DOCSLIB.ORG

An Introduction to Economic Democracy Co-Operatives As Drivers of Economic Growth

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
An Introduction to Economic Democracy Co-Operatives As Drivers of Economic Growth ANALYSIS Sarajevo An Introduction to Economic Democracy Co-operatives as Drivers of Economic Growth 1%6/36%(3:%23:-ʈ7%6%.):3 June 2018 The concept of political democracy is often taken for granted in the developed world, despite its relative novelty and having emerged through a persistent and painful stru- ggle for voting rights. By contrast, economic democracy is often branded an impossi- ble and even utopian undertaking, just as social democratization was by certain layers of society 250 years ago. The former Yugoslav states, many of which are currently facing chronic economic problems with rising unemployment and underinvestment, nonetheless have a rich history of self-management. 'SSTIVEXMZIWSJJIVXLIMVQIQFIVWERHWSGMIX]QER]FIRIƤXW8LI]MRGVIEWIPSGEP communities’ resilience to external economic shocks. Given their democratic nature, they approach decisions on relocation and outsourcing with their wider implications in mind. Another positive for business is the economy of scale and increased bargai- RMRKTS[IVXLI]SJJIVXLIMVQIQFIVW4VSƤXWEVIVIMRZIWXIHSRHIQSGVEXMGTVMRGMTPIW often leading to lower costs and increased competitiveness (see credit unions below). Finally, co-operatives create stronger ties between co-workers and reduce alienation from the production process, since they encourage democratic participation at every level of the enterprise and its operations. Through its co-operatives and collectives, economic democracy offers a more inclusi- ve and fairer system for organizing society and the economy. It can also contribute to resolving pressing current problems, from rising income and wealth inequality to how society deals with the environment and climate change. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, worker self-management through co-operatives has the potential to save companies from decline and alleviate job losses due to failed priva- tization. An Introduction to Economic Democracy Co-operatives as Drivers of Economic Growth 1%6/36%(3:%23:-ʈ7%6%.):3 Sarajevo, 2018. 1%6/36%(3:%23:-ʈ| AN INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY Sarajevo Content Introduction ..........................................................5 The History of Worker Self-Management and the Case of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) ........................................6 The Break with the Soviet Union ........................................... 6 Grassroots from Above ...................................................7 The Self-management Structure in the SFRY ................................ 8 An Example of a Workers’ Council in the SFRY .............................. 8 The Present Context ...................................................9 The Concept of Co-operatives ..........................................10 Co-operatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina— the Regulatory Framework .........12 Examples from Other Countries . .13 Worker Shareholding – ITAS-Prvomajska (Croatia) ..........................13 Restarting the bankrupt enterprise .......................................14 Empresas recuperadas – the case of Argentina ............................15 The Favorable Institutional Framework in Argentina ........................15 Financing Options – Credit Unions .......................................16 Conclusion and Recommendations for BiH ................................17 Historical Legacy .......................................................17 8LI&IRIƤXWSJ'SSTIVEXMZIW ............................................17 The Potential of Co-operatives Today .....................................17 Policy Recommendations ...............................................18 Bibliography and References ...........................................18 4 1%6/36%(3:%23:-ʈ| AN INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY Sarajevo Introduction of Yugoslav (SFRY) self-management, as well as examples from other countries, to consider how The concept of political democracy is often taken different types of worker self-management may for granted in the developed world, despite the rela- be useful in saving and reviving companies in or tive novelty of universal suffrage. While participa- near to bankruptcy. tion in political decision-making in contemporary democracies may be formally indirect and, given The history of self-management in the SFRY, the MXWI\IVGMWIEXJSYVXSƤZI]IEVMRXIVZEPWMHISPSKM- Yugoslav economic crash of the late 1980s, and cally sterile, there can be little doubt about the role the “victory” of liberal capitalism after the fall of the that individual participation plays in ensuring a Berlin Wall resulted in economic democracy being healthy exchange of opinions and so its potential perceived as a relic of the past, though data