not be Upstream Solo found on the maps, but Sumbang (N& 25) is the River ferries name of a part (desa) of the present-day town of (A'D' 1358) Bodjanëgara l4 lying cm the right bank of the

P. Baron Melvill van Carnbée en W. F. Versteeg, Algenteene Atlas valt Nrderlandsch Indie, Batavia 1853-1862. l3 P. P. Roorda van Eysinga, Hatuibock der Land- en Volkettkuiuie . . . van Ncderlandsch Ivuiie, Boek I11 deel 111, Amsterdam 1850, p. 173. l4 Cf. Schoel 1931 : 357. Apparently Sumbang was still a separate village when the fort of Bodjanëgara was founded in the village of Kebon Gadung in 1828, and only later on became a part of the town of Bodjanëgara. See Appendix I on Bodjanëgara; below.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access river, some 20 km. upstream of (former) Duri (map 52/XL A).'' The viiiage of Malo (No. 26) lies some 15 km. upstream of Bodja- nëgara on the left bank (map 51/XL B), and Sdah (No. 29) about 2 km. further upstream. This means that NOS. 27 and 28, which are mt oni the maps, would have been located clm together in the short distance between Ma10 and Sudah. The village of Bdun (No. 31) is situated at or near the upstream outskints of the town of Tjëpu (fomerly called Plunturan) on the left bank som 15 km. upstream of Sudah (map 51/XL A). The nat place mentioned in the charter, Marëbo (No. 32), may be identified with the village of Mërbong which lies about 7 km. upstream of Balun on the right bank of the river, just oppsite the village of Jipang, which itself is mentioned as No. 34 in the charter's list (map 51/XL C). The fact that here two places are listed which lie just opposite each other on the right and the left bank of the river ceems to imply that they did not each have a separake ferry. This conclusion is ncrt wntra- dicted by the charter since the places listed in it are merely called 'places of ferrymen' or 'districts on the banks of rivers' (nad3ArapradeSa) and are not said to represent as many different ferries. There is, however, an additid difficulty in that Tarun, No. 33 of the charter's list but not to be fmnd cm the maps, is listed in between Marëbo/Mërbang and Jipang. If the latter places have been correctly identified as lying opposite m another there is no room left for an interjacent ferry. Both identifimtions, therefwe, need to be reconsidered in the light of further available data. Such further data is in the first place to be found in a charter of A.D. 1264(?), which seems to confirm the identification of Marëbo wi~th Mërbong and also shows the latter's clwe association with Jipang. In this -er, unly me fragment of which has been preserved, king Jayawiinuwarddhana grants centain rights to wanwa i Maribong watëk atagan Jipang, i.e. 'the village of Maribong, belmging to the dependen- ties of Jipang'.le This data, in combination with thme of the Ferry

16 There is alco a village called Sumbang-timun (-r?) on the right bank some 7 km. upstream of Bodjanëgara. On account of the difference of narnes and of its situation, it seems unlikely that this was the 14th century Sumbang. le Oudheidkt~itdig Verslag 1918, p. 169; cf. R. Ng. Poerbatjaraka; "De Inscriptie van het Mahäksobhya-beeld te Simpang (Soerabaya)", B.K.I. 78 (lm), pp. 440-441 ; Krom 1931 : 324; Pigeaud, Java in the 14th' Century V : 390. The date of this inscription is 1170 Saka (= A.D. 1248) according to the transcription in Oardh. Versl., but should be 1186 (= A.D. 1264) according to the calculations of Darnais ("Etudes d'épigraphie Indonésienne" 111, B.E.F.E.O. 46 (1952), pp. 72-73).

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Charter and the maps, makes it wellnigh certain that Maribong, Marëbo and Mërímng are to be considered ac indicaiting one and the same village, the name of which probably was Marëhg ar Mërëbng : the change of ë into i in the former inwiption and the omision of the final nasal in the latter represent only smal1 errors in the Javanese script, errors which rnay easily have been committed 4th by the original saibes or by the editors d the modern, transliterations. On the der hand it is not quite certain that ithe present-day village of Jipang is located on exactly the same site m the old centre of Jipmg, which must have been a rather important place fm meral centuries. In the first place, there is aha village caiíed Jipang-ulu (= upstream J.), which lies come 13 km. upstrem of Jipang, at the nmthern edge of t.he Këndëng Range and on W sides d the Solo River which winds its way around and through this viilage (map 50/XL D). Brumund visited W Jipang - which he calls Jipang-pasar (= J. mark&) - and Jipang-ulu in 1862 and reprted that in, bath, places ai hge quantity of big red bricks were fmnd and, until some 20 years previous ito his visit, aiso soime fragments of walls. He consequently assurned that in farmer times both plmmay have been the residences of the prince of Jipang?? A good thirty years later these bricks were still found there in a sufficiently large number to draw the attenticm of Dutch engineers: in 1895 the Head of the Solo River Wwks reported that 'in the teak forests near the village of Jipang-ulu and in the teak.fmests between the of Banyu-urip, on the bank d the Solo River,'and Kaligëde along the road to Ngawi, remnants d ancient buildings occurred, so-called Majapait bricks, lying scattered belcm and on the surface of the ground'.18 The last-mentioned site is ddinitely located in the mountains of the Këndëng Range, and here, abut hal£ way between the two villages mentioned in the report, the topgraphical map shows a srnall settlement called 'Dj- (lying near a smal1 affluent of the Solo River, called Kali Gëde, i.e. 'big river'), which looks like still ander Jipang! (map 51/XL C).

