Simone Scherger Steffen Hagemann

Concepts of Retirement and the Evaluation of Post-Retirement Work

Positions of Political Actors in Germany and the UK

ZeS-Working Paper No. 04/2014 Simone Scherger Steffen Hagemann

Concepts of Retirement and the Evaluation of Post-Retirement Work

Positions of Political Actors in Germany and the UK

ZeS-Working Paper No. 04/2014

WORKING PAPERS

Zentrum für Sozialpolitik Universität Bremen Postfach 33 04 40 28334 Bremen Phone: 0421 / 218-58501 Fax: 0421 / 218-58622 Prof. Dr. Simone Scherger E-mail: [email protected] University of Bremen Editor: Kristin Bothur Centre for Social Policy Research (ZeS) [email protected] http://www.zes.uni-bremen.de Design: cappovision, Frau Wild Steffen Hagemann ZeS-Arbeitspapiere University of Bremen ISSN 1436-7203 Centre for Social Policy Research (ZeS) [email protected]

2 3 Concepts of retirement and related moral arguments play an impor- In Debatten um Rentenreformen spielen Vorstellungen darüber, tant role in debates around pension reform. What retirement is – or was die Lebensphase des Ruhestands ist oder sein sollte, und should be – varies according to the surrounding welfare culture and darauf bezogene moralische Argumente eine wichtige Rolle. Diese an actor’s general interests and beliefs. In this paper, we study the Vorstellungen sind zum einen von der jeweiligen Wohlfahrts- meaning that specific collective actors in Germany and the UK at- kultur geprägt, zum anderen hängen sie eng mit den Interessen

SUMMARY tribute to retirement, and their evaluation of post-retirement work, und Ansichten der an den Debatten beteiligten Akteure zusam- which is an exception to 'normal' retirement. For this purpose, we men. In diesem Arbeitspapier untersuchen wir die Bedeutung, examine interviews with experts from unions, employer federations die bestimmte kollektive Akteure in Deutschland und Großbritan- and relevant non-profit organisations which have been conducted in nien dem Ruhestand als Lebensphase zuschreiben, sowie ihre the context of a wider comparative project. Additionally, we draw on Bewertung von bezahlter Arbeit jenseits der Rentengrenze, die eine policy documents by the same actors. Our analysis of the interviews Ausnahme vom 'normalen' Ruhestand darstellt. Zu diesem Zweck and the documents reveals similar retirement concepts among the analysieren wir Interviews mit Experten von Gewerkschaften, same kinds of actors across countries: trade unions and at least Arbeitgeberverbänden und von in diesem Feld relevanten gemein- some non-profit organisations advocate retirement as a social right nützigen Organisationen. Neben den Interviews, die im Rahmen ZUSAMMENFASSUNG and as a distinct (ideally work-free) phase of life. In contrast, em- eines größeren vergleichenden Projekts geführt wurden, werden ployers have a less substantial concept of retirement. At the same außerdem politische Dokumente (insbesondere Positionspapiere) time, when morally justifying what retirement should be in their der gleichen Organisationen einbezogen. Unsere Analyse der In- view, the actors refer to ideas that establish a connection to the spe- terviews und Dokumente zeigt, dass vergleichbare Akteure in ver- cific welfare culture surrounding them. schiedenen Ländern auch ähnliche Ruhestandskonzepte vertreten: Gewerkschaften und zumindest einige der betrachteten gemein- nützigen Organisationen sprechen sich für Ruhestand als soziales Recht und als eine klar abgegrenzte, idealerweise arbeitsfreie Le- bensphase aus. Im Gegensatz dazu vertreten Arbeitgeberverbände ein weniger gehaltvolles Ruhestandskonzept. Gleichzeitig beziehen sich alle Akteure auf Ideen, die Teil der jeweiligen Wohlfahrtskultur sind, wenn sie moralisch rechtfertigen, was der Ruhestand in ihren Augen sein sollte.

4 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 5 1. Introduction 8 9. Conclusions 41

CONTENT 2. The Moral Economy of Retirement in the Notes 45 Context of Different Welfare Cultures 10

References 47 3. The Role of Collective Actors in Welfare Cultures and Welfare Reforms 15 Attachment 51

4. Country Cases: Germany and the UK (Institutional Background and Reforms) 17

5. Methods, Sample Selection and Aim of Analysis 19

6. The Unions’ View: Retirement as a Social Right under Threat 23

7. The Employers’ View: (Fixed) Retirement as Outdated and Costly 27

8. Non-Profit Interest Organisations: Between the Right to Work-Free Retirement and the Right to Work 32

6 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 7 1. Introduction more specifi cally, a ‘good’ retirement (see more detail, we proceed as follows: In also Sargent et al. 2013). The idea of what the next section (2.), we elaborate on the constitutes a ‘good’ retirement varies ac- moral dimension of retirement in the con- Retirement as a distinct phase of life lyse expert interviews and a selection of cording to the concrete welfare culture text of different welfare cultures. In the evolved only recently in history. The relat- documents which deal with reforms in the and institutions. This has not often been subsequent step (3.), we include the role ed welfare arrangements that, at the end fi elds of pensions and work in old age. We studied systematically and empirically. of collective actors in welfare cultures and of an extended historical development, pay particular attention to how the actors Second, these ideational dimensions of welfare reforms in our theoretical per- allowed broad sectors of the population justify their views morally, or put differ- old age welfare policies are at least one spective. To prepare our empirical inves- to fully retire from the toil of work are a ently: how they embed their arguments in important driver of the related political tigation, we briefl y present the relevant historically unique and defi ning feature of the “moral economy” of retirement (Kohli processes (for examples see van Oorschot institutional background for our country modern and contemporary welfare states. 1987), thereby balancing their vested in- et al. 2008; van Oorschot 2007). They help cases (4.) and then (5.) our methods, sam- The introduction of these arrangements terests and the specifi c welfare culture to legitimise existing regulations and re- ple selection, and aim of analysis. In the was based on complex processes of po- they belong to. Their evaluation of post- lated reforms – particular in a situation second, empirical part of our paper, we litical interest negotiation in which many retirement work can be seen as part of the when a popular institution is fundamen- analyse the concepts of retirement of the parties were involved. While retirement actors’ moral concepts of retirement. The tally changed – and they can serve to con- actors we selected for this purpose: union and pensions were not introduced for question of how they interpret this excep- vince potential voters or potential politi- confederations (6.), employer organisa- mainly moral reasons in the strict sense tion from retirement can help us to further cal allies; nonetheless, their exact impact tions (7.), and non-profi t interest organi- of altruism or charity, moral reasoning unpack their often implicit views on what depends on the contingencies of concrete sations in the fi elds of old age and pen- did play an important role in politically retirement should be. historical situations. sion (8.). We end with a short conclusion enforcing these institutions and ensuring Analysing this ideational dimension More specifi cally, we examine in an regarding our results and future research their continued legitimation. of retirement connects research on age- exploratory way how the ideational aspect on the subject (9.). In this paper, we aim to answer the ing and retirement on the one hand and of welfare arrangements affecting retire- question as to the role played in the le- welfare cultures or ideas in social policy ment and old age is manifest in selected gitimation (or de-legitimation) of current on the other – two strands of research that collective actors’ positions in two differ- pension reforms by this moral reason- have not often been explicitly connected ent welfare regimes. We have to limit our ing around retirement as a phase of life, to date. Based on this approach, we ex- analysis to the question of how retirement and what forms this takes. In doing so, pect to gain valuable insights into two is- is conceptualised and how pensions are we assume that the interests of the ac- sues. First, the moral ideas incorporated bound up in this. We only partly touch tors involved are not suffi cient to explain in welfare institutions and negotiated upon the complex inequality-related and these reforms. We posit that moral rea- in the political process are inextricably distributional questions that play a central soning plays a particularly important role linked to individual life courses and their role in debates about pension reforms. when established and popular welfare experience (see Kohli 1986a, b; Leisering Furthermore, unless they are necessary institutions like the pension system are 2004): The welfare state co-constitutes in- to understand the actors’ positions, we do reformed, with their very foundations be- dividual life courses in modern societies. not provide a detailed analysis of the relat- ing challenged in the process. More spe- Individual actors (try to) act according to ed political processes themselves (see for cifi cally, we study the meaning and the the norms and values implied in welfare example Kohli/Arza 2011 for a more gen- social relevance that important German (and other) institutions (for the transition eral overview of pensions in Europe and and British collective actors – unions, to retirement see Jansen 2013). They eval- the political economy of related reforms). employers, and old-age related non-profi t uate their own lives and those of others The paper is divided into a shorter, interest groups – attribute to the concept according to these ideas, for example the theoretical part and the presentation of of retirement.1 For this purpose, we ana- idea of what constitutes a good life and, the results of our empirical analysis. In

8 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 9 2. The Moral Economy of Retirement in the change of work and income in a long-term vary in different welfare regimes. Welfare Context of Different Welfare Cultures relationship between the individual and regimes and their specifi c welfare regula- the state. Rather, pension systems tions are to some extent the expression of welfare cultures, which comprise “stocks “contain a clear element of reciproc- of knowledge, values and ideals” (Pfau- Retirement and pension systems are cru- fare state can even play an important part ity based on morally bounded claims Effi nger 2005: 4; see also van Oorschot cial elements of almost every contempo- in nation-building (Kohli/Arza 2011: 252). and expectations, or – as it is usually 2007) and thus also the moral economy rary welfare system. It is on the basis of In what ways retirement and pensions termed in the German welfare discus- of the welfare state.5 Historically, the va- these welfare arrangements that old age are related to questions of integration and sion – of solidarity between the gen- rieties of welfare regimes can be traced as a separate and not only residual life social control can be understood more erations [...]. They mix instrumental back to differences in the political evolu- stage became part of the lives of a major- clearly if we consider contemporary mar- elements in the sense of calculable tion of the (welfare) state, with different ity of people – retirement is part of the ket economies as “work societies” (Kohli returns for investments with recipro- political actors shaping these processes modern institutionalised life course as we 1987: 128). The concept of work society cal elements in the sense of a nor- to differing degrees, and also to wider know it today (Kohli 1986a). Increased that has been widely used in German soci- mative system of mutual obligations. cultural mores such as religious traditions life expectancy and the concentration of ology points to the central role that formal The decisive point, however, is that and the balance between individualism death in higher ages for large parts of the paid work2 plays in these societies. It is the former elements are ‘embedded’ and collectivism (see for example Esping- population were preconditional to this. not only a means of producing goods and in the latter; therefore, it is feasible Andersen 1990; for more examples see With regard to the organisation of work services, but also a central mechanism of to interpret retirement in terms of the van Oorschot et al. 2008; Manow 2004). in industrial societies, but also applicable social integration and thus a central norm moral economy” (Kohli 1987: 128). Welfare cultures consist of ideas, and in contemporary capitalist market econo- according to which people align their ideas are the basic ‘entities’ of meaning mies, Kohli (1987, see also Kohli 1986a, lives – paid work and working are part Recent economic sociology research which can form more complex systems of b) has described a number of “functions“ of the culture of contemporary societies. has demonstrated convincingly that capi- description or belief; they shape (together of modern institutionalised life course This still seems to be valid today, although talist markets constitute normative orders with other factors) individual or collective regimes, in the sense of (contingent) an- the organisation, structure and contents in themselves (see for example Fourcade/ action in that they reduce the range of swers to “some of the structural prob- of work have been changing rapidly and Healey 2007; Beckert 2009), so that even meaningful or appropriate possibilities of lems that arise with the transition from a signifi cantly.3 the strictly “instrumental elements” (Koh- action, for example in the area of welfare household economy to an economy based Against this background of contempo- li 1987: 128) are in fact part of a specifi c regulations. We understand ideas as ele- on free labor“ (Kohli 1987: 129). Retire- rary societies still being centred around normative order and thus morally loaded.4 ments of cognitive content, i.e. concepts, ment is a model example of these “func- formal work, the fundamental problem So the institution of retirement, like other statements, assumptions, speculations tions “: Retiring people at a certain fi xed connected to the ‘rational mechanism’ of welfare regulations, always has a sym- etc. which are related to how an assumed age provides a rational and economical retirement becomes evident: In a society bolic aspect, in addition to its aspect of reality is, was or will be, how it could or mechanism to organise succession on the where work is a central part of life, where concrete benefi ts or payments (Kaufmann should be. In the literature on ideas and labour market and in companies; it helps people defi ne who they are (mainly) 2009, 1997: 301). As this symbolic aspect welfare states, a plethora of terms is used maintain or increase the productivity of through their work, how can a prolonged is closely connected to the integrative for (general or specifi c) ideas and more the workforce; and it is at the same time a (and growing) period without work be function of welfare institutions and to the complex systems of ideas, such as mor- solution to the problems of the integration justifi ed? Kohli’s (1987) answer to this recognition of individuals and their rights, al economy, knowledge, world views, or of different life domains and of social con- question refers to the notion of “moral it is crucial for an adequate understanding paradigms (see Münnich 2011a and b for trol in contemporary, more individualised economy” (Thompson 1971). In Kohli’s of welfare regimes as normative orders. a further discussion and examples). De- societies in which direct mechanisms of view, retirement and pension systems are The exact form, content and mix of scriptive ideas, i.e. statements about how social control have lost signifi cance. In a not purely rational or “utilitarian” (Kohli different “instrumental” and “reciprocal” the world is, can be differentiated from wider perspective, retirement and the wel- 1987: 128) forms of organising the ex- elements (Kohli 1987: 128), for example, normative ideas which refer to an ideal or