from for changing the political weather. Comparing the developed countries suggest otherwise. After the political systems of most nations today to those of ƤRERGMEPGVMWMWQER][SVOIVWJSYRHXLIMV even 200 years ago reveals astounding differences. answer to reviving the economy in co-operatives (discussed below). There are currently some 1.4 By contrast, our current economic system has million co-operatives world-wide, with around changed little since the Industrial Revolution, cer- 800 million members and 100 million employ- tainly in terms of worker participation, how key de- ees1. According to Hagen Henry, former Head of GMWMSRWEVIQEHISRTVSHYGXMSRTVSƤXHMWXVMFYXMSR the Co-operatives Department at the International or investment, ownership types, and the relations Labor Organization (ILO), co-operatives in almost of production. It is a basic assumption of this paper all economic sectors are more resistant to crises that political democracy without economic democ- and economic shocks than “standard” compa- racy cannot reach its full potential. Giving equal nies. Moreover, the World Co-operative Monitor’s weight to both forms, this paper presents ways and most recent data (report from 2017, data for prospects for developing economic democracy in 2015) show that the 300 largest co-operatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Western Balkans. the world have aggregate total revenues of 2.16 trillion USD, which is more than Brazil’s nominal The keys to understanding how our civilization ap- gross domestic product (see graph below).2 For proaches human potential and its development perspective, it is worth noting that the 300 largest certainly do lie in ownership relations, democratic global companies on the Fortune 500 list (mainly decision-making on the means and goals of pro- JSVTVSƤXERHPMWXIHNSMRXWXSGOIRXIVTVMWIW LEZI HYGXMSRERHXLIVIHMWXVMFYXMSRSJER]TVSƤXFYX combined revenues of 22.2 trillion USD.3 not in them alone. They also lie in the limited and 1 Hamburgh, 2015. tactical approach taken to revitalizing weakened 2 Data from the World Co-operative Monitor (2017, 2016, 2015 and economies, so that failed privatization continues 2014). to affect everyday life. We will look at the case 3 The Fortune 500 list for 2017. Number of co-operatives with revenues higher than Revenue of top 300 co-operatives by year 100 mln USD (in billion USD) 3500 3.000,00 3000 2.500,00 2500 2000 2.000,00 1500 1.500,00 1000 500 1.000,00 0 500,00 2012 2013 2014 2015 2012 2013 2014 2015 Figure 1: source World Co-operative Monitor data Figure 2: source World Co-operative Monitor data 5 1%6/36%(3:%23:-ʈ| AN INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY Sarajevo Economic democracy in general and co-opera- revitalized through history. In each incarnation, it tives and employee stock ownership plans more took on the characteristic forms of the time, in- particularly focus on worker involvement in key ar- GPYHMRKI\MWXMRKTVSTIVX]VIPEXMSRW8LIƤVWX[EZI eas of business development and long-term viabil- XSSOTPEGIHYVMRKXLIƤVWXLEPJSJXLIth century, ity, along with deeper integration in the local com- when Robert Owen, Charles Fourier and Louis munity, environmental conservation, and a fairer Blanc came up with the idea of reorganizing socie- form of globalization. Beyond its intrinsic value, ty through the voluntary merger of manufactures. such a model can contribute to saving compa- Although later considered utopian,4 their ideas in- nies devastated by bad (business) management, spired the early co-operative movement and came ƤRERGMEPGVMWMWSVJEMPIHTVMZEXM^EXMSR)\EQTPIW to be termed associative socialism. Over the past of successful worker self-management include two centuries, the ideas of the co-operative and of ITAS-Prvomajska in Croatia, Dita in Tuzla, and the economic democracy have served (among other ZEVMSYWŰVIGSZIVIHűƤVQW empresas recuperadas- things) as inspiration for syndicalism and as a ba- ERT) in Argentina. sic organizational principle, e.g. of the economy under the Paris Commune in 1871. During the 1SWXGSSTIVEXMZIWERH[SVOIVQEREKIHƤVQW Paris Commune, industry was handed over to the LEZIEFMKKIVTVSFPIQXLERNYWXTVSƤXEFMPMX]SV workers for management. Today, organizational competitiveness. The lack of a proper “framework” models very close to worker self-management (comprising the legal framework, favorable long- have been developed that integrate well with the XIVQƤRERGMRKI\TIVXMWIGLERKIWXSFEROVYTXG] liberal capital system of private property. laws, etc.), combined with external pressures, all too often predestine worker attempts at running The Break with the Soviet Union ƤVQWHIQSGVEXMGEPP]XSJEMPYVI Self-management saw perhaps its most complete In this paper, we look at some examples of such theoretical and practical expression in the SFRY “frameworks” in a few different countries and how economy, after the break with the Soviet Union in they might be applied elsewhere. First,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina.