17 J. F. G. Bnunund, "Bijdragen tot de kennis van het Hindoeisme op Java", V.B.G.33 (1868), p. 177. The prince of Jipang he had in mind was Arya Panang- sang, wel1 known from 16th century Javanese history, cf. Appendix 11, below. l8 A missive of 21 May 1895 from the Director of the Civil Service Department, quoted in Notulen Bataviaasch Genootschap 33 (1895) p. 61. Probably these stray bricks have since been cleared away and used for building purposes as the Directors of the Batavia Society decided there were no objections against doing so.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access Secondly, Van Orsoy de Flines, who visited this Same region in the course of his investigaticms of ceramic potsherds in north-centra1 Java in 1940-42, reports that he found a profusion of sherds d exquisite (late 16th and) 17th century Chinese porcelain in the village of Panolan, which lies abt 3 km. upstream d Jipang on the left bank of the river. De Flines adds that the inhabitmts d this region have a tradition of a local centre, cdled Jipang-Panolan, of some centuries ago, a tradition which would be confinned by his ceramic finds.lB This tradition about Jipang-Panolan is also cmfirmed by written documents. The most clear example is Anthony Hurdt's journal of his military expedition int0 Centra1 Java of 1677-78. In it, bath Jipang and Panolan are repeatedly mentioned in such a way that it seems as if these are just >twodifferent names of the Same place, and once even the combination 'Djepan-Panoelang' is faund. The map accompanying ,the neprt and shwing the topographical data collected by the expedi- tion makes it clear that Jipang-Panolan ('Zijp Panoulangh' on Hurdt's map) at that time was indeed the name of the 'present-day Panolan.20 It is clear frm these severai data thak, in the course d histwy, the centre d Jipang may wel1 have been. succescively situated at several different locations. The ptsherds discovered by De Mines in Panolan most probably indicate the site of the 17th (and 18th) century Jipang- Panolan. But, since any of the three places where 'Majapahit' or &ent bncks wexe found, viz. Jipang-pasar, Jipang-ulu and Jepang, may have been the site of the 13th and 14th century Jipang the exad location of the latter remains uncertajn within these limits. Considering the Ferry Charter's list, however, it seems most likely that the Jipang of that time was situated in or near Jipang-ulu since in that case the

10 E. W. van Orsoy de Flines, "Onderzoek naar en van keramische sch'erven in de bodem in Noordelij k Midden-Java, 1940-'42", Oudheidkundig Verslag 1941-1947 (Bandoeng 1949) p. 68. In this official report of his investigations, De Flines dates the ceramic finds in Panolan as 'mid 17th century', but in Jaarboek Kon. Bataviaasch Genootschap 1941-1947, p. 116, he calls thern 'late 16th and 17th century'. 20 J. K. J. de Jonge, De Opkomst van het Ne4erlandsch Gezag in Oost-Zndie VII, 's-Gravenhage/Amsterdam 1873, pp. 185-187, 25, W,229-230, 232, map facing p. 256. Extracts from Hurdt's journal, ibidem pp. 219-265. Dr. H. J. de Graaf is currently engaged in preparing a full edition of the important Hurdt documents, which wil1 be published in the Linschoten Series. Valentijn's map of centra1 Java as published in his Oud en Nieuw Oost Indië (Dordrecht 1724-1726), Vol. IV facing p. 36, was apparently based to a large extent on Hurdt's map. The latter's 'Zijpan Panoulangh' recurs in the former as 'Sipanpamlang' l