10 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 11 desirable world (see for example Nullmei- can be easily determined (Pfau-Effi nger not only to the necessity to sell one’s la- er/Rüb 1993: 45-51), although this differ- 2005: 6). The relationship of these ideas bour on the labour market, but also to a normative underpinning of retirement. entiation is perhaps not a categorical one to the dominating welfare culture will be having to rely on private (pension) insur- This does not imply that the regulations as descriptions of reality are often closely more of a relative nature.6 In comparison ance, or more generally fi nancial markets regarding retirement determine the ideas linked to normative ideas. The collective to the concrete institutions, the moral ide- to secure one’s living in old age. This can that surround it – rather, they both came actors whose positions are studied below as that are central to a welfare culture can be exemplifi ed by the OECD’s differentia- into existence through a complex interplay use the ideas that constitute a welfare change (more) quickly and are more fl ex- tion between public pension systems that with each other (and with other infl uences, culture to describe the social reality in a ible to (re-)interpretation by different ac- focus on maintaining a living standard at see above), they cannot be deduced from each other, and they constantly continue to specifi c and necessarily selective way – to tors.7 Institutions are, to put it differently, least for those with continuous employ- evolve in this form. justify their normative position and to de- fi xed versions of certain parts of these ment biographies (which implies a higher Which form can this moral underpin- rive political claims from them. stocks of ideas, more specifi cally those degree of decommodifi cation), on the ning of retirement as a phase free from Concrete (welfare) institutions always parts that prevailed and have been legally one hand, and systems that aim predomi- formal paid work take? We assume that involve an ideational aspect and thus institutionalised at some historical point nantly at poverty prevention, on the other there are a number of different and vari- form part of a welfare culture. Welfare in the past. Consequently, asynchronici- (OECD 2009: 55). able arguments which can serve to mor- institutions basically consist of regula- ties between institutions and other parts In line with the concrete regulations, ally justify the existence of retirement as tions which govern the actual practice of a welfare culture may occur and these the specifi c concept of retirement also var- a distinct phase of life.9 They all adopt the of the distribution of symbolic and ma- are likely to lead eventually to institutional ies, i.e. the ideas and perceptions of what notion of work-free retirement, although terial resources – practices which at the change. retirement and pensioners are or rather not necessarily to the same degree. A fi rst same time imply moral ideas about what The following short remarks aim at what they should be. Here, our considera- argument that justifi es work-free retire- is good and just, who deserves what etc. systematising the variety of retirement- tions partly build on the literature, partly ment directly relates to the function of Institutions cannot be reduced to this related concrete institutions on the one they have the nature of heuristic assump- generational succession. The relevance ideational aspect, as they are much more hand and stocks of particularly norma- tions. Several aspects of welfare cultures of succession can be very generally as- than that (namely concrete practices etc.) tive (but also descriptive) ideas on the come together in the concept of retire- sociated with retirement as a ‘functional’ and emerge and evolve to some extent other; they are necessarily selective and ment, ideas about “how social security and life course institution; yet it can also be independently from ideas. Despite their can only touch upon questions of welfare employment should be connected”, about applied more specifi cally and especially ideational dimension, it is, therefore, use- distribution and inequalities. From a very social inclusion and exclusion, about the in times of high unemployment by argu- ful for analytical purposes to differentiate general perspective, concrete welfare reg- relationship between state and market as ing that retiring from the labour market is between institutions (i.e. the concrete ulations vary with the nature of the role well as ideas about the welfare mix and good for society because in this way, jobs regulations and practices mentioned) on assumed by the state with regard to im- the family (Pfau-Effi nger 2005: 8). The are freed-up that can be fi lled by younger the one hand, and on the other hand the portant life course risks and to the extent higher the degree of decommodifi cation workers. This line of reasoning was used, stocks of ideas of a welfare culture. These to which certain life phases are decom- of old age is, in other words the more the for example, in order to justify generous stocks of ideas comprise, in turn, much modifi ed. Where the state plays a strong pension system is directed at8 maintain- arrangements for early retirement (Kohli/ more than those that are materialised in role in protecting against individual (life ing a certain living standard, the more re- Rein 1991: 13; for Germany: Jacobs et institutions alone; they also comprise, course) risks, individuals have to rely less tirement becomes a distinct phase of life al. 1991; for the UK: Laczko/Phillipson for example, other ideas that are aired in on (labour) markets to secure their living in its own right. This very often coincides 1991). At least on a macro level, it has welfare-related reform discourses. Some (see for example Esping-Andersen 1990). with a strong public pension system. As been refuted by economists as the ‘lump of these ideas will be more, some less Applied to old age, retirement, and pen- such a form of retirement is more decou- of labour fallacy’. central to the specifi c welfare culture in sions, this implies that public elements of pled from the core of a work society and Second, the justifi cation can of course question. This does not imply that these the pension system (‘fi rst pillar’) can be the laws of the labour market, the need to be related to the work society itself in pos- ideas form a consistent and interrelated more or less important in different welfare justify retirement as a period which is free iting retirement as “a just reward for a life’s system that is free from contradiction and regimes. Here, relying on markets refers of work is more pressing, i.e. the need for toil” (Leisering 2004: 209). This makes

12 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 13 These lines of moral reasoning about more sense in systems where public pen- hard and long working life can be more The absence of a substantial, elabo- sion payments are based on collectively or less strong. In an extreme case and why retirement is well deserved or justi- rate and comprehensive concept of retire- organised contributions and higher con- as a third kind of argument, the right to fi ed are certainly only the most important ment in a welfare culture does of course tributions are connected to higher pen- a work-free retirement can be claimed examples. Although they do imply differ- not imply that individual life courses are sion payments – as is typically the case more or less regardless of any links to ent foci, they could in principle comple- necessarily shaped less by welfare regula- in Bismarckian systems. In Beveridgian paid work: In this case, everyone has a ment each other or be complemented tions and related ideas. Rather, such life systems, by contrast, the state only fur- right to retirement in which they can do by additional arguments; and they can course policies – which Leisering (2004: nishes a very basic provision in old age whatever suits them. The difference be- be differentiated and applied in fl exible 210, original italics left out) calls “nega- and means-tested benefi ts are (relatively) tween this justifi cation and a retirement ways and combinations. In any case, ac- tive life course policies” – infl uence in- more important. Here, the reference to which is well-deserved because of a work- cording to the above, all of these moral dividual lives and individual perceptions a vulnerable subgroup of (current or fu- ing career is of course more relative than underpinnings should be more important indirectly, for example by leaving the re- ture) pensioners should be stronger, as- categorical: There might be wider or nar- and widespread in pension systems with sponsibility for old age to the individual, suming at the same time that the larger rower defi nitions of who has deserved re- a higher degree of public organisation, families and markets. In the following, non-vulnerable subgroup (which in- tirement through which kind of work, and which provide a higher degree of decom- we touch upon these moral ideas which cludes most current employees) is able unpaid social contributions like caring for modifi cation in old age and aim at secur- are directly or explicitly related to the life 10 to provide for itself by means of predomi- children can be included to differing de- ing pensioners’ previous living standard course when they arise, but they are not nantly individually organised forms of grees in the defi nition of what constitutes and not only at preventing poverty. Of in the focus of our analysis. Furthermore, old age provision. In this case, poor or work and deserved claims to retirement. course, this implies a continuum of pen- even ‘positive’ life course policies such as frail pensioners are like other poor and This kind of concept of retirement sion systems with more or less strong substantial normative concepts of retire- public pillars and degrees of decommodi- ment, may have less explicit or “tacit” vulnerable groups for whom the state based on a right to a work-free phase of fi cation (rather than a dichotomy), and dimensions (Leisering 2004: 210), i.e. provides the basic security net based life comes closest to the idea of retire- correspondingly the structural need to normative assumptions and rules which only on their needs. Occupational pen- ment “as a matter of social and political justify retirement differs in relative and are not directly obvious, or might even sions complicate the picture as they are rights” (Leisering 2004: 221). Leiser- not in absolute terms. contradict the offi cial ones. organised very differently and regulated ing contrasts this idea, which he sees to differing degrees in different coun- as typical for Bismarckian regimes, to a tries. In some countries they are manda- view on retirement “as a matter of civil tory and/or form a substantial part of old rights”. The latter implies that there is age incomes. Generally, their underlying no, or a less positively defi ned concept moral logic is also related to what has of retirement which contains substantial been achieved during a person’s working assumptions on what people should or 3. The Role of Collective Actors in Welfare life, and in some systems this also applies can do in this period of life. Therefore, to the question of who benefi ts from an retirement is seen rather in the context Cultures and Welfare Reforms occupational pension and who does not. of the right to work and not to be ex- However, occupational pensions are usu- cluded from the work society, as it is, for instance, defended in old age discrimi- ally organised according to some kind of Welfare cultures, i.e. the “stocks of knowl- there is a dominating or hegemonic wel- nation debates. According to Leisering, funding principle and thus are closer to edge, values and ideals” about welfare fare culture to be found in every welfare this view is more important in the US the principles of a more ‘rational’ indi- provision (Pfau-Effi nger 2005: 4) are, like system, i.e. a culture that is closely inter- than in continental Europe. The UK, as vidual investment, in (smaller or larger) welfare regulations (in a strict sense), not linked with the existing regulations and a relatively liberal welfare state, can be contrast to public pensions. necessarily consistent and homogene- built on longstanding historical traditions, regarded as being between these two ex- The normative and regulative link be- ous, and they continuously change. While the welfare culture at large encompasses tween ‘well-deserved’ retirement and a tremes (see below).

14 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 15 a broader stock of ideas and values. The likely to be understood and accepted. Both necessarily free from contradictions and phasise different ideas from this stock of existing welfare regulations are the tem- the second and the fi rst task point to the will be ordered around the centre of ideas ideas, or they will refer to the same or very porary and preliminary result of com- ideational dimension of interests and their that constitutes the dominating welfare similar ideas, but interpret or accentuate promises between many different actors formulation, which makes it implausible culture – which might also (slowly) shift. them differently. Further below, we will who each have their own vested interests, to conceptualise ideas and interests as Different actors in one and the same wel- illustrate this with regard to the justifi ca- values and beliefs. In the struggles about absolute contrasts and mutually exclusive fare culture will in general prefer or em- tion of retirement in Germany and the UK. which beliefs should be ‘fi xed’ in the form (see also Münnich 2011a). Third, specifi c of concrete regulations (i.e. institutions), arguments in concrete contexts also have some actors strive for reconfi gurations of to follow situational dynamics which arise welfare institutions and the dominating from the interaction with other actors on moral economy. Thus only the positions specifi c occasions. For example, most of of some actors closely correspond to the the position papers which are used below 4. Country Cases: Germany and the UK ideas at the centre of the dominating (and were published when new welfare laws (Institutional Background and Reforms) institutionalised) welfare culture, whereas came into effect or reform propositions other, more marginal positions potentially were brought forward by other actors. aim to change the dominating welfare In brief, when arguing their case, col- culture. Furthermore, welfare cultures (in lective actors have to balance their vested Although change in the area of pension to name only the two most important ex- contemporary Western societies) are not interests, the welfare culture they live in policies is not exactly rapid, many coun- ceptions in the relatively fragmented sys- only open to change from within, but also and situational aspects.12 In this sense, tries have undertaken signifi cant reforms tem. This fi rst pillar of the pension system to infl uences from outside, be it other pol- the ideas constituting a welfare culture in the fi elds of pension policies in the re- provides the bulk of current pensioners’ icy areas or inter- or supranational politics are similar to a stock of building blocks cent two decades, usually as a reaction to incomes. It is characterised by a strong and policies (such as those from the EU). of different shapes and sizes. This vari- long-term demographic shifts and eco- relationship to earnings before retirement Accordingly, reform debates encom- ety of building blocks can be used fl ex- nomic stagnation or crisis. As far as the and is thus ‘equivalence-related’ – with the pass a multiplicity of voices and argu- ibly to construct buildings, as ideas can policy area in question is concerned, the explicit aim that differences in pension in- ments. Collective actors, when morally be applied fl exibly to justify, but also do structure and the roots of the pension sys- come should refl ect differences in lifetime justifying their (reform) goals, have to de-legitimise welfare arrangements and tem, our two cases can be seen as most income. The second pillar of occupational connect different tasks when putting reforms. However, the stock of building – or at least very – dissimilar cases; they pensions only plays a minor role for some forward and deploying their arguments: blocks that are available in a specifi c wel- should thus provide a strong contrast current pensioners (in particular the male First, they have to represent the interests fare culture is neither indefi nite nor ar- when it comes to their moral justifi ca- core employees of traditional industries of their members which form the core of bitrary with regard to the buildings that tion. Germany has traditionally been an or employees in the public sector), whilst their identity as a collective actor.11 These can be constructed – i.e. with regard to exemplary case of a Bismarckian welfare the third pillar is negligible except for the interests and their formulation are at the the policies that can be justifi ed through regime with a higher degree of old-age self-employed. same time closely linked to specifi c types certain ideas: “The cultural values and decommodifi cation and a focus by the However, the pension reforms since of moral arguments. Second, even actors ideals which predominate in the welfare strong state pension on maintaining the the beginning of the 1990s have weak- in favour of radical reforms have to em- culture restrict the spectrum of possible living standard of pensioners (see for ex- ened the role of the traditionally strong bed their arguments in the dominating policies of a welfare state” (Pfau-Effi nger ample Schulze/Jochem 2007; also Kohli fi rst pillar in the German system (see moral economy of retirement, at least to a 2005: 4). Thus the policies pursued (or 1987; Meyer/Bridgen 2011). The public Meyer/Bridgen 2011; Ginn et al. 2009; certain degree. If propositions are mean- the buildings constructed) differ between social insurance covers most employees Schulze/Jochem 2007; Schmähl 2007). As ingfully linked to the existing system and countries, while some of their compo- (with contributions being shared equally a fi rst step, most early retirement routes legitimated with reference to already es- nents might be similar or even identical. between employers and employees), but were closed or are still only possible with tablished ideas and values, they are more Furthermore, these sets of ideas are not not the self-employed and civil servants, considerable reductions in pension pay-