    [Show full text]
  • Computers and Economic Democracy
    Rev.econ.inst. vol.1 no.se Bogotá 2008 COMPUTERS AND ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY Computadores y democracia económica Allin Cottrell; Paul Cockshott Ph.D. in Economics, professor of Wake Forest University, Winston Salem, USA, [[email protected]]. Ph.D. in Computer Science, researcher of the Glasgow University, Glasgow, United Kingdom, [[email protected]].. The collapse of previously existing socialism was due to causes embedded in its economic mechanism, which are not inherent in all possible socialisms. The article argues that Marxist economic theory, in conjunction with information technology, provides the basis on which a viable socialist economic program can be advanced, and that the development of computer technology and the Internet makes economic planning possible. In addition, it argues that the socialist movement has never developed a correct constitutional program, and that modern technology opens up opportunities for democracy. Finally, it reviews the Austrian arguments against the possibility of socialist calculation in the light of modern computational capacity and the constraints of the Kyoto Protocol. [Keywords: socialist planning, economic calculation, environmental constraints; JEL: P21, P27, P28] El colapso del socialismo anteriormente existente obedeció a causas integradas en su mecanismo económico, que no son inherentes a todos los socialismos posibles. El artículo muestra que la teoría económica marxista, junto con la informática, proporciona el fundamento para adelantar un programa económico socialista viable y que el desarrollo de la informática y de Internet hace posible la planificación económica. Además, argumenta que el movimiento socialista nunca desarrolló un programa constitucional correcto y que la tecnología moderna abre nuevas oportunidades para la democracia.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Economics & the Next System
    Created by Matt Caisley from the Noun Project Participatory Economics & the Next System By Robin Hahnel Introduction It is increasingly apparent that neoliberal capitalism is not working well for most of us. Grow- ing inequality of wealth and income is putting the famous American middle class in danger of becoming a distant memory as American children, for the first time in our history, now face economic prospects worse than what their parents enjoyed. We suffer from more frequent financial “shocks” and linger in recession far longer than in the past. Education and health care systems are being decimated. And if all this were not enough, environmental destruction continues to escalate as we stand on the verge of triggering irreversible, and perhaps cataclys- mic, climate change. yst w s em p e s n s o l s a s i s b o i l p iCreated by Matt Caisley o fromt the Noun Project r ie s & p However, in the midst of escalating economic dysfunction, new economic initia- tives are sprouting up everywhere. What these diverse “new” or “future” economy initiatives have in common is that they reject the economics of competition and greed and aspire instead to develop an economics of equitable cooperation that is environmentally sustainable. What they also have in common is that they must survive in a hostile economic environment.1 Helping these exciting and hopeful future economic initiatives grow and stay true to their principles will require us to think more clearly about what kind of “next system” these initiatives point toward. It is in this spirit
    [Show full text]
  • Towards Economic Democracy and Social Justice: Profit Sharing, Co-Determination, and Employee Ownership
    DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13238 Towards Economic Democracy and Social Justice: Profit Sharing, Co-Determination, and Employee Ownership Felix FitzRoy Michael Nolan MAY 2020 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 13238 Towards Economic Democracy and Social Justice: Profit Sharing, Co-Determination, and Employee Ownership Felix FitzRoy University of St. Andrews and IZA Michael Nolan University of Hull MAY 2020 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. ISSN: 2365-9793 IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. 13238 MAY 2020 ABSTRACT Towards Economic Democracy and Social Justice: Profit Sharing, Co-Determination, and Employee Ownership* Modern economies deprive workers of natural democratic rights and any share of the surplus they produce, with most of the benefits of growth appropriated by capital owners.