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ferries of Mërbong, Turnt and Jipang could be located in the same order as they are listed in the charter. The next ferry-crossing licted in the charter, Ngawi (No. 35), is a weil-known town lying me15 km. upstream of Jipang-ulu, near the point where the flows into the Solo River and where the latter tums sharply to the ncrth, starting its narrow course through the Këndëng Range. It is undastandable that there were m ferries in the hills between Jipang-ulu and Ngawi. The last naes of ferries stiil to be found on modern maps are the numbers 39, 40, 42, and 43 of the list : Barang (No. 39) =me 35 km. upstream of Ngawi (map 49/XLI d, 1 : 25,000) ; Katelan, from Paku- telan (No. N), mm 12 h.upstream of Barang (map 40/XLI c); Ngamban (No. 42) sme 15 km. upstream d Katelan (map 49/XLI b) ; and Këmbu (No. 43) me13 h.upstream of Ngamban and som 7 km. downstream (i.e. to the n&) of the of Solo/Surakamta (map 49/XLI f), dl of these situaited cm the left bank of the river. Although the last heof the list, Wulayu (No. 44), is nolt to be found on the map there are reasons to assume that this was the name of the ferry nearest the present-day city of Solo/Surakanta. The reasons which lead to this conclusion are, briefly summarized, the following : 1. This ferry lies at a relatively short distance upstream of the pre- ceding ferry of the list, Këmbu. 2. The name d the Solo River is derived from the place of Solo, which lies near thh ferry. 3. The Solo River was formally dled Sëmanggi River and Sëmanggi is also the name of the village lying at this sarne ferry. - 4. In the Old Sundanese Bujangga Manik text the Solo River is called Wuluyu and this name is almost identical with Wulayu, the name of the last ferry mentioned in the Ferry Charter. 5. Conclusions: khere appears to have been a consistent practice oh deriving the name of the Solo River from tliat of the (place nar the) ferry nearest the present-day city of Solo, and in the 14th century (and later) the name of this ferry was Wulayu (or Wuluyu). These points may be elaborated in the following way. The average distance between any two successive ferries as men- tioned above is, with mly a few exceptions, either 4 ta 7 km. ar 13 to 15 km. Therefore, a distance d some 7 km. between Wulayu and the preceding ferry of Këmbu wmld accord quite wel1 with the paaern of the whole list in this respect.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access The question as to the actual situation d the Wulayu ferry appears to be intimately conneated with the history and derivation of the names of the river which at present is called bengawan ('large river') Solo. The Solo River is one of several Javanese rivers which lack(ed) an independent name and are ((M were) called after meimportant place O lying somewhere cm their banks. Anolther example is the bengawan Madiun of Madiun River, which is called this after the town of Madiun. In the sarne way, the name of the Brantac River in the 17th century, bengawan Palabuhan, was derived from that of the village of Palabuhan (i.e. 'harbr'), which was either the village called Canggu at the time when it was the inland harbour of Majapahit, on the bwer course of rhe river near the present-day Madjakerta, w the 'harbour' of the city of Wiri.2l In the 17th century, the Sdo River, too, had a different name. It was called bengawan Sëmanggi, (M Smmngy as ihis name was spelt in Dutch repmts of thait time. Solo then was a smal1 village like any ather and was located near buit mt on the bank of the river. It came only to prominence after 1745/46, when the Javanese king of that time, Susuhunan Pakubuwana 11, mwed his residence memiles eastward from the ruined kraton oí Kartasura to the village of Solo. His new kraton was called , and this beame the official name d the town growing around the kraton, succeeding but not replacing the old name of This unexpected new promlnence of Solo wdd explain

21 The Brantas River is called banuwi (= river) Palabuhan in Babad Tanuh Djawi, Olthof ed. ('s-Gravenhage 1941) pp. 187/193, 191sq/197sq, and 360/377, and 'rivier Palaboan' in Hurdt's journal, De Jonge V11 :231. Because of a change of the lower course of the Brantas River which has taken place since the 14th century, the villages of Palabuhan-lor and -kidul which were identified with Canggu by Van Stein Callenfels (Oudheidkundig Verslag 1919, pp. 69-72) are no longer situated on the river. If this was already the case in the time when the river was first called Palabuhan River, this name rnight be derived from Palabuhan near Kadiri, which is mentioned in the Sërat Tjënfini according to R. M. Ng. Poerbatjaraka, Pandji-verhalen onderling vergeleken (Bandoeng 1940), p. 337. z2 The exact day of the court's moving int0 the new kraton is a moot point since the different dates on record appear to be incompatible, cf. R. Koesoernadi, "Soerakarta Adiningrat 200 jaar", Djawa 19 (1939) pp. 131-137, 227-228, and the literature cited there. Most likely the official moving occurred on some day in January or February 1746, the building activities having been started the previous year. The date given in the Babad Gianti is incorrect in itself even if its sëngkala is interpreted as A.J. 1671 (instead of 1670), as Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo and M. C. Ricklefs ("The Establishment of Surakarta, A Translation from the Babad Giatzti", Iiulonesia 4, 1967, p. 89) propose, because this was a year Dal (and not Djé).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access 470 J. NOORDUYN the change of the name d the river. It is rernarkable, therefore, that the me'Solo River' already occurs in the beginning of the 18th century, many years prior, to the moving crf the kraton.23 This nteans that the name of the Solo River was not derived from the tmn of Solo/Surakarta but from the village of Solo, many years befme this became the residence of the Susuhunan. The special imptance of the village of Solo must also date fram many years alia-. Nothing is known, however, abtthe positicm of the village of Sdo in these years. The same applies to the village of Sëmanggi, from which the previous name of the river was proibably derived? and which at present is a part of the city of Solo/Surakarta. However, two facts can be pointed out Ghich indicate that Sëmanggi indeed may have had a special importante. In the firct place, it is wel1 known that the Solo River was formerly navigable up to Surakarta for large ~hips,2~&d this may mem that SZmanggi was the inland port ar anchorage of the kraton for thii navigation. Secondly, the three successive kratons of Padjang, Kartasura md Surakarta are situated close together on a westest line which crosses the Salu River near Sëmanggi, and it is pscible that the nlain rolad connecting these kratons with eastern Java was also situated here. It is again unkno'wn where this road leading to the est mssed the Solo River 26 but the Sëmanggi ferry provided at least the most direct connecticm. If Sëmanggi in this way was the inland port of the succesive kratons and alm the Solo River ferry in the overland route to the ast, ib imprtance is quite clear. This hypothesis wcnild explain why the river was named after this fq,just like the Brantas River was nam4 after an inland prt and ferry cm its bank. It would also provide a ratid explanation for

