Volume XLIV September Number 4 Six Christian Sermons on the Way to Lutheran U Nity Robert Kolb

OCT 1 1973

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Volume XLIV September Number 4 Six Christian Sermons on the Way to Lutheran U nity Robert Kolb

The author is acting executive director of the Foundation for Reformation Research, St. Louis, Mo. Four hundred years ago this year than two years after the collapse of Evangelical theologians throughout Andreae's first drive toward Lutheran Germany were picking up a new unity. That drive had centered on his ninety-nine page book published in invitation to subscribe to his unpub Tuebingen and saying something like, lished "Confession and Brief Explana "What has the smithy forged this tion of Certain Disputed Articles time?" James Andreae, or Schmiedlein, According to Which Christian Unity born the son of a smith - a fact his Might Be Attained in the Churches better-born antagonists never let him Subscribing to the Augsburg Confes forget - was in 1573 one of the most sion and the Offense-Giving, Weari prominent and one of the most reviled some Division Might Be Put Aside." theologians in Germany.1 It is perhaps In connection with this document a wonder that his new book actually Andreae had managed to bring a did mark the turning point in efforts number of Lutheran theologians to to bring a large part of Evangelical gether in what he had hoped would be Germany together in doctrinal agree a celebration of unity at Zerbst in ment.2 For his Six Ch"istian Sermons Saxony in May 1570. But the taste of on the Divisions Which Have Continued the honey of success quickly turned to Surface Among the Theologians of the to the ashes of rancor and recrimina Augsburg Confession from 1548 until tion in the months following that con This Year 1573 3 were written less vocation. That failure set the stage for the Six Sermons of 1573 and for the

1 A modern biography of Andreae (1528- series of meetings and documents 1590) has not yet been written. In English the which ran from their publication in best summary of his life is the article by Arthur February 1573 to the publication of Carl Piepkorn in The Encyclopedia of the Lu· the Formula of Concord four years theran Church, ed. Julius Bodensieck, I (Min later. neapolis: Augsburg, 1965), 73-74. See also the article by Wagenmann in the Realencycklopaedie At the age of eighteen, in 1546, fuer protestantische T heologie und Kirche, 3. ed., Andreae left the University of ed. Albert Hauck, I (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1896), Tuebingen and became a deacon in 501-505; Christian Moritz Ficcbogen, Jacob Stuttgart. At the introduction of the Andreae, der Verfasser des Concordienbuchs. Sein Augsburg Interim, Andreae moved to Leben und seine theologische Bedeutung (Hagen/W: Risel, 1881); J. c. G. Johannsen, "Jakob An Tuebingen and went underground, dreae's concordistische Thaetigkeit," Zeitschri/t preaching the Lutheran Gospel be fuer die historische Theologie, XXIII (1853), hind closed doors. In 1553 he was 344-415; Rosemarie Mueller-Streisand, "Theo appointed superintendent in Goep Logie und Kirchenpolitik bei Jakob Andreae bis zum Jahre 1568," Blaetter fuer Wuerttemberg. pingen and became along with John Kirchengeschichte 60/61 (1960/1961), 224-395. Confession von Anno 1548. biss auff diss 1573. 2 Heinrich Heppe begins his Geschichte der J ar/nach vnnd nach erhaben/Wie sich ein ein lutherischen Concordienformel und Concordie faeltiger Pfarrer vnd gemeiner C hristlicher Leye/ (Marburg: Elwerc, 1857) with the work under so dardurch moecht verergert sein worden auss seinem discussion. Catechismo darein schicken soli. (Tuebingen: 3 Sechs ChristLicher Predig/Von den SPaltungen/ Georg Gruppenbach, 1573); published in at so sich zwischen den T heologen Augspurgischer least three other editions. 262 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS

Brenz one of the most important After the religious peace of Augsburg ecclesiastical advisers of Duke it became imperative for the Evangeli Christoph of Wuerttemberg, one of cal estates of the empire to form a the most prominent and powerful united front, in the view of the princes, Lutheran princes since the imprison but continuing theological disputes ment of Elector John Frederick of made that impossible. With the acces Saxony and Landgrave Philip of Hesse sion of Maximilian II in 1564, the by Charles V in 1547. In 1561 the emperor was not an avid supporter of duke appointed Andreae professor of Rome, as his father Ferdinand I had theology, provost, and chancellor of been, but was a somewhat cryptic the University of Tuebingen. Chris sympathizer of the Lutheran party. toph used Andreae as his personal That was all the more reason to show a. emissary to a host of cities and united front, for no emperor desires principalities, where this staff theolo discord in his lands. Furthermore, in gian and ecclesiastical "whiz kid" made the late 1560s the worsening situation his mark by assisting in disputations of Protestants in France and the against non-Lutherans, in organizing Netherlands, and diplomatic ap Evangelical church life in areas newly proaches from Elizabeth of England, reformed, and in refereeing arguments made at least some German Evangeli among Lutheran theologians. Over a cal princes eager to build a united decade of such service on the road German Evangelical party which throughout Germany and beyond gave could act as a unit in religious politics Andreae a visibility and a familiarity outside the Holy Roman Empire.:; with his brothers in the faith that was probably unmatched by any contem Interim; it was attacked by other Lutherans, porary theologian. He was thus a including a group at Magdeburg led by Nikolaus logical choice of the princes as the von Amsdorf and Matthias Flacius Illyricus human instrument to use in their (1520-1575). From this dispute grew the search for theological concord in the Adiaphoristic, Majoristic, and Synergistic controversies (see notes 8, 9, 10). It divided Evangelical camp. north German Lutherans into two major parties Political considerations had con for a quarter century. The one, located primarily tinued to be a powerful motivating in electoral Saxony, was called the "Philippists" force for Lutheran theological unity because its members were largely loyal students ever since that unity had been shat of Philip Melanchthon. The other was called the "Gnesio-Lutherans," (genuine Lutherans) tered by the defeat of the Smalcaldic or the "Flacianists" (because of the prominence League armies at Muehlberg in 1547 of Matthias Flacius Illyricus in the group) by and by the ensuing battle over the the Philippists. However, few of the party fol Augsburg and Leipzig Interims.4 lowed Flacius in all details of his teaching. Members of this party were located primarily in ducal Saxony and a number of north German