16 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 17 ments. These early retirement regula- by an occupational pension was possible. become obligatory for different groups of sioner poverty many actors are in favour tions had been introduced to alleviate As decided in the Pensions Act 2014, S2P workers. Further regulation aims at pro- of a more generous state pension system. labour market problems and were wide- will be phased out from 2016 onwards, tecting people better from pension mis- Finally, a related and also much debat- spread in the 1980s and 1990s (see for while the rate of the State Pension will si- management through the Pension Protec- ed reform was the abolition of the default example Jacobs et al. 1991). Furthermore, multaneously increase considerably. tion Fund. Opting out of the State Second retirement age (DRA) in 2011 which had the gradual rise of the state retirement In particular occupational pensions, Pension has become more diffi cult and become necessary because the law did age to 67 has started (after the increase the second pillar, but also private pension will become impossible in the future.14 not conform to European equality regu- in women’s retirement age was recently schemes in the third pillar are much more With regard to the state pension, the ‘tri- lations. The default retirement age had concluded) and the level of future pen- important in the UK than in Germany, al- ple lock’ introduced in 2011 is supposed been only introduced in 2006 and allowed sion payments has been lowered. This though they still do not cover the majority to stabilise the level of the basic State employers to dismiss older workers on the was complemented by the introduction of the population. This is also the reason Pension by raising it each year in line with sole grounds that they had reached state of subsidized private pensions which are why many more pensioners have to claim prices, earnings, or 2.5 per cent, which- retirement age, with the latter having the supposed to compensate for the losses in means-tested old age benefi ts, pensioner ever is the highest. Finally, as in Germany, right to request working longer. In Ger- public pensions for future pensioners. All poverty is much more widespread, and the state pension age was also the object many, no such general (federal) law ever these changes – and these are only the old age incomes are much more unequal- of recent reforms: the state pension age existed. However, retirement ages are of- most important ones – have led to fi erce ly distributed in the UK than in Germany has increased to 65 for women, some- ten fi xed on the level of specifi c occupa- debates among the relevant political ac- (Zaidi 2010). Very recently, however, UK thing which will be concluded in 2018, tions, in collective labour agreements and tors.13 Together with labour market relat- pensioner poverty rates seem to have and will then be raised to an age of 68 for on company level, and constitute a strong ed reforms and their consequences (see dropped and are now below the German the whole population.15 These reforms are norm (see for example Mahlmann 2011: Hinrichs 2012), the pension reforms have level (OECD 2013: 165, using the 50 per not less debated than in Germany, and in 82-86; O’Dempsey et al. 2011: 68, 75). partly moved the German welfare system cent of the median income as poverty the face of persistently high rates of pen- into a more ‘liberal’ direction in terms of threshold). Although these problems in welfare regimes, although not every sin- the UK are not new, they have been ag- gle reform fi ts that description. Most of gravated by other changes: for some time the reforms will only be fully implemented now, generous defi ned benefi t pensions in the future, which is why the related de- in the second pillar have been replaced 5. Methods, Sample Selection and Aim of Analysis bates are ongoing, as can be seen below. by less generous defi ned contribution The UK pension system (for its history pension plans, whose outcomes are less see Harris 2006; Pemberton 2006), by secure and diffi cult to project. Over and The empirical basis of our analysis are similar country cases. We defi ne experts contrast, is characterised by a greater em- above that, mismanagement of private transcripts of semi-structured expert in- as individuals who work for and represent phasis on private pension provision and a pensions and the recent fi nancial crisis terviews and selected documents of the socio-political actors (here: trade unions, weak fi rst pillar (see Meyer/Bridgen 2011; have made private and occupational pen- interviewed actors. The latter are mostly employer confederations, non-profi t inter- Schulze/Moran 2007; Bridgen/Meyer sion plans much less reliable and secure. position papers (in various forms, includ- est organisations) and have considerable 2007): the basic State Pension provides a Recent reforms (for overviews see ing consultation responses and briefi ngs), expertise in pension and/or labour market fl atrate benefi t based purely on the num- Ginn et al. 2009; Schulze/Moran 2007; but also press releases and, on one occa- policies. This expertise not only compris- ber of years of contribution, and covers all Taylor-Gooby 2005) have introduced ob- sion, a report on a member survey. The es specifi c substantive knowledge of poli- employed and self-employed. The State ligatory pension provision in the second expert interviews were conducted be- cy and reform contents, but also interpre- Second Pension (S2P) is an earnings- pillar. In the cases where employers can- tween 2011 and 2012 in Germany and tative knowledge on how to deploy ideas related second layer in the fi rst pension not provide an occupational pension, a the UK, as part of a wider research pro- and values in such a way that the three pillar; however, until recently opting out scheme organised by the state (National ject on paid work beyond retirement age tasks mentioned above are balanced. This of this pension scheme and replacing it Employment Savings Trust) will gradually comparing these two most or very dis- relates, for example, to the ways in which

18 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 19 different values and ideas are prioritised cent pension reforms and labour market For this paper, we selected a specifi c All of these actors have in common (or put forward at all), how they are ‘trans- policies for older workers as well as the group of actors from our overall sample the fact that they are interest groups lated’ into concrete examples (of what is general value orientations of the collec- of 24 sociopolitical actors: The German and none of them is directly included in good and thus a valid policy target, and tive actor. This also included a question Bundesvereinigung Deutscher Arbeit- the political or even legislative process, what is not), how change is described and on people working beyond retirement geberverbände (BDA – Confederation of as would be the case with parties. None- how opposing positions are specifi ed and age and the evaluation of post-retirement German Employers’ Associations) and theless, they are frequently involved in delegitimised. Although the experts are work by the actor. The interviews started the UK’s Confederation of British Indus- consultation processes which are part of trained to use this interpretative knowl- out with a broad question on the social try (CBI) represent the employers’ side. the broader political processes of decision edge strategically and to balance the signifi cance of retirement.16 This rather Correspondingly, the German Deutscher making. Despite this general similarity, tasks mentioned above (to communicate unusual question was aimed at inducing Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB – Confedera- their importance and position in the two and legitimize their interests, embed their the expert to elaborate on what retirement tion of German Trade Unions) and its countries are not the same, because the arguments in the welfare culture and ac- means to the organisation he represents. British equivalent Trades Union Con- political systems differ considerably, for count for situational aspects), this does The complementary inclusion of doc- gress (TUC) speak for the unions. We also example in the number of veto points or corporative traditions (see also Schulze/ not necessarily happen in a completely uments in our analysis serves to put our selected the Sozialverband Deutschland Moran 2007; Schulze/Jochem 2007). The conscious and planned way, especially material on a fi rm basis: we make sure (SoVD – approximately ‘social associa- unions’ veto power is traditionally strong- not in the interviews. that the experts’ positions are not overly tion Germany’) and the Bundesarbeitsge- er in regimes like Germany, and still to- The expert interviews were semi- contingent on the dynamics of the con- meinschaft der Seniorenorganisationen day the power of the German unions and structured. This characteristic provided crete interview and accurately represent (BAGSO – approximately ‘federal con- the unions’ confederation is, despite their the interviewer with enough fl exibility the organisations’ views. In this respect sortium of seniors’ organisations’) for to adapt the predefi ned questions in the and with only one minor exception, the relative decline, much wider than that of the German non-profi t side. For the UK, interview guide to the specifi c interview interviews proved to be ‘robust’, because their more fragmented and less central- exemplary non-profi t actors are the Na- situation. For instance, the interviewer the arguments presented were very simi- ized counterparts in the UK (see Flynn tional Pensioners Convention (NPC) and was free to adjust questions, ask sponta- lar to those written down in the docu- et al. 2013; Ebbinghaus 2006: 773-774), the charity Age UK. Whilst the ‘classical’ neous ones or to adapt the interview to ments. In some cases this even included with collective labour agreements playing cases of the employer confederations and time constraints. For parts of the inter- the exact choice of words, which is not a major role at least for large German in- trade unions represent strongly compet- views, we adopted a discursive interview surprising because some of the experts dustries, and consensus orientation being ing interests in the reform fi elds of pen- technique (Ullrich 1999). This means had written the documents themselves. generally more relevant in Germany. Fur- sions and labour markets (Ebbinghaus that, while the expert was given space to Conversely, the interviews allowed us to thermore, the non-profi t interest organi- 2006), the organisations chosen in the elaborate on the organisation’s position, cover themes that were not well covered sations traditionally also have a stronger non-profi t sector represent the interests the interviewer carefully presented coun- in the documents, including those that are position in the German corporatist state of pensioners, older people or (as in the ter opinions to him. The aim of this ap- not necessarily in the focus of the specifi c (Zimmer et al. 2009; for the UK compare case of the German SoVD) more broadly proach was to bring the interview closer actor – thus creating a broader basis for Kendall 2009), although this is not nec- those of pensioners, disabled people, pa- to a natural discussion about the issues. comparison. At the same time, in com- essarily the case for the actors chosen tients or those in need of care. For vari- In this way, the experts were encouraged parison to the documents, the interviews here (especially not for the BAGSO). In to refl ect on other actors’ evaluations of turned out to contain more explicit evalu- ous reasons, including the consideration Germany, however, there are no strong specifi c policies, reforms and their con- ations and references to moral values. that they have less power, we expect organisations comparable to the British sequences, and thus to more explicitly Since we probed for these more abstract these organisations from the third sector NPC or Age UK, exclusively representing legitimise the policy preferences of the moral references, the experts were forced to relate very explicitly to moral values older people or pensioners. The German corporatist landscape of actors still cuts actor they represent. to elaborate on ideas that are self-evident and justifi cations with regard to pen- across generational or age-related divides, The main themes of the interviews to them and to justify their positions more sions, retirement and old age in general although within organisations, subgroups were the organisation’s evaluation of re- clearly. and be less confi ned by strategic-political constraints.

20 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 21 of older people sometimes organise them- tive knowledge of the actors with regard will be used to underpin these normative rate understanding of the latter; in this selves (for example in parties) and are to the moral justifi cation of retirement – claims. A strong and affi rmative concept case, explicit justifi cations of retirement growing stronger.17 knowledge that becomes manifest inter of retirement as mentioned above should should be absent or relativised by com- The documents were selected on the alia when policies related to pensions and go hand in hand with strong moral justi- peting values and beliefs. Whichever form basis of their thematic relevance to our work in old age are discussed and evalu- fi cations of retirement. While we do not references to values and beliefs take, they research question (for a list of the docu- ated. This selectiveness of our analysis assume that there are actors in favour of have to refer to the stock of ideas that con- ments see attachment 1). The most im- not only applies to the substance of the the ‘abolition’ of retirement as a distinct stitutes the related welfare culture; and of portant themes they cover are pension positions, but also to the more ‘techni- phase of life since it is a deeply ingrained course, the actors’ arguments necessarily reforms which are planned or have come cal’ details of the actors’ arguments (for feature of the modern welfare state, some need to relate to the existing structure of into effect, labour market inclusion and example the specifi cs of regulations and will have a less comprehensive and elabo- the pension system. (less often) social participation of older their application), which are often elabo- people and retirees, age discrimination in rated on meticulously, especially in the general and the (abolition of) the default documents. retirement age (in the UK). As a few ac- The beginning of the interviews, with tors only publish documents infrequently the question about the social signifi cance 6. The Unions’ View: Retirement as a Social and only on specifi c occasions, the docu- of retirement, was pre-defi ned as con- Right under Threat ments cover the time span 2005 to 2013. taining hints at the moral underpinnings The large majority of the documents is of retirement. Later in the interview, the from 2010 and 2011, thus close to the expert’s evaluation of work post retire- time when the interviews were conduct- ment – which can be seen as an excep- Both the German Deutscher Gewerk- to from their fi fties onwards. This phase of ed. Nonetheless, even some aspects of tion to the norm of retirement – helps us schaftsbund (DGB) and the British Trades life is supposed to be free of duties of any these relatively recent documents and the to understand what retirement means to Union Congress (TUC) represent member kind, it is “the phase when you are free to interviews have already been overtaken the specifi c actor and how they ‘defend’ unions from different sectors which or- decide what to do and perhaps even free by new decisions especially in the fi eld of retirement against this anomaly. Other ganise the interests of individual union to decide to do nothing”18 (“die Phase, wo pensions which will be mentioned where aspects touching on our main questions members. They not only share a similar man frei entscheiden kann was man tut necessary, or have already been men- were widely scattered across the inter- collective identity as union confedera- und vielleicht auch frei entscheiden kann, tioned above. In our view, however, this views and the documents; the increase tions, i.e. representatives of unions. They dass man nichts tut”, l. 19-20).19 The ex- does not undermine our basic results, be- in retirement age, older people’s ability both also pursue a relatively inclusive pert considers retirement as being under cause the moral reasoning around these to work and other aspects of pension re- policy approach guided by the value of threat in several ways. One is the emerg- policies does not depend on single policy forms such as the costs and the level of solidarity and claim to represent all em- ing and highly morally charged discourse measures and should only change slowly. pensions and the abolition of the default ployees (and not just members of unions), of obliging older people to be active long- Starting from the preliminary consid- retirement age (DRA, in the UK) emerged or even the “common good” (“Allgemein- er – which seems to imply both volunteer- erations outlined so far, the interviews and as the most important (additional) themes wohl“, see for example DGB interview, ing and working. He names several con- the documents were examined systemati- in the context of our main question. l. 772-773). servative politicians, one social-democrat cally and in a team in order to map the How the experts answer the question When asked in the interview about and one academic he sees as proponents actors’ positions with regard to the central on the social signifi cance of retirement the signifi cance of retirement, the expert of such a discourse, and criticises their at- questions we ask. The exploratory analy- and how they justify their policy prefer- from the DGB elaborates on the statutory tempts to “re-defi ne” “this free phase of sis of the interviews and the documents ences directly and indirectly tells us what retirement age as a social norm; he under- life” (“die den Ruhestand und diese freie is necessarily selective, as it focuses on a retirement should be in their eyes, and lines the role of retirement as a phase to- Phase des Lebens neu defi nieren wollen”, very specifi c aspect of the interviews and with which values and beliefs it is con- wards which people orientate themselves l. 42). The expert strongly assumes that the documents, namely the interpreta- nected. Additionally, descriptive ideas and which people expect and look forward not even younger people support these