23 The earliest mention of the name 'Solo River' in printed sources is to be found in a report of 1708 (De Jonge VIII: 147 nt.), and the most recent one of 'Sërnanggi River' in a report of 1705 (De Jonge V111 : 231). Cf. B. Schrieke, Zndonesian Sociological Studies 11, Ruler and Realm in Early Java (The Hague/Bandung 1957), pp. 113-114. 24 There is a slight possibility that another village of Sëmanggi was situated near the mouth of the Solo River. It is mentioned as such by J. Olivier in his Tafereel van Oost-Znàië voor jonge lieden van beiderlei kunne (Amsterdam 1840), Vol. I, p. 76. But this source is dubious and I did not find this place on any map. Valentijn's map of Java (but not Hwdt's map, cf. Note 20, above) gives an 'E[yland] Sernangy' in the Solo . 25 Cf. Schrieke 1957 : 112-117, esp. 116. 26 Schrieke 1957: 108-109, in the section on 'The System of Roads' where the data have been collected which are known about the Javanese roads in the 17th and 18th centuries.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access why the nearby village of Solo wau selmted as site for the new kraton of S~rakarta.~~ If the village of S-gi formerly was called Wulayu the Same reasons would explain why the river wac called Wulayu =ver at that time, as can be infmed from the name 'Ci Wuluyu' which it bears in the Old Sundanese text referred to earlier. A few lines quoted from this t& may suffice to &w that the Solo River is indeed mant

I by this name.

fol. 14 rO. datang ka Mëdang Kamulan arrived in Mëdang Kamulan ...... (3 lines) ...... meuntasing di Ci Wuluyu, I crdthe River Wuluyu, cunduk ka lurah Gëgëlang, (and) arrived in the district d Gëgëlang, ti kidul Mëdang Kamulan to the mth d Mëdang Kamulan l In this part of the text, the traveller continues m his way eastward l after having gone along the nonth wast to the 'district' of Mëdang Kamulan (in present-day Grobogan), turning to the mth and crossing the River on his way to Ggëlamg (in the present-day Madiun regitrn) and Daha (i.e. Kadiri).

fol. 19 rO.-20 vO. samungkur ti gunung Lawu, having left Mt. Lawu behind me, ...... (6 lines) ......

$ meuntaising di Ci Wuluyu: I crossed the River Wuluyu, iña na lurah Bobodo. that is the district 04 Bobodo. Ngalalar aing ka Taji, I went through Taji, nëpi ka gunung Marapi (and) came to Mt. Marapi, diwrang kiduleunana. which I pQ99ed on its couth side.

Here the traveller is on his way back to the westward and crosses one river between Mt. Lawu and Mt. Marapi. There is m other river but the Solo which can be crossed at these two points.

In the Babad Giantz' story the site was selected on the basis of prophecies (djangka) and calculations (pétang) of a clear-sighted (watkita) court dignitary (Soepomo and Ricklefs 1967: 95-98). The Dutch officials in Batavia who gave their consent to this choice did so because they considered it useful for their commercial purposes (De Jonge X : 34).

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The forma1 differente betwem 'Wulayu' and 'Wuluyu' is too smal1 to prevent identification of these names, and is easily explicable either as a scribe's error in the Ferry Charter, in which the former name occurs only once, or as a (later?) assimilation d the second vowel in the Sundanese text, where the latter form occurs twice. If the identification of Wulayu with Sëmanggi is xcepted there rernains me intriguing question, viz. why the chanter's list ends here and why no further ferries are mentioned. It is ce.rtain htat least one ferry existed further upstrem many catunes earlier, viz. the Paparahuan ferry near the present-day town of Wanagiri. This ferry was given royal privileges in a charter of A.D. 904.28 The answer to this questim is nut known and several answers are conceivable. Perhaps this southern region was an unimpartant part of the realm as Pigeaud presumes in anather wntext (Java in the 14th Century IV: 47,162), or the part of the river in which these other ferries, if any, lay was not msidered a part of the rnain river - and the not unimpointant Madiun River and its ferriw do not seem t~ be included in the charter eithw - m- these ferries had already been given privileges previously. This last possibility is interesting because it rnight imply a knowledge of the Paparahuan charter of 904 and in this way wauld show a connection, albeit a negative one, between, the two ferry charters of 904 and 1358. Pigeaud rightly remarks that tk'two charters dealing with ferries, separated by 450 years, prove the existente in Old Java of an inland traffic by road of sme importante' (ibidem IV : 399,497). It is unlikely tbt the ferries mentimei in the charters were dyd local significance. On the wntrary, several of them wil1 have been part of a system of rnain roads connecting the several regions of the Javanese kingdom. It is not improbable,.ther&e, that a rmd connecting central and and going north of Mlt. Lawu and t.' Wilis, past Jagaraga, already existed in the 14th century, and that this route was followed