    [Show full text]
  • “Critical Notice of GA Cohen's Self-Ownership, Freedom, And
    “Critical Notice of G.A. Cohen’s Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28 (1998): 609-626. Peter Vallentyne SELF-OWNERSHIP FOR EGALITARIANS G.A. Cohen’s book brings together and elaborates on articles that he has written on self- ownership, on Marx’s theory of exploitation, and on the future of socialism. Although seven of the eleven chapters have been previously published (1977-1992), this is not merely a collection of articles. There is a superb introduction that gives an overview of how the chapters fit together and of their historical relation to each other. Most chapters have a new introduction and often a postscript or addendum that connect them with other chapters. And the four new chapters (on justice and market transactions, exploitation in Marx, the concept of self-ownership, and the plausibility of the thesis of self-ownership) are important contributions that round out and bring closure to many of the central issues. As always with Cohen, the writing is crystal clear, and full of compelling examples, deep insights, and powerful arguments. Cohen has long been recognized as one of the most important exponents of analytic Marxism. His innovative, rigorous, and exciting interpretations of Marx’s theories of history and of exploitation have had a major impact on Marxist scholarship. Starting in the mid-1970s he has increasingly turned his attention to normative political philosophy. As Cohen describes it, he was awakened from his “dogmatic socialist slumbers” by Nozick’s famous Wilt Chamberlain example in which people starting from a position of equality (or other favored patterned distribution) freely choose to pay to watch Wilt Chamberlain play, and the net result is inequality (or other unfavored pattern).
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Ownership and Property in the Person: Democratization and a Tale of Two Concepts*
    The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 10, Number 1, 2002, pp. 20±53 Self-Ownership and Property in the Person: Democratization and a Tale of Two Concepts* CAROLE PATEMAN Political Science, University of California at Los Angeles Democracy is at war with the renting of human beings, not with private property. David Ellerman URING the 1990s a number of political philosophers turned their attention Dto the concept of self-ownership. Much of the discussion is critical of libertarianism,1 a political theory that goes hand-in-hand with neo-liberal economic doctrines and global policies of structural adjustment and privatization. Attracta Ingram's A Political Theory of Rights and G. A. Cohen's Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality are devoted to such criticism Uand I shall focus much of my argument on their books2). The consensus among most participants in the debate is that self-ownership is merely a way of talking about autonomy, but Ingram and Cohen go against the tide by arguing that the idea is inimical to autonomy and that an alternative is needed. In The Sexual Contract I am also critical of libertarianism, and my conclusion is similar to Ingram's and Cohen's. I argue that the idea of property in the person must be relinquished if a more free and democratic social and political order is to be created. However, despite some common concerns, there are very few points at which my work and that of Cohen and Ingram, or of most contributors to the current debates about self-ownership, come together. In large part this is because property in the person, not self-ownership, is central to my analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism, Marxism and Democratic Theory Revisited: Proposal of a Joint Index of Political and Economic Democracy
    brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Liberalism, Marxism and Democratic Theory Revisited: Proposal of a Joint Index of Political and Economic Democracy Angelo Segrillo Department of History, University of São Paulo Liberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints in sociological, political and economic theory. They are usually perceived as opposite, rival approaches. In the field of democracy there is a seemingly in- surmountable rift around the question of political versus economic democracy. Liberals emphasize the former, Marxists the latter. Liberals say that economic democracy is too abstract and fuzzy a concept, therefore one should concentrate on the workings of an objective political democracy. Marxists insist that political democracy without economic democracy is insufficient. The article argues that both propositions are valid and not mutually exclu- sive. It proposes the creation of an operational, quantifiable index of economic democracy that can be used alongside the already existing indexes of political democracy. By using these two indexes jointly, political and economic democracy can be objectively evaluated. Thus, the requirements of both camps are met and maybe a more dialogical approach to democracy can be reached in the debate between liberals and Marxists. The joint index is used to evaluate the levels of economic and political democracy in the transition countries of Eastern Europe. Keywords: democratic theory; transition countries; economic democracy Introduction iberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints Lin political, sociological and economic theory. Both have been very fruitful in il- luminating a wide range of common issues across these fields and yet are usually perceived 8 bpsr Liberalism, Marxism and Democratic Theory Revisited: Proposal of a Joint Index of Political and Economic Democracy as opposite, rival approaches contradicting each other in general.
    [Show full text]
  • Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France
    Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France Andrew P. Miller History In his influential book, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor, Peter Stearns presents the fin-de-siècle syndicalist movement in France as “a cause without rebels.” Stearns asserts that syndicalist leaders and intellectuals “produced distinctive and abundant rhetoric…yet they did not characterize French labor in their heyday and they did not set an enduring trend.”1 For Stearns, the revolutionary syndicalists failed to meet the workers’ material needs and paralyzed the unionist movement because they did not have a centralized leadership dedicated to pragmatic business and organizational practices. Bernard Moss comes to a similar conclusion, stating that the workers’ shift from “a cooperative strategy in alliance with the reformist middle class” to “a revolutionary strategy of class struggle” through loose federations and autonomous trade associations hampered the centralized discipline and political power of unions at the turn of the century.2 Stearns and Moss engage the French labor movement from very different perspectives, but in the end, both either discount or fail to recognize the specific ideals and moral tradition behind revolutionary syndicalism. Stearns’s concern with the importance of higher wages and job security conceals the fact that narrow, short-term gains were not the main objectives of the skilled labor force in the syndicalist movement. Moss, on the other hand, recognizes the ideological character of the movement, but fails to acknowledge that political socialism, as a path into twentieth-century industrial politics, eventually embedded the French syndicalists in the capitalist system they sought to overturn.