22 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 23 2011: 7) – implying that there is a natural attempts, because amongst other things die Menschen rechnen können”, l. 182- for everyone – so like the DGB, the TUC process of succession. they have to worry too much about get- 183). This output-orientation with regard sees retirement under threat. In this con- ting or staying in work before retirement With the emphasis on the constraints to public pensions underlines the impor- text, the TUC also opposes the increase age, about unemployment and individual that older people face when approaching tance of retirement as a secure phase of of retirement age (to 68 in the long run), competition in the labour market (l. 45- retirement age, an important argument life which allows people the freedom to do based on a similar argument as the DGB: 49). So although the DGB welcomes any is already hinted at, namely that of many as they please. In order to differentiate between groups kind of participation in old age and is older people not being able to work. The The expert’s position on work beyond in the population who can work until 67 generally against old age discrimination, expert discusses this when criticising the retirement age mirrors his view on retire- and those who cannot, he emphasises the the expert tends to emphasise the con- increase in retirement age and related ment in general. Asked about why some unequal distribution of healthy life expec- straints that older people are subject to. labour market reforms which in his eyes people work in old age, he summarises tancy (l. 36-38). This is also an issue in the The call for more engagement is seen as pressure people into working longer (l. that “some want to, the others have to” TUC documents we studied. According to inappropriate because, implicitly, any en- 64): Most people, in the DGB’s view, are (“die einen wollen, die anderen müs- this view, healthy life expectancy in par- gagement in old age should be voluntary not able to work up to the age of 67 and sen”, l. 409) and states that there is little ticular has not improved a lot (if at all) for and based on the freedom to do whatever many not even up to 65, because they are evidence on the subject. He elaborates on many members of the working class. This one wants in retirement (l. 50) – a freedom not in good health or only have poor labour possible reasons, includes social reasons underlines, on the one hand, the injustice many older people do not have, according market chances. This especially applies (such as social contacts) and the potential of raising the state pension age. On the to this view. to the low-skilled (l. 128-129; DGB 2011: mix of fi nancial and non-material reasons. other hand, it ties in with the claim that Although neither the expert nor the 14). The resulting widening gap between Despite this conscientious and balanced many older people are not able to work documents mention the succession of the actual end of work and the beginning view, he stresses that the cases of working longer. As most leave the workforce earli- generations on the labour market ex- of pension payments poses another threat pensioners he personally knows all work er than state pension age and “involuntar- plicitly, the related argument that many to retirement as a phase free of duties be- because of “damn low” pensions (“dass ily” (l. 203) because of their health or age older people working make the labour cause such a gap coincides with reduced die Renten verdammt niedrig sind”, discrimination, the gap between the ac- market situation more diffi cult, espe- pension payments due to deductions in l. 432). Here, he even refers to examples tual end of paid employment and the start cially for younger people, still lingers in the case of retirement before statutory from his own family (l. 430-438) and re- of pension payments is growing. Thus the some side notes in the DGB’s documents: retirement age. Consequently, the expert iterates knowing nobody who continues TUC is in favour of measures that combat Whereas in 2006 the DGB claims that the states, people have to worry about old age to work voluntarily while having a good old age discrimination and supports age increase in retirement age raises the la- poverty and a decent standard of living in pension. Evaluating the trend of increased management policies which are aimed at bour market pressure for new entrants old age (see also DGB 2011: 3), which will work beyond retirement age, the expert enabling people or making it easier for and younger employees (DGB 2006: 8), be aggravated by future cuts in the level states that in his opinion it is very risky them to work up to state pension age (l. in 2011 this point is toned down to grow- of social insurance pensions following the and missing the point (“verfehlt“) to think 200-219). ing pressure on the labour market gen- recent reforms. Correspondingly, the DGB that employment in old age could help This is complemented by a perspec- erally (DGB 2011: 6) – a reason for this position on pensions, in particular as re- tackle old age poverty (l. 423-430, again tive on pensions which focuses more on might be the improved situation of the corded in its offi cial statements, focuses 438-439). the provision level and less on the stabi- German labour market. However, in this on the level of pensions (DGB 2011, 2006: For the UK, the expert from the British lisation or reduction of contribution rates document the DGB still claims more spe- 2). It explicitly disapproves of the reform Trades Union Congress (TUC) underlines and costs. In the UK, this ‘output-orien- cifi cally that subsidised partial retirement aim of stabilising contribution rates, that there is “a long standing trade union tation’ in pensions relates to both a rise (“Altersteilzeit“, DGB 2011: 24) makes which, according to the DGB, has been commitment to a poverty free retirement and other improvements in the state pen- it easier for young people to access the given too much importance and threatens as a right for everyone” (l. 33); entering sion (see also TUC 2008: 2) and improve- labour market and that the increase of to destabilise social insurance pensions. retirement is something people expect to ments in occupational pension schemes, retirement age “artifi cially” (“künstlich“) The latter constitute a reliable system “on do at some point, “a goal” (l. 43). His main especially their stricter regulation. Here, keeps up numbers of older workers (DGB which people can count” (“etwas womit concern is that this right is not available the TUC supports the establishment of a

24 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 25 default occupational pension scheme and cheek he states that “mostly they’re jour- age context, for the DGB expert poverty rated more in the German welfare culture automatic enrolment for workplace pen- nalists writing articles for the newspapers is only one among several points. Addi- than in its British counterpart. This ten- sions (l. 60-62). These measures are all and magazines about pensions” (l. 401- tionally, he mentions the discourse aimed dency towards a more modest defi nition seen in the context of high old age pov- 402). Asked about the journals they write at obliging retired people to volunteer of retirement in the UK of course also mir- erty in the UK – to combat this poverty for, he mentions the Financial Times and and contribute in further ways to society. rors the more pressing problems of old is one of the central goals of the TUC’s The Daily Telegraph, and although this is Whereas the British expert calls for a pov- age poverty. Among the constraints that pension policies, as demonstrated in the not a completely serious part of the con- erty-free retirement, the German expert both organisations mention as restrict- above quote. versation, he implies that the trend where goes further in his demands: retirement ing older people’s individual choices and The TUC generally welcomes the abo- people desire to work longer for other should not only be poverty-free but also their scope of action and as areas calling lition of the default retirement age and than fi nancial reasons is exaggerated by free of any duties, if the retiree so wishes. for responsible action by employers and the right to continue working and has re- the conservative and market-liberal press. His rejection of the discourse of obligation governments, both refer to health and dif- corded this in several press releases (TUC All in all, the British and the German suggests that he has a somewhat stronger fi cult conditions for older workers within 2011a, d). However, the expert underlines union confederations have a very similar view on what retirement should be – a companies and on the labour market, in- that this decision has to be a “genuine view on retirement in that they stress the view that corresponds to what is incorpo- cluding old age discrimination. voluntary choice” (l. 119), and implicitly social right to this phase of life, which is doubts that most people who work do it threatened by recent policies regarding because it is their free choice (see also pensions and statutory pension age. Their TUC 2011d). Therefore, it is not the TUC’s positions do not include an explicit refer- main worry that people who desire to ence to ‘deserving’ this right after a long 7. The Employers’ View: (Fixed) Retirement as work beyond retirement age are not given working career (and corresponding pen- Outdated and Costly this opportunity (by their employer, for sion contributions) – which is somewhat example), although the TUC is of course surprising in the German case.20 If at all, in favour of allowing them to do so. In this argument can only be found in under- their view, however, “it’s far more impor- tones. Both actors stress that many older The German Bundesvereinigung der the best social policy and are key to the tant to ensure that people have got a right people cannot work longer, thus underlin- Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände (BDA – population’s welfare, including that of to retire at 65, there’s far more people in ing the protective function of retirement. Confederation of German Employers’ As- older and retired people (see for exam- need who are affected by not having that Whereas the DGB still (at least implicitly) sociations) and the Confederation of Brit- ple BDA interview l. 475-481; BDA 2009, right than are affected by being forced to establishes a link between longer careers ish Industry (CBI) represent the interests 2010; CBI interview l. 738-747, 784-803). retire early” (l. 115-117). This perspective of older people and the labour market of the employers, the BDA as umbrella or- Asked about the social signifi cance of also shapes the TUC’s evaluation of post chances of younger people, the TUC ex- ganisation of the employer organisations retirement, the expert from the German retirement work which the expert identi- plicitly rejects this argument in one of its of different industries, the CBI as a mem- BDA, after a longer moment of refl ection, fi es as “one of the ways of dealing with press releases (TUC 2011c). Minor differ- ber organisation. Both experts refer to the seems to talk less about the phase of re- old age poverty” on the individual level ences in the argument made by the two interests of their members; at the same tirement itself than about the transition (l. 418). Accordingly, he cites inadequate confederations relate to their take on what time, both underline that what is good into retirement. Underlining that this is pensions as the most common reason to exactly jeopardises retirement as a social for the employers is good for economic a spontaneous and not thought-through continue working, and refers to women right, apart from their shared perception growth which ultimately benefi ts society statement, he defi nes retirement as in particular. Turning to motivation that that most people cannot and should not as a whole, for example in the form of does not involve money, the expert points be obliged or pushed to work longer: low unemployment rates. Put otherwise, “a very classical concept [...] which out that there is a group of people who Whereas the British TUC’s position fo- ‘good’ (i.e. employer-friendly) economic basically draws a dividing line be- “love their jobs and don’t want to leave cuses more strongly on old age poverty, and labour market policies, such as low tween employment and retirement, a them” (l. 398), and going on tongue-in- including in a work beyond retirement labour costs, deregulation etc. constitute concept which is basically very out-

26 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 27 dated, I would say, so the idea that “liberal view on society” (“freiheitliches This line of reasoning is furthermore beyond retirement age, he fi rst refers to one eventually, from a certain age Gesellschaftsbild”, l. 578). embedded in a very positive view on older his father who still works despite being onwards, which is even defi ned by Correspondingly, the BDA welcomes people’s capabilities. Already when asked of retirement age, because he enjoys his the legislator and not by oneself, vir- the emerging shift to a system in which about the signifi cance of retirement at the work and the feeling of being needed (l. tually withdraws from one’s occu- the funding principle becomes relatively beginning of the interview, the expert re- 531-534), very much in contrast to the pational activity, or must withdraw more important for pensions (compared fers to the improved health of older people example cited by the expert from the Ger- and then suddenly ceases doing to the still dominating pay-as-you-go today in comparison to the past (l. 47-50; man union. He then mentions a number anything at all, this is actually not principle) and in which individuals them- BDA 2011: 2) which is also why the in- of non-fi nancial reasons why people gen- the concept which we as BDA have selves are primarily responsible for their crease in the state pension age is not seen erally stay in or go back to employment: at the back of our minds [con- livelihood after pension age (l. 776-779). as a problem: Most older people, in the fun, not wanting to feel useless and old, tinues and talks about improved This matches policy preferences in which view of the BDA, are able to work longer, the meaning of their work or work as a health of people in pension age to- a stable or decreased level of pension con- and very many also want to work longer. purpose in life, social contacts, the diffi - day], and in this respect of course tribution rates takes priority over the level So, according to this view, the prolonga- culty of stopping work from one day to an- the question arises, also given the of pension provision. Therefore, the BDA tion of working lives should not be a prob- other, and social recognition (l. 539-543). demographic changes with quali- clearly favours increasing the pension age lem at all for most people and occupa- Only after all these reasons does he touch fi ed employees becoming scarce, and the recent policies to cut the (future) tions, provided a number of measures and on potential fi nancial reasons and at the whether such a stubborn age limit level of pension provision, and would also changes are realised, such as changed at- same time distances himself from the “ad- or [...] such an abrupt exit from prefer a system which concentrates on ba- titudes of all involved parties, the fl exibi- vocates of the thesis of old age poverty” working, whether this is still ap- sic income security in old age (l. 671, 779- lisation of age limits including the fl exible (“Verfechter der Altersarmutsthese”) propriate today.” (l. 41-52).21 781; BDA 2005: 3, 11). Asked about old combination of pension receipt and em- who “probably say that people will go age poverty in Germany, the expert sees ployment earnings, continued education working in droves because they simply As can be seen from the citation, the this as a minor problem, now and in the and learning, and the adaptation of work- cannot afford this anymore”22 (“werden BDA’s ‘concept’ of retirement does not future, provided that policies to reduce places to the ageing of the labour force wahrscheinlich sagen, die Leute werden contain a substantive idea on what re- pension levels and increase the state pen- (BDA 2009, 2010). Rejecting too strict and scharenweise arbeiten gehen, weil sie tirement as a distinct life phase is, but sion age are sustained in order to make infl exible regulations by the state in these sich das sonst schlichtweg nicht mehr is shaped by labour market-related re- the pension system more viable (l. 438- areas (BDA 2009), the BDA sees many of leisten können”, l. 543-545); only at the fl ections. Although he has been asked 481, BDA 2010). At the same time, both these measures as the shared responsibil- end, he briefl y relativises his statement about the social signifi cance of the phase the expert and the BDA documents ad- ity of employers and unions (l. 215-222), and says that earning extra might play of retirement (which is clearer with the here to and would even like to strengthen but also as requiring the active participa- a role for “one or the other” (“den einen German word “Ruhestand“ used here, the ‘equivalence principle’ in the German tion of (older) employees. Individual re- oder andern”, l. 545-546). which literally means ‘status of rest’), the social insurance pension. This principle sponsibility is also stressed with regard to The general position of the British expert’s statement that retirement is out- implies that people whose pension contri- health, which “is an indispensable foun- Confederation of British Industry (CBI) is dated is probably predominantly related butions were higher and more continuous dation for working up to legal retirement similar to that of the BDA. One important to the process of retirement, as the rest also receive higher pension payments. age, and beyond that where applicable” point of difference is the CBI’s great con- of the citation suggests. Additionally to This is justifi ed with reference to individ- (“eine unverzichtbare Grundlage für Er- cern about the abolition of the DRA in the this critique of age limits as infl exible and ually acquired rights and to merit-based werbstätigkeit bis zum gesetzlichen Rent- UK (CBI 2010). Even more clearly than “stubborn“ (the original German word justice (see for example l. 669-679; BDA enalter und gegebenenfalls auch darüber the German expert, the CBI representa- usually being used to describe a person- 2005: 3), and goes hand in hand with dis- hinaus”, BDA 2009: 5). tive relates the question about the social al characteristic), he later mentions the approval of most re-distributive pension These perceptions also determine the signifi cance of retirement mainly to the BDA’s general disapproval of age limits, components which are not based on con- evaluation of post-retirement work by the transition to retirement (with the word as these are opposed to the organisation’s tributions. expert. Asked why people might still work ‘retirement’ meaning both the process of

