Political Radicalism As a Genre

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Political Radicalism As a Genre POLITICAL RADICALISM AS A GENRE TOWARDS A NON-RELATIONAL UNDERSTANDING OF RADICALISM AND MODERATION Tese apresentada à Universidade Católica Portuguesa para obtenção do grau de doutor em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais Por Pedro Góis Moreira Instituto de Estudos Políticos Outubro 2019 2 UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA PORTUGUESA POLITICAL RADICALISM AS A GENRE TOWARDS A NON-RELATIONAL UNDERSTANDING OF RADICALISM AND MODERATION Tese apresentada para obtenção do grau de doutor em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais Por Pedro Góis Moreira Sob orientação de Prof. Doutor J. A. Colen (orientador) e Prof. Doutor João Carlos Espada (coorientador) Instituto de Estudos Políticos Outubro 2019 3 4 This dissertation would not have been centered on radicalism and moderation if it were not for my formative years at the Institute for Political Studies and for the influence of its teachers and students, especially Professor João Carlos Espada. The work would not have seen the light of the day if it were not for scholarship funding from the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia and for the tireless help and counsel of Professor José Colen. It would not have taken this shape nor carried the same ideas and intuitions if not for my friends, who have supported me all along. Finally, I could not have finished this dissertation if not for the support of my family (both Portuguese and American) and for the endless love, patience, and editing skills of my wife, Natalie. To all, my sincerest thanks. 5 6 Summary The years after the fall of the USSR were times of great optimism for proponents of constitutional democracy, of a Third Way between market and welfare state, and of a politics of moderation. However, this last decade has seen the emergence of antagonistic forms of politics: left and right populisms, uncompromising forms of free market liberalism, minority rights activism, and a recent nativist explosion that has caught everyone by surprise. We try to understand the ideas behind these phenomena by articulating a conception of political radicalism and of its opposite, political moderation. Radicalism in the past has often been understood as the negative contrary of moderation (especially because of the previous dominance of Marxism as the main paradigm of radical politics). It has been understood as a body of ideas that are opposed to democracy, to the rule of law, to pluralism, or that are in favor of revolution and violence. The new radical trends of today, however, do not seem so straightforwardly anti-democratic or revolutionary as Marxism once was. Instead of defining radicalism “negatively” as a collection of ideas, policies, or attitudes that deviate from a given state of “normality” (such as anti-pluralism, anti-democracy, anti-constitutional aims, or anti- traditionalism), we instead compare it to a literary genre that a group or individual can use in order to create dichotomies and a sense of “us versus them.” By describing and analyzing the thoughts of Georg Lukács, Ludwig von Mises, and Ernesto Laclau, we give examples of some “literary genres” (Marxist, free market libertarian, and postmodern), of the tropes they use to establish these dichotomies, and the way they can reinforce their arguments by using these dichotomies. In turn, we try to understand political moderation as an “anti-genre” that breaks with these attempts to create dichotomies. Keywords: Radicalism, Extremism, Moderation, Literary Genre. Approx. number of words: 95 000. 7 8 Abstract Os anos que se seguiram à queda da URSS foram tempos de grande otimismo para os defensores da democracia constitucional, de uma Terceira Via entre o mercado e o Estado social e de políticas de compromisso. Nesta última década surgiram, porém, vários movimentos políticos antagónicos que vieram abalar este status-quo: populismos de esquerda e de direita, ideologias a favor da completa liberalização do mercado, movimentos ativistas a favor dos direitos das minorias e até uma explosão “nacionalista” que apanhou o Ocidente de surpresa. O presente projeto de investigação visa estudar algumas das ideias por detrás destes fenómenos. Neste estudo, esboçamos dois conceitos para tentar perceber melhor esta nova situação: uma conceção de radicalismo político e uma conceção de moderação política. O radicalismo político foi frequentemente entendido como o contrário da moderação, pois o radicalismo era frequentemente definido à luz do paradigma dominante naquela altura, o marxismo. O radicalismo era entendido como um conjunto de ideias que se opõem à democracia, ao Estado de Direito, ao pluralismo—ou que são a favor da revolução e da violência. As novas tendências radicais de hoje, no entanto, não parecem tão