The Music of Globalization

6 THE MUSIC OF GLOBALIZATION Gustavo Santaolalla and the Production of Rock Latino Compared to Mercedes Sosa and other folk singers, Argentine rock musicians were slow to embrace a Latin American identity. Sosa had fully inhabited a revolutionary Latin Americanism as early as 1971, when she recorded her al bum of Violeta Parra songs. From that point on, she claimed an affiliation with the downtrodden and oppressed from throughout the region and collaborated extensively with musicians and composers from Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, and Cuba. By contrast, in the 1970s, Argentine rock musicians listened almost exclusively to music from the English- speaking world, and they lacked a sub- stantial audience beyond Argentine borders. While their appropriations and resignifications cannot be reduced to mere imitations, theywer e, fundamentally, local responses to developments in the United States and Eng land. This contrast partly reflected the genres’ very dif er ent positions in commercial networks. While Argentine folk music had been taken up in the 1950s by multinational rec ord companies like Philips, Argentine rock music—or rock nacional, as it would tellingly come to be called—was distributed almost entirely by domes- Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/chapter-pdf/583875/9780822373773-007.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 tic rec ord labels for a domestic audience. Cut of from regional markets, the Argentine rock scene developed in isolation from the rest of Latin Ameri ca. This dynamic was definitively reversed in the 1990s, when Argentine musicians joined a movement that was reshaping rock music throughout Latin Amer i ca. Marketed as rock en español, rock latino, or Latin Alternative, a host of innovative bands attracted sizeable audiences outside their home countries with music that sounded quite dif er ent from the British and North Ameri- can rock of the day. Although rock attitudes and timbres were still audible in their music, these bands borrowed freely from a broad range of Latin Ameri- can genres, such as cumbia, vallenato, salsa, ranchera, candombe, and chacarera. Moreover, while many bands blended rock with folk traditions from their own country, the musical mixing went well beyond this model. Rhythms and in- struments from a range of Latin American locations suddenly seemed available and attractive to rockers from throughout the region. This new form of rock was a product of capitalism in an era of intense globalization. It was produced and distributed overwhelmingly by the small group of massive, multinational corporations known as the majors, often recorded in the United States, and advertised on mtv Latino, a new cable tele vi sion network based in Miami. The genre’s openness to musical hybridity and its framing as a Latin style partly reflected the global distribution of economic and cultural power. And yet nei- ther the sound of the new rock nor its local reception were determined by the multinationals. Like other pop u lar music genres, the precise form that rock latino took was shaped by a series of choices made by musicians and other key intermediaries as they navigated these global structures. Although many Latin Americans were involved in the production of rock music during the 1990s, one person has been consistently identified by critics and scholars as “the single most impor tant con temporary figure . in Latin/o rock”: the Argentine musician, composer, and producer, Gustavo Santaolalla.1 In the 1970s, as the leader of the band Arco Iris, Santaolalla tried to create an authentically Argentine form of rock by incorporating ele ments drawn from local folk music. In 1978, disenchanted with life under the dictatorship, San- taolalla moved to Los Angeles. Ther e, he was exposed to punk, new- wave, ska, and Chicano rock, and like so many other itinerant Argentine musicians, he confronted North American attitudes and ste reo types about Latin people. San- taolalla’s experiences in the United States transformed his musical approach. Although he remained interested in rock music as a vehicle for the expression of identity, he left behind the folkloric concept of authenticity that had moti- vated his experiments with Arco Iris. He now embraced a broader, Latin Amer- ican musical identity built from a wide range of commercial genres. Thanks to 180 • chapter six Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/chapter-pdf/583875/9780822373773-007.