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Vol. 51. No. A. JUNE, 1946. Threepence

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Vol. 51. No. A. JUNE, 1946. Threepence IrA Vol. 51. No. a. JUNE, 1946. Threepence CONTENIS PAGE SOME THOUGHTS ON CONSCRIPTION. By W. B. Curry .. THE PROSPECTS FOR CIVILIZATION. By G. W. Keeton .. 3 IS HUMANISM ENOUGH? By Archibald Robertson INSULAR SOCIAL SECURITY. By H. L. Beales 8 THE FUNCTION OF PHILOSOPHY. By C. E. M. Load 10 NMES 12 WORLD UNION OF FREETHINKERS' CONFERENCE. Opening Meeting 13 CONWAY MEMORIAL LECTURE : An Impresitni lb OBITUARY: E. F. Errington. C. A. Watts 16 RIWIEWS: Essays on Human Evolution, by Sir Arthur Keith London Quarterly of World Affairs. Vistas .. 18 THE SOCIETY'S NOIICES 20 ' SOME THOUGHTS ON CONSCRIPTION Everyone seems to take it for granted that conscription, lioth here and in America, has come to stay. It is true that in a recent speech President Truman declared that what he proposed for the United States was not conscription but universal national service, but I can only envy the acuteness of the mind which can grasp the distinction. It is certainly a little odd that having won a war to destroy militarism and having rendered Germany militarily impotent fOr at least a generation, we should think it necessary to maintain larger military establishments than were thought necessary before we had destroyed militariirn.' . We are told that compulsory service is necessary in order that we should discharge our obligations under Uno. I cannot believe that this argument , is si6cere. It is clear that if the suppression of aggression under the auspices of the Security Council is the only purpose for which armaments are needed, it can hardly require conscription m each of the Great Powers in order to • supply the necessary force. If our recent eneiMies are to be disarmed and kept disarmed, then the Gieat Powers can only 'require large armaments in order to use them against each other. In short, they require them, not in order to discharge their obligations .under Uno, but in preparation for the time when Uno breaks down. It seems well to face this grim reality at the outset of any discussion of this subject. Conscripts are not needed as part of an international police force. They may be needed in preparation for large-scale war with Great Powers on each side. But since the armaments deemed necessary by any one country are a function of thosc maintained by other countries, and since there is i notorious vicious, circle here, it seems strange that governments have not proposed to consider the mutual limitation of armaments under the auspices of Uno before announcing their intentions to impose universal military service'in tinie of peace. Conscription, after all, is an aspect of foreign policy. This is a fact ignored in much current discussion. To myself, as a layman in military matters, conscription seems odd in the Atomic Age. One would have thought that the decisive action in any riew war would be taken by scientists-and-technicians. Large armies.seem somehow irrelevant. On technical questions of this sort, however. I realize that laymen should beware of dogmatism. But in any case the arguments - for conscription, whatever their weight, must be opposed io the arguments against conscription. And while I do not propose to attempt an evaluation of the technical arguments in favour of conscription, there are social, economic and moral arguments against cOnscription to which, in my view, too little attention has recently been paid in public discussions of this subject. I should like, in the remainder of this article, to attempt to set forth these arguments. To 'begin With, &inscription is economically wasteful. It involves the • continuous withdrawal from productive industry of some. hundreds of thousands of our fittest young men. It involves maintaining them in unproductivealleness While others furnish them,-not merely with the means of livelihood, but in addition with a great deal of formidably expensive, equipment. It not only involves this kind of waste, but as everyone can testify who has known anything of service life, it involves habits of wasteful and profligate use of material which is a poor preparation for ordinary life later. Secondly, conscription implies a sense of _the ineyitability of war. „Its mood is to some extent incompatible with, the acceptance of an obligation to create a genuine world community, and a willingness to bow to. the authority of such a community! The loyalty of the conscript is to the sovereign state. , 2 Thirdly, instruction in the arts of homicide'immany-of its. most. brutal and. ferocious forms is a poor preparation for kindly. civilized life. There is a beastliness about the whole business of large-scale organized. killing from which, surely, if we can, we ought to shield our young men during the impressionable years of early manhood. - Fourthly, the conditions of camp and barrack life are