2s W. F. Stutterheim, "Een vrij overzetveer te Wanagiri", B.K.Z. 74 (1934) pp. 269-295. Cf. L.-C. Damais, "Etudes d'épigraphie Indonésienne" 111, B.E.F.E.O. 46 (1952) p. 44-45. 29 It is wel1 known that the part of the Solo River upstream of the confluence with the Dëngkeng River was formerly not considered a part of the main river but a tributary of it, and was called Panambangan River. According to Rouffaer (B.K.Z.54 (1902) p. 99), the Dëngkeng, which has its source on Mt. Merapi, was the upper course of the Solo River until it was blocked ("verzand") by the eruption of Mt. Merapi in 1832. This Panambangan (= ferry) River is another example of a river named after a ferry. Stutter- heim (1934: 282) presumed that this name referred to the Paparahuan ferry.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access by icing Hayam Wuruk on his progress to Pajang in 1353, although he might alco have used the Solo River as a water-way, as Pigeaud (IV : 162,498) teems inclined to assume. Apart from this more or Iess speculative discussim of probabilities and possibilities, the main results of the present study may be m- sidered to be the identification of 13 to 16 out d 28 place-narnes mentioned in the Ferry Charter of 1358, i.e. aht 50 %, which per- centage would presurnably increase if local investigatims were carried out. But even this percentage may wel1 be adduced as evidence - if such evidence is still needed - that tqmgraphical studies of Old Javartese data cm be wunth me's while. And, to return to the subject- matter of the first lines d this wticle, an Old Sundanese text has appeared to contain data which in me smal detail have wntributed to the understanding d Javanese historica1 topography. J. NOORDUYN

APPENDIX I D JIPANG, RADJEG-WESI AND BOD JANEGARA

The administrative history of the presentday af Bdjanëgara, in the noiIithern part of , has been obscured by several changes of mesto such a degree that even the barest outline of such a history as it is given below, though this is almost exclusively based on printed sources, cannot be fmnd in the existing literature. As a consequente, the greater part of the casual referentes which are made to these name in this literaiture gives evidence d misunderstanding olr insufficient kmledge of the f&. Fm instance, Djipang is not the present-day Padangan. in Bodjanëgara as Pigeaud (1938: 133) stated following, probably, Van der Aa (1857: 315) m Roorda van Eysinga (1850: 173), and Radjëg-wësi is nat the folnri~t-name d the town d Bodjanëgara as the Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië (1917 : 319) asserCs fo11owing Veth's handbook m Java (1882: 811 ; 1903 : 516).l There indeed appears to be mektmical mectim between these several names, but n& in the way as suggested by these authm-s. The ~an,tempaneoussources sho~that the tmvn of Bodjanëgara and its name &te from 1828. Frm 1824 to 1828 the regency d Bodjanëgara was called Radjëg-wèsi, and befme that time its name was Djipang. These changes of name were each accompanied by the

1 See note 14, below.

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removal of the regency's capital to another place. The fa&, as far as they can be ascertained, are given below in greater detail and in their historical order. Acwrding to 17th and 18th century Dutch reports, Djipang was the name of ane d the regions of the Javanese kingdom of those days (Schrieke 1957: 104, 154, 157, 159, 161-162, 178, 183-184, giving referentes to De Jonge a.o.). It was governed by a tunzënggung (Schrieke 1957 : 159 = De Jonge IX : #7)? After the partition d the rdm in 1755, the region of Djipang belwed to the Sultan of Jogjakarta (Lauw 1889: 116; De Jonge X: 375) until he had to cede this and &her parts of his territmy to the Dutch Government under Daendels by the treaty of January 10, 1811 (Daendels 1814, Additionele Stukken no. 28, artikel 6). Al1 districts cedd early in 1811, except Grobogan, were restored to the Sultan by the British Government in article 7 of the tra9 of December 28, 1811 (Van Deventer 1891 : 318), but after Raffles' military measures against Jogjakarta and Surakarta in the next year the Same districts were ceded again to the British in article 3 of the treaty of August 1, 1812 (Van Deventer 1891 : 322).3 On the basis of this treaty, ~roboganand Jipang were traitsferred to the British in late 1812. The British Government made these regions into two separate Residencies in January 1813, and united thern int0 one Residency in January 1814, the Resident then residing in Padangan (OT Punvodadi in Grobogan). This Residency of Grolbogan and Jipang was abolished in August 1815, Jipang being joined to the Rëmbang Residency in January 1816. The adrninistrative capital cd Jipang then was Bayërno."

*,Tumënggungs of Djipang are also mentioned in the Babad Tanah Djawi: once a certain ki Wira-Sentika was rewarded by the Susuhunan with the 'nëgara' Djipang and the title of Tmënggung Sura-Widjaya, and once a Patih of Djipang was given Djipang and the title of Tumënggung Mataun (Babad 1941 : 301/313, 329/344, d. Schrieke 1957: 161). The territories ceded to the Dutch in January 1811 had not yet been trans- ferred to them when Java was captured by the British in August-September of that year (Raffles 1817 I1 : 229). De Haan 1935: 624, 542, 625, 542, 651. This article is the only part published of a major work on the British interregnum in Java which De Haan had intended to write but never had time to finish. Acwrding to his introduction to this article, he had wllected exhaustive materials for this book from the State Archives in Batavia/Djakarta. It is regrettable that the whereabouts of his undaubtedly important notes and excerpts seems to be unknown. It is to be hoped that an other expert wil1 have the leisure to complete the task De Haan had set himself; such a work on the British Adminictration in Java (and the other parts of the Archipelago) would fill a major gap in the literature.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access According to Raffles' data, in 1815 Jipang wnsisted of the following 6 districts: Panolan, Padangan, Radjëg-wësi, Sëkarang, Bawërno and 'Jenawun' (i.e. Tinawurt) (Raffles 1817 I1 : 268, and 'Map of Java' in Vol. I).S Van den Bmch' map of 1818, which is clearly inferior to that of Rafflec, shows the sarne districts with the exceptim of Padangan and Tinawun, and with the addition d Duri between Sëkarang and Bowërno. These six districts had already been instituted as subdivisims of Djipang - thaugh partly with different name - by the Javanese administratim, which, as usually, remained in existente under the colonial administration. Djipang as a wholle had been a separate Regency under a Javanese Regent and probably remaind sol under the British Government. It is not clear where ,this Regent residecl, but presumably his capital was aIso calleá Djipang. Raffles' map of Java is the ody me showing clearly the site of what probably was the regency capital d that time. His 'town' d Jipang is thR only place indicatecl as a major me within the borders of the Djipang regicm on his map. Raffles' map shows that this 'tawn' was situated m the left bank d a right-hand tributaq of the Sdol River, and me9 to 10 km. uptream d the point where thic tributq, running to the north-west, flows into the Solo River. Comparison with the modern topographical maps (51/XL B and D) shows that this tributary - which is umed m Raffles' map - was the Kali Gandong, which reaches the Solo River some 4 km. dowmtream (i.e. to the east) of the town/village of Padangan, and, therefore, that the site of this forma town of Djipng was somewhere near the present- day village of PëlGm on the ldt bank of this Kali Gandong. On Van den Bosch' map this capital is called 'Djep~n',and cm a MS. map of about 1820 'Jip~ng'.~There was a road curving scrutheautward from Padangan ta Djipang (cm-Kali-Gandong) and from thtre north-eastward to Sa- kalang and Banaran (= Babat) on the Solo River. This rmd was shift4 later m.