28 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 29 retiring and the resultant state). He states agement process (CBI 2010: 8). So al- be further supported (l. 507-513; CBI that the CBI does not “necessarily like to though the CBI sees older workers as ca- vidual. When elaborating on this highly in- 2009: 36). talk about retirement as a sort of black pable of working longer, they at the same dividualised notion of retirement, he stipu- At fi rst glance, the positions of the and white situation. We think that there time link “age and performance”, and lates that the individual has to prepare CBI and BDA seem to differ signifi cantly. is some moment in time where obviously feel that the fact that some older workers fi nancially for retirement – a task that eve- However, many of these differences are people are living longer and therefore it do not perform well anymore should be rybody wanting to retire has to fulfi l: “ulti- due to structural and institutional differ- is natural that people will work longer” (l. acknowledged (CBI 2010: 3). Because of mately the employee is the one who has to ences which the actors take account of in 28-30) – although this does not necessari- the link between old age and performance thinkNevertheless, retirement isthe important” expert recognises (l. 701). their positions: Negating the existence of ly mean that a 65-year old has to work like and the practical diffi culties of succession that the UK has a problem with old age old age poverty would potentially discred- a 30-year old, for example with regard to management without the DRA, they try to poverty. The CBI therefore welcomes the it the CBI’s position, as there is strong the hours worked. Whilst the CBI is in fa- defend the employers’ power to dismiss (planned) reforms of the state pension23 agreement among other British actors vour of increasing the state pension age, poor-performing people at retirement which would simplify the system, make it and the population that old age poverty is extending working lives and fl exibilising age (CBI 2010: 10). In the interview this more transparent, and increase the level a serious problem. Similarly, being in fa- the transition into retirement, the organi- argument takes an interesting twist: The of provision. Based on this stable foun- vour of a slightly improved state pension sation regards the abolition of the DRA as expert regards this link between age and dation, individuals would then be able is only possible for the CBI because pro- problematic. According to this view, the performance as stronger in the cohort to effectively plan their occupational and vision is very low and the existing costly DRA, which had only been implemented currently reaching retirement age, as private pension provision (l. 553-563). system of means-tested benefi ts is not in 2006 (and was being phased out at the they are less well educated and capable of However, the expert also admits that pen- seen as a good alternative, because it is time of the interview in 2011), facilitated learning, in contrast to future retirees who sioner poverty is not a policy area which not effective and non-take-up is high. By succession planning for the companies will be much better educated. In this way, the CBI deals with a lot, and states that contrast, the German situation is charac- because it enabled them to dismiss peo- he can insist on the benefi ts of the (abol- these problems should be addressed by terised by cuts in a more generous pen- ple reaching state pension age if they ished) DRA and still reconcile this with his improving pension build-up during work- sion system which are clearly supported did not perform well enough to continue stance that the increased state pension ing lives (l. 586-588). by the BDA, whilst emphasising the role of working, for example. The expert clarifi es age will not pose a problem in the future Asked about why some people work individual performance and contributions. that the majority of people who wanted (l. 261-273). beyond retirement age, the expert fi rst Both actors tend to see work beyond to continue working under the old DRA Like the BDA, the CBI is more con- refers to the social interaction that work retirement age as a matter of choice, and framework were actually allowed to do cerned about the contributions to and the offers and the fact that for some people older people as capable of working long- so by their employers. By contrast, under costs of pensions than about the level of it is diffi cult to stop working from one er, with those who are not being an excep- the new, completely individualised retire- provision. The CBI generally underlines day to another. Second, he elaborates on tion. At the same time, the CBI is faced ment regulations, the employers have to that people “should take responsibility the economic reasons which he sees as with a situation in which many already give a reason if they want to dismiss older for their retirement and take ownership closely connected to the fi nancial crisis work longer, which is not the case in Ger- people reaching retirement age, a process of the tools that would allow them to save in which many people lost parts of their many. While working in old age for fi nan- which the employers perceive as diffi cult adequately for a pension” (CBI 2011: 1). retirement savings (l. 501-502). He does cial reasons is perceived as common only and (too) complicated (l. 143-151), the Among these tools, occupational pen- not claim that one of these two kinds of by the British CBI, both experts regard expert reports; also, potential tribunal sions play an important role, and the CBI reasons is more important than the other. working as a valid possibility of taking on claims interfere with good employer-em- acknowledges the employers’ shared re- Nonetheless, he sees work beyond re- individual responsibility for the retirement ployee relationships (CBI 2010: 8). Fur- sponsibility for this tool, while at the same tirement mostly as a matter of individual phase, although this is somewhat implicit thermore, the old regulations also ben- time expressing their worries about too choice, welcomes people’s wish and abil- and tentative in the German case. Howev- efi tted employees because they enabled much regulation in this area (CBI 2009). ity to work longer and considers this as er, British employers are caught between them to “retire with dignity” and without The ultimate responsibility for pensions part of fl exible retirement arrangements a rock and a hard place in this respect be- a “long and arduous” performance man- is nonetheless seen as lying with the indi- which are already in operation and should cause at the same time they would have

30 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 31 liked to retain their power to dismiss peo- On the whole, however, similarities ny’). While the BAGSO is the (federal) um- in the trade union movement, represents ple by means of the (abolished) default between the two positions with regard to brella for senior organisations in general British pensioners (“run by pensioners for retirement age. To justify this they have to the concept of retirement prevail. They do and within political parties, unions, non- pensioners”, l. 1320). Still today, its posi- create a link between old age and perfor- not really feel responsible for questions profi t organisations etc., the SoVD does tion is close to that of the unions. Age UK mance, a link which is avoided by the Ger- of retirement, and neither of them has a not explicitly or solely represent older is the largest charity for older people in man BDA. The CBI also justifi es the option strong concept of retirement as a work- people, but – according to its own mission the UK and arose from the merger of the of dismissing older people with reference free phase of life which should be a so- statement – the interests of pensioners, charities Help the Aged and Age Concern to arguments of generational succession. cial right. On the contrary, retirement is patients, members of the statutory health in 2009. It addresses all kinds of issues Although this relates to the practical side mostly seen in its function for the labour insurance, those in need of care and disa- connected with old age (such as health of human resource management within market: people beyond retirement age are bled people. De facto it is an advocate of and care, pensions, old age poverty and companies, in one instance (CBI 2010: 7) a potentially useful employment reserve, poorer and disadvantaged people, with volunteering), has a tight network of lo- diffi culties “to plan graduate recruitment in particular in the light of future skills one, but not the sole focus on (poor) pen- cal agencies and charity shops and also and apprenticeship numbers” at least on shortages due to demographic changes. sioners. Many among the growing number a commercial arm selling products and the company level are mentioned in con- Furthermore, costly pension systems are of SoVD members belong to one of these services related to old age. All in all, the nection with many older employees who potential barriers to economic growth. groups.24 The BAGSO, by contrast, is a differences between the non-profi t or- want to continue working. This is a ‘soft’ Even the CBI’s argument on succession ‘weak’ and cross-party umbrella organisa- ganisations in the two countries we have and meso-level version of a succession ar- planning is not morally loaded in the tion with only a small offi ce and very few chosen for our analysis are quite consid- gument, which is based on the perceived above mentioned way (as the ‘reciprocal’ staff. As they represent sub-organisations erable. This was unavoidable because need for “a balance between experience act of freeing up jobs for younger people), with very different (and in part confl icting) their specifi c ‘landscape’ of actors differs and fresh ideas” (CBI 2010: 7). Yet at the it is more of a practical argument against views, their positions tend to constitute a a lot, with Germany having only very few same time, the expert also acknowledges letting people continue working by any minimal and often very general consensus large organisations representing mainly that the argument that older people stay- means and automatically. Retirement is (Schroeder et al. 2008: 226). The BAGSO or explicitly older people. ing in work longer prevent younger peo- above all and especially in the UK an indi- is also special in that it is the only case In his fi rst reaction to the question ple from entering the labour market has vidual (in Kohli’s sense mostly instrumen- in our sample in which the comparison of about the social signifi cance of retire- been proven wrong by academic research tal) arrangement for a work-free phase at the interview and the position papers has ment, the expert from the Sozialverband (l. 152-153). the end of one’s life, but not a value or aim revealed some differences, probably be- Deutschland (SoVD) elaborates on the as such, or if at all, a rather out-dated one. cause the interviewee from the BAGSO is historical importance of retirement for not a professional expert in a strict sense the organisation (which was founded in but an older person fulfi lling a (high) hon- 1917) whose central clientele are pen- orary position, very much like an honor- sioners as well as the disabled. Only at ary position in politics. Correspondingly, the end of this answer does he state that, the interview had a personal tone to it and for the SoVD, “retirement is an important 8. Non-Profit Interest Organisations: the interviewee in part communicated her theme, if only because many people, af- Between the Right to Work-Free Retirement personal views on the themes discussed. ter a fulfi lled working life, simply have an For these reasons we only briefl y touch on entitlement to enjoy the phase of retire- and the Right to Work the position of the BAGSO. ment” (“wichtiges Thema, allein deshalb On the British side, we interviewed ex- weil viele Menschen nach einem erfüllten perts from the National Pensioners Con- Erwerbsleben schlicht einen Anspruch In Germany, we interviewed the Bundes- consortium of seniors’ organisations’) vention (NPC) and Age UK. Both advocate eben darauf haben, die Ruhestandsphase arbeitsgemeinschaft der Senioren-Organi- and the Sozialverband Deutschland (SoVD, the interests of old people, although in zu genießen” l. 38-40). He goes on to say sationen (BAGSO, approximately ‘federal approximately ‘social association Germa- very different ways. NPC, which is rooted that the (BDA 2009) “intergenerational

32 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 33 contract“ (“Generationenvertrag“, l. 54) generous arrangements within the social disadvantaged. Correspondingly, the ex- Apart from the question of state of the public pension system is still work- insurance pensions system and measures pert assumes that many people are forced pension age, pensions seem to be the ing and being accepted by the younger to improve contributions during people’s to work beyond retirement age because only stronger point on which the differ- generation: according to this view, young- working careers (such as minimum wages they need the extra money. In this con- ent members of the BAGSO were able er people are, on the one hand, happy to and more state support for rehabilitation text, he draws a connection to discontin- to agree. They defend the ‘old’ pension contribute to pensions currently being after long-term illness) (SoVD 2012a), uous work biographies, recent decreases system with its focus on maintaining the paid because they know that, in doing so, the SoVD calls for improvements in the in the level of pension provision or reduc- living standard enjoyed by an individual they acquire entitlements. Current pen- means-tested (and tax-fi nanced) old age tions because of early pension receipt (l. during their working life and underline sioners, on the other hand, have earned benefi ts which are not at odds with the 346-350). Despite this focus on fi nancial the performance-related dimension of what is being paid to them now by fi nanc- basic principles of social insurance (SoVD reasons for working, he also acknowl- the state pension system, i.e. that higher ing the pensions of earlier generations (l. 2012b). edges other motives such as wanting to contributions (thus higher occupational 47-53). The SoVD is also against more fl exible stay active (l. 351-352) and believes that positions) are rewarded by higher pen- Based on this strong defi nition of what rules for combining pension receipt and people’s motivations to continue working sion payments in old age (‘equivalence retirement should be, the SoVD is op- working. Currently, earning extra is sub- are diverse (l. 360-363). principle’): lifetime achievements should posed to raising the statutory retirement ject to strict limits if a pension is drawn The other German actor, the Bundes- be acknowledged in the fi rst pillar of the age and the associated reforms regarding before state pension age, and many other arbeitsgemeinschaft der Senioren-Organi- pension system (“Lebensleistung aner- pensions, such as the current and planned actors are in favour of making these rules sationen (BAGSO) has, in comparison to kennen“ – BAGSO 2011b). Therefore, the cuts in the level of provision (SoVD 2007a, more fl exible or abolishing them altogeth- the SoVD, less strong views regarding BAGSO stipulates that the level of the state 2012a). Its focus is very clearly on the aim er. According to the expert’s view, fl exi- the re-distributive and protective func- pension should not decrease further and that public pensions secure the living bilising these limits and thus facilitating tions of retirement and pensions. In re- that the expansion of the second and third standard people had before retirement, the combination of (early) pensions and action to the question about the social pillars, which they in general accept as thus on the level of provision and not working income undermines the state signifi cance of retirement, the expert very complements to the fi rst pillar, should not contribution rates (SoVD 2012a: 14-15). pension’s role of securing a distinct phase generally refers to social succession – in be at the cost of the latter (BAGSO 2011b: The SoVD is in favour of more generous after working life (l. 371-392); instead the a fast changing society, the replacement 5). All these measures are also seen as arrangements within the social insurance SoVD proposes a more fl exible transi- of older generations by younger ones is the best way to prevent old age poverty pension regarding incapacity pensions, tion to retirement and recommends part- vital and necessary (l. 151-158). However, and combat growing income inequalities times of low-wage employment, and cred- pensions for this purpose (SoVD 2012a: this point does not appear in the offi cial which are considered as imminent in the its for times without paid work but spent 9-10), which are conditional upon reduc- position of the BAGSO, as recorded in our future. The BAGSO has a very positive in unemployment, with raising children or tions in the hours worked and less prone selection of documents by the organisa- view on the capabilities of older people, with providing care (SoVD 2012a). None- to exploitation by employers. tion. While in the interview, the increase be it as workers, volunteers or as con- theless, the SoVD emphasises that pen- Both the documents and the expert in state pension age is accepted as inevi- tributing through other unpaid activities. sions in the social insurance should be thus imply that people of pension age in table because of demographic ageing, the This is stressed in a document which calls based on contributions and thus on “life the main are not able to continue work- theme is not mentioned at all in the docu- for a more positive image of older people time achievements“ (“Lebensleistung“, ing and that they should not be obliged to ments we studied; this might indicate in general and for “overcoming” old age SoVD 2012a: 7, 15 – see the quote above). do so; whilst at the same time stipulating that the various sub-organisations of the discrimination (“…überwinden”) (BAGSO In the eyes of the SoVD, further reducing that work should not be denied those who BAGSO have not succeeded in agreeing 2011a). In this context, the BAGSO also this relation of pensions to contributions genuinely wish to work (l. 444-447). This on a position here. This also corresponds generally disapproves of age limits which is therefore not an appropriate instrument is exemplifi ed by many references to ill to what the expert says about how deci- contravene the realisation of (literally: us- against rising old age poverty, which is health and disablement which affect many sions come about in the organisation ing) “the potentials of old age” (“Poten- seen as a serious problem, especially for older people, especially those who have (l. 1116-1119). ziale des Alters nutzen”) (BAGSO 2011a). the future. Hence over and above the more worked in manual jobs or are otherwise