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 this new vision as well as to the music- industry connections he forged in Los Angeles, Santaolalla became the most impor tant and successful producer of rock latino in the 1990s and 2000s, working with many of the most influen- tial bands and artists from Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, and Puerto Rico. Santaolalla functioned as a key intermediary between the global music industry and the Latin American rock audience. Together with his musical partners and protégés, he created rock music that appealed both to North American critics enamored with world music and to rec ord companies looking for a Latin product. But the new style was also useful to Latin American musicians and fans engaged in proj ects of self- invention. Within Argentina, rock latino promoted unpre ce dented identity formations and even contributed to new forms of social protest. Before this period, Argentine rockers had purpose- fully avoided engagement with other forms of Latin American music. They defined their music in opposition to a series of genres they considered commercial and tacky, including Sandro-sty le balada as well as the various forms of música tropical. The rock latino of the 1990s challenged this division and, in so doing, began to suggest a new way of conceiving Argentine national identity. Working with Santaolalla, the band Bersuit Vergarabat combined angry denunciations of neoliberal economic policies with a revalorization of stigma- tized Latin American genres like cumbia. In this way, the rock latino that San- taolalla had helped invent contributed to an ideological transformation that culminated in the massive protest mobilizations of 2001. Arco Iris and the Challenge of Authenticity in Argentine Rock Gustavo Santaolalla’s youth was shaped by both the folk boom and the arrival of rock and roll. Born in 1951, he grew up in modest, middle- class comfort in Ciudad Jardín, a planned, suburban community in Greater Buenos Aires. His father worked for an advertising agency, gradually rising from the position of delivery boy to that of assistant man ag er. Santaolalla, like other kids at this time, learned folk music and dance in primary school. At the age of seven he was given a guitar. Although his private teacher quit when he refused to learn to read music (a skill he in fact never perfected), he played by ear, imitating the performers he saw on folk music tele vi sion programs. By the age of eleven, he had already formed his own folk group. Yet rock and roll would exert a more power ful attraction. Santaolalla’s parents avidly followed the latest musical trends in the United States, filling thehouse with the sounds of Frankie Laine and Dinah Shore. When rock and roll arrived in the late 1950s, they The Music of Globalization • 181 Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/chapter-pdf/583875/9780822373773-007.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 brought home rec ords by Bill Haley, Elvis Presley, and a bit later, Los Teen Tops, the Mexican band that specialized in Spanish-language covers of rock hits. Alongside the folk programs, Santaolalla regularly watched the Club del Clan. When he heard the early Beatles songs “Love Me Do” and “Please, Please Me,” his conversion to rock and roll was definitive.2 At first, Santaolalla embraced the lighthearted, unthreatening fun of the Nueva Ola, but like many other Argentines of his generation, he eventually rejected this music in favor of a more rebellious style of rock. His parents originally supported his musical interests, buying him a record player and, in exchange for earning good grades in school, his first electric guitar and amplifier. They even paid for his first recording sessions. More broadly, Santaolalla embraced his parents’ Catholicism, attending church frequently. It was through his par- ticipation in a Catholic youth group that he met his future bandmates, Ara Tokatlián and Guillermo Bordarampé. In fact, Santaolalla shared his father’s dream that he might eventually become a priest. However, his growing com- mitment to the culture of rock soon took on a rebellious tinge. He left the church, grew his hair long, and dedicated himself entirely to music. Although he initially acquiesced to his parents’ insistence that he attend university, he dropped out when a professor told him to cut his hair. He now fought con- stantly with his parents, and his mother, in par tic u lar, became “hysterical” when she saw his long hair.3 As Valeria Manzano has demonstrated, the rock scene that Santaolalla joined in the late 1960s was part of a broader “youth culture of contestation” that took shape during the Onganía dictatorship. Following the coup that brought it to power in 1966, the military government sought to prevent the spread of communism by imposing a strict social order based on patriarchal moral values. Many young people resisted this conservatism, drawing on the resources made available by the transnational counterculture, including rock music and the fashions that accompanied it. Like Santaolalla, they risked pun- ishment by growing their hair long.4 At the same time, they rejected the music of the Nueva Ola, because they heard it as both conformist and inauthentic. For young Argentines who felt oppressed by the social conservatism of the dictatorship and that of their parents, rock music— with its cele bration of per- sonal freedom and nonconformism— appeared to ofer an antidote.

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