Raffles' map seems to render the situation as it was some time prior to 1815. One of the districts of Jipang is calleú Wono-seroyo, which name is never men- tioneú later on; but 'Jenawun' and the 'tm' of Bodrno are not shown on it. "Kaart van het eiland Java, samengesteld uit de bij de Directie van Fortifica- tien in Neerlands Indien voorhanden stukken en nader gedane opmetingen in de jaren 1816, 17, 18, 19, M) en 21; door officieren van de Genie en Algemeene Staf. Gecopieerd door den Dessinateur A J. Latour", blad 34 (Map L 910 No. 7 in the collection of maps of the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taai-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden).

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When in 1824 the Rhbang Residency and ik regencies were re- divided sa as to make pssible a more efficient control of the teak forests in this regicm the Regency d Djipang was renamed Radjëg-wësi, and the assistamt resident of Djipang was "transferred to Radjëg-~ësi".~ On this or an arlier occasion the district cd Panolan was assigned to the adjacent Regemy of Blolra? col that finally, in Febmary 1825, the Regency of Radjëg-wësi ccmsisted cd the districts cd Bowërno, Bësuki (later called Pëlëm), Tëmayang, Ngumpak, Padangan and Tinawun, with the capital ("Hoofdneprij") as a separate 7th distriut.' It seemc that the old capita& Djipang (cm-Kali-Gandong), was abandoned at the Same time, for the regency capital called Radjég-wësi was located near Ngumpak, me5 km. to the south of the present-day town of Badjanegara (map 52/XL C).1° Raden Tumënggung Purwo Nëgoro, the Regent cd Djipang who had becme Regent of Radjëg-wësi cm this was deposecl in 1825 in connecticm with ani attempt cm the life 04 the assistant resi- dent d Radjëg-wësi, J. Bonwater, m October 16, 1824, in which the Regent was allegedly involved. The d-& Regent's eldest con was appointed in his place as Raden TumCnggung Djoyoi Nëgoro.12

7 "Register van handelingen en besluiten van den Gouverneur-Generaal in rade", 27 Januari 1824, no. 31 (MS. Algemeen Rijksarchiéf, The Hague). There seem to be no published sources for the dmees and wents of the years 1824 and 1825 which are mentioned in this and the next two paragraphs (apart from the referentes given in notes 11 and 12, below). I am very much indebted to Mr. F. G. P. Jaquet of the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taäl-, Land- en Volkenkunde for locating and extracting the relevant data in the Algemeen Rijksarchief. s The fact that the district of Panolan was formerly a part of Djipang is probably the reason why Schrieke (1957: 154) asserts that Djipang formerly consisted of 'Bodjanegara with Blora'. There is no evidence, however, showing that the northern part of the Regency of Blora ever was a part of Djipang. Schrieke's information that in 1746 'Blora had been removed from the control of Jipang and placed under Rembang' (1957: 178) is only partly correct, since Van Imhoff's report to which Schrieke refers does not mention Djipang: it only says that Blora was placed under Rembang (B.K.I. I, 1853, p. 318). 9 "Register van handelingen, etc.", Z2 Februari 1825, no. 12. This decree fixed the subdivision of the Rëmbang Residency in a way slightly different from that of January 27, 1824. 10 See note 14, below. 11 Cf. also Almalzak en Naa~rzregistervalt Neêrlandsch Indië of 1824 and 1825. Purwo Nëgoro is called Regent of Djiepang in the formex (p. 54) and Regent of Radjak Wessie in the latter (p. 56). 12 "Register van handelingen, etc.", 11 Januari 1825, no. 21; 17 Mei 1825, no. 18; and 17 Juni 1825, no. 10. The Regent's discharge was ordered in the decree of May 1825. He was allowed to take up his residence in Tuban. The Borwater affair is also mentioned in Van Deventer 1866: 78.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access A few years later, in the midst d the so-called (1825-1830), a large-de rebellion broke out in this part d the Rëmbang Residency, which was considered by the Dutch as om of the regions most difficult to govern.13 This rebellim lasted from November 28, 1827, to March 1828 and was led by Raden Tumënggung Sasra di Laga, who was a son of the fomer Regent of Radjëg-wësi (i.e. the deposed Purwo Nëgoro) and a brother-in-law of Dipnëgoro, the famms leader of the Javanee against the Dutch in the Java War. The regenq capital was held by the rebels for sorne time, and after it was recaptured from them on January 26, 1828, it was decided by the Dutch kernment to move its site for security reasms. Following a decree to that effect of February 17, 1828 (Sibenius Trip 1897: 301), the new capital was fmded in the village of KebGadung on the right bank of the Solo River, some 5 km. to the north of khe old one, which was situated near Ngumpak.14 The new centre was first called New Radjëg-wësi, but on the request of the Regent, the name of his regency and of its new capital was changed into Bodjanëgara by a decree of September 25, 1828 (Sibenius Trip 1897: 355). In this way the present-day town and regency of Bodjanëgara came into being. As a result of these developments, the old name of Djipang dis- appeared from this regency and was preserved ody as the name of a village ('Djipang-pasar') lying crn the west side of the Solo River, in the district of Panolan which had becme a pa,rit of the . The name of Radjëg-wësi completely disappeared from the maps, althmgh it had been! a very old name too in this region. It is mentioned in an inscription of 1414 (Krom 1931 : 447), in which it is said that Rajëg-wësi was mquerd by Mëdang. Pwsibly the forma- district