34 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 35 When asked about possible reasons capability to continue working well be- the expert is aware of the focus of the re- longer if they wish to, he sees its abolition why people work beyond state pension yond 65 have […] been grossly over exag- search project. When discussing pension as a potentially “hollow victory” (l. 360) age, the interviewee answers that some gerated [sic]” (NPC 2011: 3). reforms, the expert states that “we are because it is not accompanied by policies people probably have to work to make seeing more people because of the low In further justifying the importance for fi nancial security in old age, most of ends meet (l. 807-811) – this corresponds of retirement, the expert cites the “con- pensions they have needing more than all a better state pension provision. Ac- with the BAGSO’s worries about increas- tribution older people make to society wanting to remain in the workplace” (l. cording to the expert, a “real choice about ing old age poverty. Although the expert after they’ve fi nished working” (l. 48-49), 93-94). However, here and later in the when you retire has to be linked to fi nan- concedes that individual motives for work- through volunteering, looking after chil- interview, he also discusses non-fi nancial cial security” (l. 285-286) and the abolition ing are diverse and some people continue dren, providing care to other people and reasons for working, such as social con- of the DRA alone does not provide such working because they love their jobs, she other unpaid activities. Adding the taxes tacts, work satisfaction and recognition (l. a real choice. This is linked to a critique assumes that fi nancial needs are crucial paid by older people and offsetting this 95-99). He very elaborately describes that of the “equality campaigners” (l. 353), here and will become an even more im- with what is spent for pensioners (for ex- it is probably mostly two kinds of people amongst others Age UK, whose views on portant reason for working in the future ample in health care) the net contribution who want to work beyond retirement age: this are seen as incomplete. The expert (l. 812-822). of pensioners is at £ 40 billion every year, those “at the very bottom” who “might thinks that the abolition of the DRA did not In the UK case, the expert from the he argues (l. 57, also NPC 2013: 16). So want to keep working because their pen- benefi t poorer pensioners at all, and fur- NPC replies to the question about the while the NPC uses a strong defi nition of sions are so low”, and “those at the very ther argues that most people among the social signifi cance of retirement with the retirement as a distinct phase of life, they top who have very nice jobs in academia middle and upper classes who had been in statement that “there has to be, in […] a substantiate this concept using a genu- or, you know, judges or whatever, politi- favour of the abolition were (and still are) civilised society, a reasonable decent pe- inely economic argument. cians”; however, the “bulk in the mid- able and allowed to work longer anyway. riod of retirement after a period of work” Policies related to pensions and ben- dle” would prefer to stop work early, he It is also in this context that the prominent (l. 33). In his view, the UK has “lost sight” efi ts for older people are key to the NPC’s assumes (l. 121-123). The examples of examples of older workers are mentioned. of this “important need for everybody” (l. position because “the right to retire can working beyond retirement age the expert Finally, the expert also touches upon 40). He sees this period as being threat- only really be exercised when individu- gives illustrate this polarised view – on the the need of generational succession in ened by recent UK pension policies, most als have fi nancial security as well” (NPC one hand there are the “school cleaner”, the context of working longer and beyond of all by the increase in pension age and 2013: 18). So the NPC’s position is clearly the “dinner lady” (l. 395), the “guy who’s retirement age: he believes “that younger its overall justifi cation on the grounds of ‘output-oriented’ in that they favour a digging up the road or driving the bus” (l. people have a right to get into the work- increasing longevity. According to his strong and (even more) universal public 363), on the other hand “the professional, place” which is why the NPC is “not pre- view, these developments are further ag- pension system which should be based on the journalist, bank manager, doctor” (l. pared to say ‘well pensioners should just gravated by the decreasing (real) levels residency (of, for instance, 30 years) and 364), and at other points in the interview go on working’” (l. 115-117, also NPC of provision in all three occupational, pri- not on contributions. Furthermore, pen- prominent people like Richard Branson, 2011: 13). More generally referring to the vate and also public pensions (l. 567-577). sion payments should be above the pover- Rupert Murdoch and the members of the connection between social progress and Referring (as does the TUC) to the stark ty-threshold. Correspondingly, the “over- House of Lords are mentioned. Whereas generational succession, he continues regional and class-related differences in reliance on occupational schemes” in the the latter groups like to work longer, the “if our society is gonna develop, young longevity, he deplores that a “reasonable British system is criticised (l. 625), since former are seen as being forced to work people have to have an opportunity to get and decent” retirement is not the case these are seen as defi cient in many ways. because they cannot afford work-free re- into the workplace and that's important“ when people stop working at 65 and then The NPC’s focus on bettering the situ- tirement, and in addition to that they often (l. 119-120). die a few years later. Because of this in- ation of poor pensioners also refl ects the work in not very pleasant low service jobs All in all, the NPC clearly conceives of justice and as many people are not able to expert’s take on work beyond retirement (l. 838-845). retirement as a social right and sees it as do so, working longer is “not acceptable” age. The latter is a re-occurring theme in So although the expert does not op- both a value in itself and a necessity be- (l. 41-42). Linked to this, the NPC asserts the interview even when the interviewer pose the abolition of the DRA and concurs cause many people cannot work longer. that “life expectancy projections and the has not asked about it, probably because that people should be allowed to work While also justifying retirement economi-

36 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 37 cally in actual amounts of money and at- More generally and in the light of pert is proud of Age UK’s successful cam- 595). Age UK also clearly rejects any ar- tributing this to “a positive view on older “health inequalities and inequalities of paign for the abolition of the DRA, as the guments related to the importance of gen- people” (l. 976-977), he at the same time life expectancy” (l. 46-47), the expert sees latter contravened the “notions of choice erational succession and freeing up jobs criticises that in the UK paid work is per- the government charged with provid- and economic independence [...] which for the younger. For this purpose, the ex- ceived as the most valuable contribution ing the right circumstances for working are really important in a modern liberal pert (l. 350-352, see also Age UK 2011b) to society, even in retirement (l. 714-734; longer. This implies policies promoting democracy”, and “now people can choose refers to evidence from macroeconomic also NPC 2011: 13). He acknowledges that workplace adaptations and training pos- when they retire rather than being told research, the “lump of labour fallacy”, this line of reasoning is somewhat contra- sibilities for older workers, health-related that they’re gonna retire” (l. 233-235). which proves that there is not a defi ned dictory (l. 976-1001). measures in the workplace, and address- So the idea of any fi xed retirement age, amount of jobs in which older workers The position represented by Age UK ing the inequalities mentioned. So on the i.e. “the notion of protecting older people simply replace the younger ones, or vice differs clearly from that of the NPC, as one hand, government should be “em- by stopping them from working it doesn’t versa – so older workers do not generally Age UK’s focus is more on work-related powering people to work longer” whilst matter what age it’s at, 65 or 70, it’s a block the jobs of the younger. policies for older people than on pensions. on the other hand “providing safeguards fl awed idea” in the eyes of the expert (l. All in all, all four non-profi t organisa- Asked about the signifi cance of retire- for those that can’t” (l. 618-619), such as 342-343). When the interviewer uses the tions represent the interests of pension- ment, the expert describes it as a “huge those on low incomes and in manual jobs. term “retirement age”, the expert even ers; however they do so in very different phase of one’s life” that is “going to be The expert deplores the fact that these corrects him, in order to emphasise that ways and with very different foci: The relevant for the vast majority of people”. safeguards have been weakened, as for there is no legal or normative obligation German SoVD and the British NPC op- This is the reason why “getting it right, example employment support allowance to stop working, and any regulation based pose most of the recent reforms, defend a providing people with the right opportuni- and subsidised possibilities to retrain on a fi xed age can only refer to (state) strong and meaningful concept of retire- ties is of great social importance, and in- older people. Furthermore, Age UK is in pension receipt (l. 513-515; also Age UK ment and also underline that very many creasingly economic importance as more favour of a higher level of payments in 2010: 7). people approaching state pension age are people combine work with retirement” the basic State Pension (Age UK 2012). With regard to work beyond retire- not able to continue working, either up to (l. 24-27). Although the interviewer does This should “provide a secure platform ment age, the expert is at pains to state the (new) state pension age or beyond. not ask what this rather open descrip- on which to build private saving”, whose that there is “confl icting evidence”. He Accordingly, working beyond retirement tion might mean, this becomes clearer general importance is accepted here. reckons that most people work because age should not become normality. SoVD in the course of the interview. Generally, Thus both improvements in the regula- of fi nances, but also mentions “social rea- and NPC see themselves as advocates of the expert sees the British government’s tion of private and occupational pensions sons” as the other “common reason” (l. disadvantaged and poor pensioners, and policy of “getting people to work longer” as well as in the state pension are seen 520-525). The latter, according to his as- working pensioners who work solely for as a “good thing” (l. 45-46), and Age UK as crucial to tackle old age poverty (Age sessment, is more important for men than non-fi nancial reasons do not belong to generally accepts the need to raise the UK 2011f). Moreover, Age UK stresses the women, because men defi ne themselves this core clientele. However, over and state pension age because of increasing importance of striking “the right balance more strongly by their work identity. Al- above many arguments that are also longevity (Age UK 2011a: 3). However, between supporting lower income groups though the expert acknowledges that used by the SoVD (for example regard- this acceptance sounds somewhat more and rewarding contributions”, thus men- many people work beyond retirement age ing inequalities and imminent pensioner reluctant (“it is reasonable to consider in- tioning the relation of pension claims to for fi nancial reasons, he does not see this poverty), the NPC also refers to the real creases to State Pension age and longer contributions more explicitly than the as worrying. Work is seen more in terms economic value of retirement, generated working lives”, Age UK 2011f: 1) in con- NPC (Age UK 2012). of “empowerment” (l. 594). Accordingly, through unpaid activities, paid taxes etc. texts where the speeding up of the age in- In general, Age UK underlines that he bemoans the fact that people “are This line of reasoning can be interpreted crease for women (Age UK 2011a) or the (most) older people are capable of work- self-stereotyping and feeling guilty about as a concession to a more liberal welfare later general increase to 67 is criticised ing and there should therefore be a more working longer” (l. 580) and underlines regime in which justifying retirement (Age UK 2011f). positive view of them in society. The ex- that they simply “have a right to work” (l. purely as a social right is not suffi cient to

38 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 39 legitimate it as a work-free phase of life. idea of retirement as a social right. The paid employment. Furthermore, we as- phase in old age, they subordinate their Whereas the German BAGSO stresses view of Age UK is, in comparison, clos- sumed that form and content of these reasoning about it to what is benefi cial retirement as a reward for a working life er to seeing retirement in the context of moral justifi cations of retirement will vary in terms of macroeconomic functioning. which is institutionally incorporated in work as a (civil) right, while at the same according to the specifi c actor’s interest Consequently, they call for reforms which the traditional German pension regime, time containing elements of a stronger and the welfare culture they belong to. make the transition to retirement more Age UK sees the ‘empowering’ right to concept of retirement, such as a more Our analysis necessarily had to be selec- fl exible and reduce its costs for the em- work as key to the wellbeing of many pen- generous old age provision. tive with regard to the range of actors in- ployers. The other actors all use a mix of sioners. This is combined with demands In the German social insurance sys- cluded and the details of their positions. the arguments mentioned in the fi rst part to better protect those who cannot work tem, collective regulation still plays a In particular, we did not take account of of the paper in order to justify retirement. beyond retirement age and those who stronger role – though less than it used to. the internal differentiation of (subsets Retirement as a social right is strongly are prone to poverty in old age. The posi- For the German non-profi t actors it is thus of) actors, for example the unions whose advocated by the unions, who see this tions of Age UK and the NPC both exem- easier to substantiate a strong concept of positions are more heterogeneous than particular right under threat by recent plify the confl ict that arises between the a social right to work-free retirement be- shown here (see for example Flynn et al. reforms (in the case of Germany) or by task of advocating the interests of their cause such a concept is part of the tradi- 2013). Moreover, the comparability of the a deplorable state of the pension system members and at the same time linking tional set-up of the German pension sys- selected actors is limited at least in the which calls for reforms (in the case of the the argument to the dominating welfare tem. At the same time, both the BAGSO case of the non-profi t interest organisa- UK). This coincides with a focus on the culture and moral economy of retirement. and, in a more general and loose way, the tions, which is due to country differences ‘output’ side of pensions, i.e. on their level The NPC in particular spells out a com- SoVD connect their comparably inclusive in the ‘landscape’ of actors. We have also and distribution. Similar views are shared prehensive concept of retirement as a dis- approach to the emphasis on contribu- concentrated on moral ideas connected to by most non-profi t actors, although the tinct phase of life which should be a social tions and the equivalence principle that the life phase of retirement and thus the German BAGSO and Age UK have a some- right for everyone. However, the expert is ingrained in the German system. If this moral economy of retirement; more gen- what more moderate take on retirement. at the same time embeds this in a (more) point was spelled out (which it is not), it eral moral ideas related to pensions or the In many cases, these actors at the same liberal welfare culture in which individual would actually make the SoVD’s approach broader moral economy could not be dis- time refer to retirement as ‘deserved’ af- responsibility takes priority over collec- less inclusive, in particular in comparison cussed in great detail. Nonetheless, these ter a long working career. Most of these tive regulation and in which retirement is to the ambitious concept of retirement more general ideas are important in indi- references, which occur more frequently above all a question of costs. He does this that it pursues. The (civil) right to contin- rectly shaping concepts of individual life in the German system of social insurance, by referring to the economic value of the ue working only plays a negligible role for courses and related policy outcomes and are nonetheless short and formulaic (such contributions that retirees make, an argu- the German actors. are worth further detailed investigation. as the German reference to “lifetime ment which potentially undermines the Our analysis has demonstrated how achievements“ – “Lebensleistung“), and justifi cations of retirement are in fact ap- never substantiated with regard to who plied, exemplifi ed, weighed and connect- should be excluded on these grounds. ed to each other by different actors in the References to arguments of succession two welfare cultures of Germany and the never take centre stage in the arguments 9. Conclusions UK, and thus how competing beliefs and of the actors, except perhaps for Age UK values are negotiated in the fi eld of old who takes a decisive stance against the la- age policies. Not all actors have a strong bour market-related argument that older This exploratory study was aimed at re- icies for older people. Our starting point and substantive concept of retirement. In people block jobs of younger people. The constructing the concepts of retirement was the heuristic assumption that retire- particular, retirement as a distinct phase German DGB, the British CBI, the Ger- important actors refer to, explicitly or im- ment as a distinct, work-free phase of life of life does not mean a lot to the employ- man seniors’ organisation BAGSO and the plicitly, when arguing their position with needs to be justifi ed morally in societies ers. Although they are far from opposing British NPC all mention succession argu- regard to pensions and labour market pol- where people’s lives are organised around the still accepted idea of a work-free life ments in passing, either in a very general