antidemocráticas ou revolucionárias como o marxismo. Uma conceção diferente de radicalismo pode ajudar a entender as ideias por detrás desses movimentos. E essas ideias podem ser melhor compreendidas se conseguirmos caracterizar o radicalismo por si mesmo, de forma substantiva, em alternativa a um agregado de políticas, ideias e atitudes, como o anti-pluralismo, anti-democracia, anti-tradicionalismo, ou em vez de recorrer a outros critérios que definem o radicalismo como um desvio em relação a um certo estado de “normalidade”. Podemos compreender melhor estes novos movimentos radicais contemporâneos se olharmos para a maneira como criam dicotomias e desenvolvem um sentimento de “nós” contra “eles”. Defendemos neste trabalho que as abordagens do radicalismo que o tendem a definir negativamente, identificando o que este rejeita, podem ser complementadas com uma abordagem mais “positiva” que analisa o que o radicalismo oferece. Sugerimos ainda na sequência desta 9 investigação que poderíamos entender a moderação política como um conjunto de meios que tentam romper com as tentativas extremistas ou radicais de criar dicotomias. No decurso deste estudo, começamos por descrever as variadas formas como o radicalismo e o extremismo têm sido teorizados recentemente. De seguida, vemos como, subjacente à conceção de radicalismo que estamos a tentar evitar (como um desvio em relação a determinada forma de normalidade), parece haver uma abordagem bottom-up que tenta identificar as componentes constituintes do “radicalismo” (ideias, políticas ou atitudes). Nessa abordagem de baixo para cima, o grau de radicalidade do objeto de estudo é avaliado pelos elementos radicais (ideias, políticas ou atitudes) que comporta e pela sua intensidade. Em vez de considerar o radicalismo em termos de elementos constituintes, ou em alternativa, em função da dimensão da mudança social que os radicais propõem, argumenta-se nesta dissertação que se deve adotar uma abordagem top-down (de cima para baixo), quando analisamos o grau de dependência de um argumento em relação a uma narrativa radical que opera em segundo plano. Designa-se esta abordagem, de modo metafórico, como “literária”: como um género literário. Os radicalismos (como o marxismo, mas outros também) podem ser vistos como histórias “familiares” cujas referências “literárias” (“a burguesia”, “o trabalhador”, “a revolução”) podem ser usadas como indicações que apontam para a história do movimento marxista, tal podendo reforçar os argumentos de quem a utiliza. Dentro deste paradigma, quando um “autor” usa o “género” do radicalismo, os “leitores” situam-se e condicionam as suas expectativas em função de uma história cujo enredo contém dois lados, uma situação presente insatisfatória, e uma solução para resolvê-la que leva a um “final” do enredo em que a solução insatisfatória é resolvida. No exemplo clássico do marxismo, temos uma história tão conhecida que esta pode muitas vezes mergulhar intuitivamente o “leitor” na história que lhe é familiar do proletariado, a sua luta contra a burguesia e a crescente opressão de classe que eventualmente leva a uma revolução e traz a instauração do socialismo. Um autor pode usar palavras-chave – a que chamamos referências – da história do marxismo – a que chamamos metanarrativa – para referenciar a história do marxismo e reforçar os seus argumentos. Rotulando um determinado autor, grupo ou argumento como “burguês” ou "reacionário" ou, inversamente, 10 rotulando-o como "proletário" ou "revolucionário", um autor coloca o elemento atribuído num dos dois lados da história do marxismo. Graças a essa atribuição e ao uso desse termo de referência, o leitor é capaz de definir as suas expectativas em conformidade e continuar a ler desse modo, ao mesmo tempo que (1) lê esse argumento condicionado pela metanarrativa do marxismo em segundo plano e (2) que o autor, grupo (ou argumento que o autor acabou de atribuir) está do lado “errado” ou “certo” da história. A fim de aprofundar a noção de radicalismo que esboçamos na primeira parte, exploramos subsequentemente um dos primeiros pensadores que analisaram exaustivamente o marxismo como uma metanarrativa, Eduard Bernstein. Descrevemos as críticas de Bernstein à ortodoxia do SPD e, especialmente, as suas críticas à metanarrativa do marxismo e às suas “referências”. No mesmo capítulo, analisamos o argumento oposto de Georg Lukács em História e Consciência de Classe e examinamos a maneira como ele se esforçou por reconectar as diferentes partes da metanarrativa do marxismo que Bernstein separou (referências como “ciência”, “totalidade”, “classe”, “proletariado” e “revolução”). Com essa reconstrução, Lukács tentou abafar o ceticismo de Bernstein e gerar novamente uma história com dois lados. Graças a essa metanarrativa binária e estruturante que guia o “texto” político e as expectativas do
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