'Vhis was the opinion of Van Lawick van Pabst, Resident of Sërnarang, according to his letter of December Znd, 1827, as quoted in Louw 1904: 360. He added that the inhabitants of Radjëg-w5si longed to return to their former masters. For the wents of the co-called Rembang rebellion cf. Louw 1904, Chapters VI-IX and especially pp. 463, 474, 490, 523. Louw does not mention the Borwater affair nor the former regent's discharge. l4 LOUW1904: 486, 507. Roorda van Eysinga, who interviewed the Chief Pang- huk of Rëmbang in Batavia in December 1827 (Louw 1904: 488-498), mentions both decrees of 1828 (Roorda van Eysinga 1850: 172) but does not seem to know the previous history. He adds that in his time a mound near Ngumpak still showed the site of the former fort of Radjëg-wesi. Veth's statement (1882: 811) that Radjëg-wësi was renamed Bdjanëgara when in 1826 and 1827 the administrative centre of the regency was transferred from Bowërno to Radjëg-wësi is clearly incorrect, but it might refer to some earlier transfer since Bowërno was an administrative centre in 1816.

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of Radjëg-wësi in the western part of the Bodjanëgara Regency was a continuation of this 15th century (regicm of) Rajëg-wësi. It is clear from the above discussim that the tmn of Radjëg-wësi which existed from 1824 tot 1828 was a new &Iement. Therefore, if there once was an ancient town af Rajëg-wësi, its site is unknown. There is, however, a dight pmsibility that it shmld be identified wi.th the present-day village of Pagër-wësi which is situated some 7 km. to ~thewest of the town of Bodjarilegara on the left bank of the Solo River (map 52/XL A), because these names both mean 'iron fence'.

APPENDIX I1

16~~CENTURY DJIPANG

In the preceding pages there has been occasion to cite severai mentions of Djipang as a regional centre in dontments from different times and to more or less tentatively idmtify these historically different Djipangs with their respective loc.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access De Graaf, who discussed this story in his book about Senapati of Mataram (1954: 24-31, 37-43), has shown that several details in it reflmt the interests d the later kings of Mataram, wha claimed their descent from the said Ki Pamanahan. The latter and his relativa were probably introduced as the heraes of the story in order tu construct a justificaition for the later kings d Mataram's claims to kng the rightful overlords of Mataram adPati. Consequently, it is difficult to decide ~hiclt~detailsof the stqare authentic. De Graaf comes to the conclusion that 'an original Padjang story was recasted in favour of Maitaram later m' (1954: 38), but he accepts Padjang's victory over Djipang as a fact'and dates ik tentatively in 1558 (1954: 43). The latter conclusion seems to be supported by a topographical argument. The modern maps show that, due mth of the village of Djipang (i.e. 'Djipang-pasar'), the Solo River is joined by a smal1 tribultary, which is called bengawan Sme. This is a remarkable name, not only because it is identical with that mentioned in the Babad story, but primarily because the Javanese word bengawan is in the main reserved for large and important rivers such as the Solo and the Brantas, while the &er, smaller mes are designated by the ordinary word for 'river', kali. This msto imply that a special signifiance was attributed to this Sore River, and this significante rnay wel1 have been connected in some way with the existente of a royai os princely residence (kraton) in the near vicin,ity. This supposition wmld also provide an explanation for the ather name the river bears in the Babad story : bengawan Tjakët, since tjakëk means 'close by'. The village d Djipang, where also ancient bricks have been found, is indeed situated close by the Sore River. It seems likely, therefore, that the present-day village d Djipang was the residence of the 16th century adipati of Djipang, and, secondly, that the fibattle between Padjang and Djipang, whatever its details, was fought ke. In thR Babad story, however, the scene d this baktie, including the Sore River itself, was erronmly remwed to Kudus, some 80 Em. to the northwest. This rneans that at least om mistake was made by the writer of the Babad story. But this miutake mld only be made by hm if the name of this river and its role in the Padjang-Djipang battle already belonged to his original material. It is likely, therefore, that this material alm included this battle iklf and the subsequent defeat and death of the adipati of Djipang. There seems to be nol convincing reamn ta dmbt the hictoricity of