40 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 41 way or with regard to practical aspects, or stressing the social right to work-free re- are not used in a systematic way (in par- Another example which illustrates by insinuating that older workers should tirement, this question of being ‘allowed’ ticular what we have described as succes- differing welfare-cultural references is free-up jobs for younger ones at least to continue working is more of a side is- sion arguments) are not included. the economic justifi cation of retirement when (youth) unemployment is high. sue which they do not see as a pressing Our analysis was also aimed at explor- used by the British NPC. German actors The evaluation of post-retirement problem. ing the relationship between the actors’ also mention voluntary productive ac- work by the experts in all cases corre- Table 1 summarises how the concept positions and interests on the one hand, tivities by older people, but with different sponds to their take on retirement. While of retirement is systematically associated and the welfare cultures they belong to underlying arguments: The BAGSO, not all experts acknowledge the variety of rea- with the most important related (varie- on the other. By and large, the differences completely dissimilar to the NPC at fi rst sons that exist for working in retirement, ties of) ideas that we have reconstructed. in how retirement is justifi ed are stronger glance, conveys a positive image of older most of them accentuate those reasons The latter include both normative ideas of between the actors than between welfare people by stressing in how many ways that suit their (weak or strong) take on what should be (done) – which are at the cultures; in other words: the moral argu- they contribute socially, but without quan- retirement, i.e. either the non-fi nancial or centre of the actors’ positions – as well as ments of the same kind of actor (especial- tifying these contributions and combined the fi nancial ones. For example, the un- descriptive ideas of what is assumed to be ly employers and unions) from different with a traditional take on retirement. The ions particularly refer to fi nancial reasons, true or real. It is important to understand countries are more similar to each other German DGB, by contrast, criticises the and the employers concentrate on non- this ‘alignment’ or specifi c clustering than the positions of different actors with- discourse of ‘active ageing’ which tends fi nancial reasons. This also applies to the of the concept of retirement and related in one country. However, the actors have to morally oblige older people to continue examples the experts cite to prove their ideas as changeable, though not arbitrary; to refer to the institutions and ideas that to be active. A further example which re- point and to make their argument more furthermore, the layout of the table con- characterise the German or British wel- fl ects British welfare culture can be seen concrete. None of the experts is in favour veys the fact that the contrasting ideas fare culture. Yet these differences rarely in the emphasis placed by Age UK on of legal age limits for working25 or is op- and arguments should be understood as appear as consistent chains of reasoning, there being no such thing as a retirement posed to letting people work who would part of a continuous range, not as exclu- but only as partly diverging blocks in the age, just a state pension age, which ex- like to do so. However, for many of those sive categories. Less important ideas that ‘building’ of the specifi c argument – such emplifi es a weaker concept of retirement. as the stronger reference to retirement This is also based on a less standardised being deserved by a long working career notion of the transition to retirement in in Germany or the more individualised the UK, in which withdrawing from work Table 1: Concepts of retirement and associated ideas (own compilation) responsibility for a secure old age in the and starting to receive a pension are seen UK. In line with this more ‘individualised’ as two different transitions – which is also concept of retirement reasoning in the UK, some actors (such factually more often true in the UK. The weak strong as the TUC and the NPC) refer to unequal right to continue working is generally retirement sub-ordinated to justification: justification: other principles, such as retirement retirement as a individual life expectancies which make stressed more clearly in the UK, with this economic functioning deserved by a social right for (or to work as a civil right) (long) working all the increase in retirement age unfair. This being mainly driven by Age UK and the life argument is uncommon among German debate around the abolition of the DRA. associated ideas actors who instead refer to differences All these differences, however, con- pension policy preferences input orientation output orientation in the ability to work until retirement stitute diverging tendencies in the moral (costs) (level of pensions) posited responsibility for old age provision age between different occupations. This justifi cation of retirement rather than dif- individual collective perception of older people country difference is also due to different ferent lines of reasoning altogether, also frequently incapable of working predominantly healthy and situational contexts, as linking retirement because the actors’ positions cut right due to poor health, potentially capable vulnerable age to life expectancy is being discussed across the country differences. The com- view on post-retirement work mostly non-financial reasons – as a policy option in the UK, but not in monalities may also indicate that the financial reasons dominate – not a problem, potentially deplorable exception trendsetting Germany. German and the British welfare regimes

42 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 43 overlap in their stock of ideas because, variety of individual situations regarding Notes ultimately, they are both modern Western their health and vulnerability. welfare states, belong to an increasingly Traditional policies aiming at protect- 1 This paper was written in the context of 6 This means that there is no categorical interconnected Europe and both have to ing older people have sometimes tended the Emmy Noether research group ”Work and absolute boundary which determines adapt to ageing populations. Additionally, to implicitly promote images which por- beyond retirement age in Germany and the whether a certain idea is either ‘central’ or recent reforms in Germany have moved its tray older people as incapable. In this UK” and its third subproject on moral ideas ‘marginal’. However, there are possible rela- tive criteria for determining how ‘central’ an welfare system into a more liberal direc- context, all the analysed views on retire- in debates surrounding pensions and work in old age. The group is funded by the German idea is in a specific welfare culture, such as tion. How the moral ideas on specifi c life ment can be seen as ideational trade-offs Science Foundation (Deutsche Forschungs- the extent to which it is ingrained in existing phases which we have described here us- between the protection of (vulnerable) gemeinschaft). We would like to thank an regulations, and the frequency and intensity ing the example of retirement will impact older people on the one hand, and, on anonymous reviewer, Martin Kohli, Anna with which actors refer to this idea; for Hokema and Thomas Lux for useful com- instance in related debates. the political process and its outcomes is the other hand, the attempt to install poli- ments and suggestions on earlier versions 7 an open question for further research. Our cies that do not discriminate against older There is no space here to discuss in more of the paper, and Wendy Marth for excellent detail the question of how institutions, ideas results indicate that the interpretation of people through (usually unintentional) language editing. and actors’ interests are connected and can moral principles and the justifi cation of stereotyping. Progress has defi nitely been 2 If we speak of ‘work’ here and in the follow- be differentiated. Pragmatic approaches to substantial life-course related norms are made in more recent old age policies in ing, this relates exclusively to formal and the influence of ideas on political processes and more consistently constructivist ap- relatively fl exible and open. Thus ground- underlining the ‘potentials’ of ageing and paid work, be it as an employee or self- employed. Informal work such as care and proaches differ in the way they answer this breaking reforms (in particular resulting older people. Pluralised and less stereo- the like is not included (although the issue of question (but see van Oorschot 2007; van Dyk in retrenchment) can at least be success- typing images of old age open new pos- the relation of formal and informal work is of 2008; Münnich 2011a, b). fully backed or even actively promoted sibilities of how to live (and perhaps work) course topical with regard to pensions). 8 This does not necessarily imply that the sys- with the help of these moral arguments. in old age. At the same time, in light of 3 In the 1980s there was a wide discussion in tem must fully succeed in maintaining living As modern welfare regimes, both persisting or even increasing inequali- Germany on whether the concept was still standards for all pensioners – it is primarily valid, because - amongst other things - early a normative argument. However, if this aim the German and the British welfare state ties in old age, the protective function of retirement was widespread and working is actually no longer being fulfilled for large govern individual life courses temporally, retirement as a genuinely social achieve- hours kept growing shorter (see Eder 1992). parts of the population, the related moral normatively and with regard to the distri- ment has not lost its relevance. Old age However, as at the time, most (empirical) legitimation will be questioned. bution of resources. Thus the arguments should not be reduced to its potentials for doubts positing the end of the “work society” 9 This is by no means an exhaustive list; we can still be refuted today. In the Anglophone analysed above also comprise, often im- mostly economic-instrumental reasons only mention the most general and broadly literature, a number of concepts, for example applied arguments. See Flynn et al. (2013; plicitly, judgements about what retirees or (as for example in the discourse of ‘active the “postindustrial society” are used to citing Duncan et al. 2000) for a not dissimilar more generally older people are capable ageing’), because this involves new forms describe the changes in the organisation of summary of arguments which is used spe- work. However, the basic mechanisms of of doing or should do. Connected to the of exclusion. To (re-)negotiate the balance cifically by unions (see also Kohli/Arza 2011: welfare distribution, its link to paid employ- 251-252). concept of retirement and its moral jus- between the aim of protecting older peo- ment, and the general concept of retirement tifi cation, images emerge of older people ple and the aim of realising their poten- have not changed in any fundamental way. 10 In another variation of this argument, early retirement in 1980s Germany was also as either capable and healthy, or vulner- tials will remain a crucial task in the fi eld 4 The exact relationship between these dif- justified with the “specific generational life able and in need of protection, with these of old age policies. Whether this requires ferent (“instrumental” and “reciprocal”) course” of the older cohorts at the time, as perceptions being the two extremes of a a re-invention (Sargent et al. 2013) of re- elements in Kohli’s argument with regard to a “recompense for the particular hardships” normative orders is not completely clear; at broad spectrum of images conveyed. In tirement or not remains for the moment that these older cohorts had undergone least implicitly, these two kinds of elements during WWII and directly after (Jacobs et al. most cases, the actor’s position with re- an open question. seem to form a dichotomy of moral and non- 1991: 207). gard to prolonged working lives is closely moral elements. 11 This is not to say that these interests or the 5 related to the question of what side of this Like other parts of the normative order, the identity of the actors are necessarily uniform spectrum of images the actor emphasises; welfare order can also be justified by specific and free from contradictions. Within or- historical or fictitious narrations, which often nonetheless all experts are well aware of ganisations there will in almost all cases be relate to the basic foundations of the moral conflicting interests, positions and identities the fact that older people live in a huge order of a society (see Forst 2013).