    [Show full text]
  • If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
    COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Notice of GA Cohen's Self-Ownership, Freedom
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace “Critical Notice of G.A. Cohen’s Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality ”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28 (1998): 609-626. Peter Vallentyne SELF-OWNERSHIP FOR EGALITARIANS G.A. Cohen’s book brings together and elaborates on articles that he has written on self- ownership, on Marx’s theory of exploitation, and on the future of socialism. Although seven of the eleven chapters have been previously published (1977-1992), this is not merely a collection of articles. There is a superb introduction that gives an overview of how the chapters fit together and of their historical relation to each other. Most chapters have a new introduction and often a postscript or addendum that connect them with other chapters. And the four new chapters (on justice and market transactions, exploitation in Marx, the concept of self-ownership, and the plausibility of the thesis of self-ownership) are important contributions that round out and bring closure to many of the central issues. As always with Cohen, the writing is crystal clear, and full of compelling examples, deep insights, and powerful arguments. Cohen has long been recognized as one of the most important exponents of analytic Marxism. His innovative, rigorous, and exciting interpretations of Marx’s theories of history and of exploitation have had a major impact on Marxist scholarship. Starting in the mid-1970s he has increasingly turned his attention to normative political philosophy. As Cohen describes it, he was awakened from his “dogmatic socialist slumbers” by Nozick’s famous Wilt Chamberlain example in which people starting from a position of equality (or other favored patterned distribution) freely choose to pay to watch Wilt Chamberlain play, and the net result is inequality (or other unfavored pattern).
    [Show full text]
  • URBAN SQUATTING: II an Adaptive Response to the Housing II Crisis I • I Rimma Ashkinadze I Submitted for Honors in Sociology Oberlin College
    I II I URBAN SQUATTING: II An Adaptive Response to the Housing II Crisis I • I Rimma Ashkinadze I submitted for honors in Sociology Oberlin College .. 26 April 1996 • •.. II.. .. II II I [I I would like to thank Daphne John, my esteemed professor, advisor, and friend I - without her support, I would never have the courage and patience to finish this; """ Professor Norris, my second reader and knowledgeable resource person; the honors cohort - Rachel Laibson, Molly Moloney, Avril Smith, and Stacy Tolchin; I0,?'~ my wonderful, supportive friends - especially Gillian Schmidt and Becky I Wolfinger. I '",,' I,<A I I I I I I II II I "I'" 2 ,'" ,;; INTRODUCTION 5 What is squatting? 5 Why am I interested in squatting? 6 Methodology 9 I What is my goal in doing this research? 11 I THEORIES 12 Housing as a Need 12 The Meaning of Home 12 .11 Homelessness 16 Connection Between Homelessness and Squatting 26 II Autonomy and Control in Housing 27 Structural Capitalist Economic and Social Changes 36 [I Economic Changes 38 co' ~ Conflicts within Capitalism 40 Changes in cities 42 Inner cities and the Urban Frontier 48 II Disinvestment and Reinvestment 53 Possible solutions 56 <~ Merton's Strain Theory and the Theory of Adaptation 58 II«" Definition 58 Adaptations of Strain Theory for Housing 61 How Squatting Fits into the Theory of Adaptation 63 Oversights of Strain Theory 65 Social Movement Theory 67 Theoretical Approaches to Social Movements 69 Networks vs. Organizations 76 , Recruitment 78 II Participation 81 Activism 82 II What kind of social movement
    [Show full text]
  • This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
    This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. A LeftLeft----LibertarianLibertarian Theory of Rights Arabella Millett Fisher PhD University of Edinburgh 2011 Contents Abstract....................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................v Declaration.................................................................................................................. vi Introduction..................................................................................................................1 Part I: A Libertarian Theory of Justice...................................................................11
    [Show full text]