themselves- decivilizing. Can we afford further decivilization? Under these conditions it is hard to study or reflect. They make no provision for solitude. In matters of musical and artistic taste, of conversation and thought, an almost inevitable Gresham's Law comes into operation. They impose a maximum strain upon those who cherish and seek to keep alive sensitive-and humine values. Fifthly, there is the problem of venereal disease which seem's to be an invariable accompaniment of barrack and camp life. The young men ife bored; they are lonely; they. are well fed, Well exercised, and lusty; theV are separated from their normal families and companions. There is an inevitable pressure towards a thsual, meMenary and irresponsible attitude to the girls and wdmen they are most likely to meet. The results have been plain to see throughout history. There is no use in blinking the fact that an increase in the incidence of venereal disease is an inevitable part of the price we shall pay for whatever advantages conscription may bring. And the price will be paid, not merely by the immediate victims, but in large measure by their future wives and children. Sixthly, there is the very serious interruption to educaticin and professional preparation. Whatever the authorities may intend and promise in the way of vocational selection and opportunity, we know from experience that a large proportion of the young men will spend months of boredom and frustration, will lose skill and capacity fdr study, and that many will find it difficult, if not impossible, to resume where they left off. Lastly. I must point out that since conscription involves positive - direction giving Control by the authorities1 of the whole of a young man's time, it entails a muth graver infringement of liberty than is entailed by the obligation to conform with the ordinary laws of the land. For this reason it is an essentially totalitarian measure, and on this ground alone it ought to be resisted unless the case whicti be put up on the other side ia of overwhelming strength. ' Taken together, these considerations seem to me very. formidable. I have seen no arguMents so far which make me think that conscription will 'bring advantages which will outweigh them. W. B. CURRY. Professor G. W. Keeton, M.A., LL.D., on " The Prospects for - Civilization," - March 24, 1946. , - Readings from Gibbon's " Decline and, Fall of the Roman. Empire." We have just emerged from the greatest, -most widespread and ruinous war of all time, and yet we are full of foreboding. There will:be widespread famine this year—in Germany, in India, in China and in Japan, and it will not be for several years that the dislocation of food supplies will be redressed. There is world-wide discontentond pessimism about the future, and some even doubt whether there is a future for the human race at.all. If we take a short-term view, we cart resolve that aggression, such as that of Germany and Japan in 1914 and 1939,:shall.never again be under- taken by them. But in reality the problem is wider and deeper.. 3 Since the. RenaissanCe, every great nation in Europe has felt the urge to dominate in Europe and:overseas, but Europe has always successfullY tesistecrthe urge to unification under a single Conquering nation, and it is significant that each such failure at unification has been followed bV the steady decline of the race which has made grear and unsuccessful efforts. • , - From 1815 -to 1914 was the century of the maturity of European civilization, and the expansion of its limits to the furthest corners of the world. • The French Revolution had finally worked itself out, and the Britis-h nation enjoyed an unchallenged and decisive world position until the rise ,of Germany.• The British century,was a very liberal century. Its imperialism was rather economic than political and ideological, for it favoured the ,supremacy of British industry and commerce. This system was no longer anaintainable after-the rise of the German Empire,- and then came the modern succession of claimants for world primacy. The great problem today is whether the two,remaining great States. the•U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A., .can live together peaceably, and it is an underlying consciousness 'that History's answer to this conundrum has in the past been " NO," which leads to .the prevailing pessimism today. The nineteenth century saw the full flowering of the belief in man as a reasonable being, tenacious of his individuality, and devoted to the effort to develop it. The same idea lay at the root of classic political Liberalism. It was responsible for the growth of democracy and the aim of government Was the progressive limitation of the coercive functions of government.• This.found expression internationally in the Hague Peace Conference (1899 and 1907) ,which laid down an international code.„ and thought that no compulsive machinery was necessary.
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