44 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 45 which are often themselves organized (as 15 In late 2013, the British conservative-liberal 20 This should however not be overstated and auf einmal nichts mehr macht ist eigentlich for example in the case of ‘wings’ of parties). government announced plans to further might be due to the fact that the DGB is the nicht so das Konzept, was wir als BDA, im We are not able to differentiate here between increase the state pension age to 70 by the unions’ confederation; yet, the DGB’s plea for Hinterkopf haben [continues and talks about these different tendencies within the specific 2060s, closely linking the age to rises in life an expanded social insurance which includes improved health of people in pension age organisations. Instead, we concentrate on expectancy. all employees and parts of the self-employed today] und insofern stellt sich natürlich schon the position that is communicated to the (Erwerbstätigenversicherung, DGB 2011) 16 In order to translate the German term ge- die Frage, auch angesichts der demographi- environment of the organisation, i.e. the ‘of- further exemplifies their inclusive approach, sellschaftliche Bedeutung we have chosen the schen Entwicklung mit knapper werdenden ficial’ position which will often have emerged which is different from the former ‘insider’- more general adjective ‘social’ (significance) Arbeitskräften, ob so eine sture Altersgrenze as dominant as a result of internal strug- policy of the unions. However, at least specif- and not the less common adjective ‘societal’, oder [...] son hartes Ausscheiden aus dem gle. As described in section 5, the positions ic unions, for example that representing the although the latter is somewhat closer to the Erwerbsprozess ob das noch zeitgemäß ist.” represented by the experts correspond (with employees in the metal industries (which we German word. Despite this difference, ex- 22 What exactly “this” relates to is not clear in only one exception) to the positions recorded have interviewed as well, but not analysed perts generally understood the broad sense the German original quote. in the publications of the actor. This is an here), still have a position which emphasises of the question in similar ways. In a few indication that we indeed (mainly) capture more explicitly that pensions are deserved by 23 In the meantime, these reforms have been cases, this very general question took the this ‘official’ and dominating position of these a long working life and should be based on enacted (Pensions Act 2014). experts by surprise and led to a somewhat actors and not some of the manifold views the equivalence-principle (higher contribu- uneasy beginning of the interview, but in all 24 The Sozialverband VDK is a very similar and within the organisation, or even the per- tions entail higher pensions). cases the interviewees were able to get into ‘competing’ organisation with more mem- sonal opinion of the expert (which will often their stride easily. 21 German version: “ein sehr klassisches Kon- bers; several attempts to merge these two strongly overlap with the position of his/her zept [...] was im Grunde abgrenzt Erwerbs- associations have failed so far. Furthermore, employer). 17 Between 1989 and 2008 there was a party tätigkeit von Ruhestand, was im Grunde sehr a smaller East German equivalent of these representing older people (Die Grauen – ‘the 12 For a similar line of reasoning see also überkommen ist sag ich mal also die Vorstel- organisations exists, the Volkssolidarität grey ones’); however it never reached a more Kaufmann 1991. Kaufmann also mentions lung dass man irgendwann mal ab einem (Schroeder et al. 238-45). than marginal status in politics (Schroeder et different welfare “subcultures” with regard bestimmten Alter was der Gesetzgeber auch al. 2008: 233) 25 Anyway, such age limits would not be legal noch definiert und gar nicht man selber sich to the plurality of welfare cultures that we anymore under European equality regula- 18 All German quotations have been translated quasi aus ner beruflichen Tätigkeit zurück- describe here. tions, of which the experts are usually well by the authors. To ensure the precision of zieht, oder zurückziehen muss und dann 13 The new government installed in late 2013 aware. the interpretations and the translations we realized a number of measures aimed at worked with the original texts as long as pos- reducing the risk of pensioner poverty. Most sible, i.e. until the final version of this paper, importantly, the state pension age has been and the translations have been checked and lowered for people who have contributed to (if necessary) improved by several readers the pension insurance for 45 years. From speaking both languages. July 2014 onwards, they can claim the state pension at the age of 63 (instead of 65), with- 19 Line numbers, which are indicated by References out any deductions. 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48 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 49 Pemberton, Pat Thane, Noel Whiteside Thompson, Edward Palmer, 1971: “The (eds.), Britain's pensions crisis: History moral economy of the English crowd in Attachment 1: List of included Documents and policy. Oxford: Oxford University the eighteenth century”, Past & Present (Ordered by Country and Actors)* Press, 39-63. 50 (1): 76-136. Pfau-Effinger, Birgit, 2005: “Culture and Ullrich, Carsten G., 1999: “Deutungsmus- welfare state policies: reflections on a teranalyse und diskursives Interview”, complex interrelation”, Journal of Social Zeitschrift für Soziologie 28: 429-447. Germany Policy 34: 3-20. Van Dyk, Silke, 2008: “Best practice under Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft Deutscher Seniorenorganisationen (BAGSO) Sargent, Leisa D.; Lee, Mary Dean; Martin, construction. 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Welfare Policy and Research. zur Reform der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung − 2007: Teure Ausnahmeregelungen verhindern höhere Entlastung. Stellungnahme Schroeder, Wolfgang; Munimus, Bettina; Zimmer, Annette; Appel, Anja; Dittrich, zum Entwurf der Bundesregierung zum RV-Altersgrenzenanpassungsgesetz vom 29. Rüdt, Diana, 2008: “Integrierende oder Claudia; Lange, Chris; Sittermann, separierende Interessenvertretungs- Birgit; Stallmann, Freja; Kendall, November 2006 politik? Zum Selbstverständnis der Jeremy, 2009: “Germany: on the social − 2009: Erfolgreich mit älteren Arbeitnehmern. Positionspapier zur konsequenten Fort- Akteure der deutschen Seniorenpolitik policy centrality of the free welfare setzung des erfolgreichen Kurses für mehr Beschäftigung älterer Arbeitnehmer - Sozialverbände, Gewerkschaften und associations”, in: Jeremy Kendall (ed.), − 2010: Hohes Beschäftigungsniveau ist beste Vorsorge gegen Altersarmut. Stellung- Parteien im Vergleich”, Zeitschrift für Handbook on third sector policy in Eu- nahme zum Antrag der SPD-Fraktion „Das Risiko von Altersarmut durch veränderte Sozialreform 54: 225-250. rope. Multi-level processes and organized civil society. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, rentenrechtliche Bewertungen von Zeiten der Langzeitarbeitslosigkeit und der Nie- Schulze, Isabelle; Jochem, Sven, 2007: 21-42. driglohn-Beschäftigung bekämpfen“ (BT-Drs. 17/1747), zu den Anträgen der Frak- “Germany: Beyond policy gridlock”, in: tion DIE LINKE „Risiken der Altersarmut verringern – Rentenbeiträge für Langzeiter- Ellen M. Immergut, Karen M. Anderson, Isabelle Schulze (eds.), The handbook of werbslose erhöhen“ (BT-Drs. 17/1735), „Verbesserung der Rentenanwartschaften von West European pension politics. Oxford: Langzeiterwerbslosen“ (BT-Drs. 17/256), „Schutz bei Erwerbsminderung umfassend Oxford University Press, 660-710. verbessern – Risiken der Altersarmut verringern“ (BT-Drs. 17/1116), zum Antrag der Schulze, Isabelle; Moran, Michael, 2007: Fraktion BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN „Mindestbeiträge zur Rentenversicherung ver- “United Kingdom: Pension politics in bessern, statt sie zu streichen“ (BT-Drs. 17/2436). Öffentliche Anhörung des Aus- an adversarial system”, in: Ellen M. schusses für Arbeit und Soziales des Deutschen Bundestages am 27. September 2010 Immergut, Karen M. Anderson, Isabelle − 2011: An beschlossener Anhebung des gesetzlichen Rentenalters festhalten. Stel- Schulze (eds.), The handbook of West lungnahme zum ersten Bericht der Bundesregierung gemäß § 154 Abs. 4 SGB VI European pension politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 49-96. zur Anhebung der Regelaltersgrenze auf 67 Jahre (BT-Drs. 17/3814), zum Antrag der SPD-Fraktion „Chancen für die Teilhabe am Arbeitsleben nutzen – Arbeitsbe- Taylor-Gooby, Peter, 2005: “UK pension dingungen verbessern – Rentenzugang fl exibilisieren“ (BT-Drs. 17/3995), zum Ge- reform: A test case for a liberal welfare state”, in: Guiliano Bonoli, Toshimitsu setzentwurf der Fraktion DIE LINKE „Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Änderung des Shinkawa (eds.), Ageing and pension Sechsten Buches Sozialgesetzbuch und anderer Gesetze (RV-Altersgrenzenanpas- reform around the world. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 116-136. * The authors have added commas and full stops in some instances to make very long titles more legible.

50 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 51 sungs-Aussetzungsgesetz)“ (BT-Drs. 17/3546), zum Antrag der Fraktion DIE LINKE Höll, Werner Dreibus, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. Beschäf- „Rente ab 67 vollständig zurücknehmen“ (BT-Drs. 17/2935), zum Antrag der Fraktion tigungspolitik für Ältere – für ein wirtschafts- und arbeitsmarktpolitisches Gesamt- BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN „Voraussetzungen für die Rente mit 67 schaffen“ (BT- konzept – BT-Drucksache 16/3027 – Drs. 17/4046). Öffentliche Anhörung des Ausschusses für Arbeit und Soziales des − 2012a: Stellungnahme zum Referentenentwurf des Bundesministeriums für Ar- Deutschen Bundestages am 21. Februar 2011 beit und Soziales (BMAS) vom 22. März 2012. Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Anerken- nung der Lebensleistung in der Rentenversicherung (RV- Lebensleistungsanerken- Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) nungsgesetz) − 2006: DGB-Stellungnahme zum Referentenentwurf eines Gesetzes zur Anpassung − 2012b: [SoVD together with the union Ver.di]: Rentenzuschuss statt Zuschussrente der Regelaltersgrenze an die demografi sche Entwicklung und zur Stärkung der Fi- − 2012c: Stellungnahme zum Referenten-entwurf des Bundesministeriums für Arbeit nanzierungsgrundlagen der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung (RV-Altersgrenzenan- und Soziales (BMAS) vom 7. August 2012. Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Stärkung der passungsgesetz) Alterssicherung (Alterssicherungsstärkungsgesetz) − 2011: DGB-Stellungnahme zum Bericht der Bundesregierung gemäß § 154 Abs. 4 SGB VI zur Anhebung der Regelaltersgrenze auf 67 Jahre „Aufbruch in die alters- gerechte Arbeitswelt“ und zu den Anträgen Drs. 17/2935 und 17/3546 (Fraktion Die United Kingdom Age UK Linke), 17/3995 (Fraktion der SPD) sowie 17/4046 (Fraktion Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) − 2010: Consultation response. Phasing out the Default Retirement Age − 2011a: Pensions Bill. Second reading briefi ng Sozialverband Deutschland (SoVD) − 2011b: Briefi ng. Older workers and ‘job blocking’ − 2007a: Stellungnahme anlässlich der öffentlichen Anhörung des Ausschusses für Ar- − 2011c: State Pension age changes – how you are affected beit und Soziales des Deutschen Bundestages am 26. Februar 2007 in Berlin zu dem − 2011d: Pension bill briefi ng. Report stage and third reading (a) Gesetzentwurf der Fraktionen der CDU/CSU und SPD. Entwurf eines Ge- − 2011e: Pension Credit and Universal Credit briefi ng setzes zur Anpassung der Regelaltersgrenze an die demografi sche Entwicklung − 2011f: Response to the autumn statement 2011 und zur Stärkung der Finanzierungsgrundlagen der gesetzlichen Rentenversi- − 2011g: Private pensions (United Kingdom) cherung (RV-Altersgrenzenanpassungsgesetz) – BT-Drs. 16/3794 − 2012: State pensions (United Kingdom) (b) Antrag der Abgeordeten Klaus Ernst, Katja Kipping, Karin Binder, weiterer Ab- − 2013: Policy position. Ageism and age equality geordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. Nein zur Rente ab 67 – BT-Drs. 16/2747 (c) Antrag der Abgeordneten Irmingard Schewe-Gerigk, Brigitte Poth- Confederation of British Industry (CBI) mer, Markus Kurth, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion BÜNDNIS − 2009: A view from the top. The 2009 CBI pensions survey 90/DIE GRÜNEN Neue Kultur der Altersarbeit – Anpassung der gesetz- − 2010: CBI submission to the Government’s review of the Default Retirement Age lichen Rentenversicherung an längere Rentenlaufzeiten – BT-Drs. 16/3812 − 2011: CBI Response to the Government’s green paper ‘A state pension for the 21st (d) Antrag der Abgeordneten Volker Schneider (Saar-brücken), Klaus Ernst, Karin Century’ Binder, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. Stichtagsregelung für die Altersteilzeit im RV-Altersgrenzenanpassungsgesetz (Rente mit 67) verlängern National Pensioners Convention (NPC) – BT-Drs. 16/3815 – − 2009: Submission by the National Pensioners Convention to the Department for Work − 2007b: Stellungnahme anlässlich der öffentlichen Anhörung des Ausschus- and Pensions select committee inquiry into tackling pensioner poverty in Great Britain ses für Arbeit und Soziales des Deutschen Bundestages am 26. Februar 2007 − 2011: A state pension for the 21st century, green paper. Response from the National in Berlin zu dem (a) Gesetzentwurf der Fraktionen der CDU/CSU und SPD Pensioners Convention Entwurf eines Gesetzes zur Verbesserung der Beschäftigungschancen älte- − 2013: A decent state pension for all generations rer Menschen – BT-Drucksache 16/3793 – (b) Antrag der Abgeordneten Dirk Niebel, Dr. Heinrich L. Kolb, Detlef Pfarr, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP Weichenstellung für eine Verbesserung der Beschäftigungschancen Älterer – BT-Drucksache 16/241 – (c) Antrag der Abgeordneten Kornelia Möller, Dr. Barbara

52 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 53 Trades Union Congress (TUC) − 2005: 'Equality and diversity: Coming of Age' consultation. TUC response to govern- ment consultation on draft employment equality (age) regulations − 2006: Pensions commission report. TUC initial response − 2008: National lobby demands a decent state pension for all generations [press re- lease] − 2009a: Retirement age ruling a blow to people who need to work beyond 65, says TUC [press release] − 2009b: Raising state pension age to 70 would put older people in workless limbo, says TUC [press release] − 2011a: TUC welcomes abolition of the default retirement age [press release] − 2011b: Growing inequalities in life expectancy show unfairness of higher pension age [press release] − 2011c: Over-50s and retired faring better than young people in jobs market [press release] − 2011d: Workers celebrating 65th birthday tomorrow have an extra reason to cheer [press release]

54 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 55 Frank Nullmeier Herbert Obinger/Klaus Petersen

Herbert Obinger Klaus Petersen

Frank Nullmeier Out of the Public Eye - Mass Warfare Mass Warfare the Welfare State and Out of the Public Eye – Causal Mechanisms The International The International Labour and Effects and the Welfare State Labour Organisation in the Media

ZeS-Working Paper No. 01/2014 Organisation in die Media ZeS-Working Paper No. 02/2014 Causal Mechanisms and Effects ZeS-Arbeitspapier Nr. 01/2014 ZeS-Arbeitspapier 02/2014

NEW RELEASES Politics takes place in public communication and is part of The question whether and how warfare has influenced the public communication. Today, public communication is sub- development of advanced Western welfare states is contest- stantially determined by the media. This is also the case for ed. So far, scholarly work either focused on the trade-off be- the field of global social policy. The following study address- tween military and social spending or on case studies of in- es the question of how global social policy and, in particular, dividual countries. What is missing, however, is a systematic the International Labour Organization (ILO) as the key player comparative approach that is informed by an explicit con- in global social policy, is discussed in the media. Are global sideration of the underlying causal mechanisms. This paper social policy and the ILO visible at all in the media? To what outlines an agenda for a comparative analysis of the warfare extent is the organisation visible? How do the media report -welfare state nexus. By distinguishing between three dif- about the ILO and on what exactly does media coverage of ferent phases (war preparation, warfare, and post-war pe- the ILO focus? riod) it provides a comprehensive analysis of possible causal mechanisms linking war and the welfare state and provides preliminary empirical evidence for war waging, occupied and neutral countries in the age of mass warfare stretching from ca. the 1860s to the 1960s.

56 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014 Aline Grünewald

Aline Grünewald Social Security around

Social Security around the World the World A Review of Datasets

ZeS-Working Paper No. 03/2014 A Review of Datasets

ZeS-Arbeitspapier 03/2014

Due to increasing scholarly interest in social policy reforms and processes of policy diffusion, comprehensive datasets on social security systems are all the more necessary. As such, this paper provides an overview of existing datasets on social security and discusses their strengths and shortcom- ings. The projects presented are appropriate for empirical analyses, including both event history analyses and multivar- iate regressions. As much of the research on social security systems thus far has mainly focused on OECD countries, this paper takes a closer look on data of the Non-OECD world, which can be used to supplement existing data projects and for the analysis of global social security dynamics.

59 WORKING PAPERS 04/ 2014