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this adipati of Djipang and to see in him a legadary continuation 04 a 14th cmtwy Prince of Matahun, as Berg is inclined to do (1954: 196, 211). Itt has becrmie sufficiently dm that Djipang through the centuries was an important regicm in Java, even thmgh there is only intermittent evidence for its continuwc exisrtence from the 13th to the 19th century. The Javanese social arganimtion implies that, as long as there was a regim of Djipang there were dso lords of Djipang, whether titled adipati ar tumënggung ar otherwise, and why then in the 16th century? It has been generally aceepted that the title d ~afahunwhidi was bom by different members of the royal house of Majapahit in the 14th and 15th centuries was connected with Djipang. But there is no conternpolrary evidence far this ccmclusim. It is based cm later data from the Babad Tanah Djawi, in which thk title is mentioned in cm- nection with Djipang (Ki Mataun is the vizier of Arya Panangsang d Djipang and a later lard d Djipang was called Tumënggung Mataun), and m oral tradition (the grave O4 'Bre Matahoen' is said to be m Mt. Ngandung, mmwhere near dernDjipang).16 If Matahun ever was a district or a place its situaition is uhmni. It certainly was not the farmer name of Djipang as Schrieke ascumes (1957: 154, 334).

LITERATURE REFERRED T0 IN THE APPENDICES t A. J. van der Aa 1857, Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, of beschrijving der Nederlandsche bezittingen in Oost-Indië. Vol. IV. Breda. Almanak en Naamregister van Neêrlandsch Indie 1824, 1825. Batavia. T. Altona 1922, "Djati en Hindoes; Oorsprong van het djatibosch in Bodjonegoro (Java)", Boschbouwkundig Tijdschrift Tectono 15, pp. 457-507 Babad 1941, Babad Tanah Djawi door W. L. Olthof (ed. and transl.). 2 Vols. 's-Gravenhage. C. C. Berg 1954, "Bijdragen tot de kennis der Panji-verhalen", B.K.I. 110, pp. 189-216. J. van den Bosch 1818, Atlas der Overzeesche Bezittingen van Zijne Majesteit deta Koning der Nederlanden. 's-Gravenhage/Amsterdam. Daendels 1814: Staat der Nederlandsche Oostindische Bezittingen, onder het bestuur van den Gouverneur-Generaal Herman Willem Daendels . . . in de jaren 1808-1811. 's-Gravenhage.

~ l6 Altona 1922: 483 note 1. I did not succeed in locating this 'Goenoeng Ngandoeng' on the map.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access Bijdragen tot de taal-, la&- en volkenkunde 124, 4, facing p. 480.

UPSTREAM SOLO RIVER FERRIES (NOS.17-44)

Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2021 09:59:53PM via free access M. L. van Deventer 1891, Het Nederlandsch Gezag over lava en Onderhoorigen sedert 1811. Vol. I 1811-1820. Den Haag. S. van Deventer 1866, Bijdragen tot de kennis van het Landelijk Stelsel op Java. Vol. 11. Zalt-Bommel. Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië 1917, Vol. I. 's-Gravenhage/Leiden. H. J. de Graaf 1954, De Regering van Panembahan Sénapati Ingalaga. (V.K.I. 13). 's-Gravenhage. F. de Haan 1935, "Personalia der Periode van het Engelsch Bestuur over Java 1811-1816", B.K.I. 92, pp. 477-681. Van Imhoff 1746: "Reis van den Gouverneur-Generaal Van Imhoff, over Java, in het Jaar 1746", B.K.I. 1 (1853), pp. 291-441. J. K. J. de Jonge, De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indië. Verzameling van onuitgegeven stukken uit het Ozd-KolonicMl Archief. 13 Vols. Amsterdam/Den Haag. 1862-1909. N. J. Krom 1931, Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis. Tweede herziene druk. 's-Gravenhage. P. J. F. Louw 1889, De Derde Javaansche Successie-oorlog (1746-1755). Batavia/ 'S Hage. P. J. F. Louw 1904, De Java-oorlog van 1825-1830. Vol. 111. Bataviars Hage. Th. Pigeaud 1938, Javaansche Volksvertoningen. Bijdrage tot de Beschrijving van Land en Volk. Batavia. Th. St. Raffles 1817, The History of Java. 2 Vols. London. P. P. g oor di van Eysinga 1850, Handboek der Land- en Volkenkunde.. . van Nederlandsch Indië, Boek I11 Deel 111. Amsterdam. B. Schrieke 1957, Zndonesian Sociological Studies, Part two, Ruler and Realm in Early Java. The Hague/Bandung. J. Sibenius Trip 1897, Staatsbladen van Nederlandsch Indië. Vol. I 1816-1835. Batavia. P. J. Veth 1882, Java, Geographisch, Ethnologisch, Historisch. Vol. 111. Haarlem. P. J. Veth 1903: idem, Tweede druk, bewerkt door J. F. Snelleman en J. F. Niermeyer. Vol. I11 Geographie. Haarlem

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