4 Emperor Charles V, vicrorious over Elector cities. The third major party in German Lu John Frederick of Saxony and Landgrave Philip theranism at this time was that of the south of Hesse, at Muehlberg, introduced the "Augs German princedom ofWuerttemberg; its leaders burg Interim" (Spring 1548), a document basi were John Brenz (1499-1570) and James An cally Roman Catholic in theology but with minor dreae. Undoubtedly, most pasrors of the time concessions ro the Evangelicals, for his Evangel were active in none of the three parties. ical lands, on the basis of his superior military 5 Heinrich Heppe, Geschichte des deutschen position following the battle. Elector Moritz of Protestantismus in den Jahren 1555·1581, II Saxony, who was awarded John Frederick's title (Marburg: Elwert, 1853), 168-171, 176-200. and some of his lands for assisting Charles, Letters to William of Hesse concerning the polit bowed to pressure from his Lutheran subjects ical situation of the German Evangelical princes and composed another compromise document, from a number of these princes are to be found the "Leipzig Interim" (December 1548). His in Christian Gotthold Neudecker, Neue Beitraege theologians, including Melanchthon, Bugen zur Geschichte der Reformation mit historisch hagen, and George Major at Wittenberg and kritischen Anmerkungen, II (Leipzig: Fleischer, John Pfefiinger at Leipzig, defended the Leipzig 1841),128-155. The royal governments of both SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS 263

Andreae's own inclinations made article stated that the believer is saved him a willing tool for those princes only through faith, not through the eager for Evangelical unity. By 1568 good works which demonstrate his he had resolved to devote his energies faith and thankfulness.s The third to reconciling the warring factions article taught that the sinner is spiri within the churches of the Augsburg tually dead until the Holy Spirit gives Confession. In that year he found him a new will to replace his perverse, support and an opportunity to begin blind wil1.9 Adiaphora are no longer his drive toward concord. The arch free when associated with the confes Romanist was succeeded by his son, sion or denial of the faith, Andreae Julius, a cousin of Christoph of Wuert stated in the fourth article of his temberg, and a Lutheran. Julius confession.lo Article five treated the asked Christoph for Andreae's help in Lord's Supper; Andreae taught that the first Evangelical visitation of the Christ's body and blood are present churches in his lands. Christoph in the Sacrament with the bread and urged Andreae to draw the Lower wine in a heavenly way, unfathomable Saxons into his plans for establishing by human reason, and that godless concord among the Lutherans. Thus, and unrepentant hypocrites also Julius became one of Andreae's receive Christ's body and blood to warmest supporters. So did Christoph's their judgment.ll In each article son-in-law, Landgrave William of Andreae rejected those who taught Hesse, after Christoph's death on Dec mb r 28, 1568." for teaching that the righteousness which God With his "Confession and Brief Ex· bestows upon the sinner is Christ's essential planation" Andreae toured Evangelical divine righteousness dwelling within the be· Germany during 1569, trying to col liever, not the righteousness of Christ in his obedience, suffering, and death, imputed to the to lect subscriptions its five articles, believer. which dealt with what he regarded as S George Major (1502-1574), professor at the most serious causes of division Wittenberg and prominent Philippist, taught that among Lutherans. The first article "good works are necessary for salvation." Against confessed that the sinner is pro that position Nikolaus von Amsdorf (1483· nounced free from his sins and receives 1565), without support from Gnesio·Lutheran friends, taught that "good works are harmful forgiveness only through faith for the to salvation." sake of Christ's sufferings and death, 9 The Philippists Viktorin Strigel (1524. not because of the indwelling, essen 1567) and John Pfeffinger (1493·1573) aroused tial righteousness of God.7 The second attack from Gnesio·Lutherans for their elabora· tion of Melanchthon's view that the human will as well as the Word and the Holy Spirit playa France and Spain (which controlled the Nether· role in conversion. The two students of Melanch· lands) were moving against Protestants in these thon did not clearly rule out contribution to con· twO lands at certain times throughout this period. version by the human will before rebirth and thus incited the "Synergistic" (cooperationistic) 6 William, deeply interested in the French situation, first aroused Christoph to renew his controversy. efforts toward Evangelical concord at Heidelberg 10 The Adiaphoristic controversy developed in June 1567. See Andreae's own report on the over concessions in Adiaphora made in the period 1567·1570 in his Gruendtficher, war· Leipzig Interim to the Roman Catholics for the hafftiger und bestendiger Bericht: Von christficher sake of peace. Fiacius, Nikolaus Gallus, Amsdorf, Einigkeit der T heologen und Predicanten, so sich and others insisted that, in a time when confes· in einhel/igem, rechten, warhafftigem, und eigent· sion of the faith is required or offense will be lichem verstand, zu der Augspllrgischen Confession, given, adiaphora do not remain indifferent. in Ober und N iedersachssen, sampt den oberlen· 11 Joachim Westphal (1510·1574) and Tile· dischen und schwebischen Kirchen bekennen mann Heshusius (1527·1588) attacked the Cal· (Wolfenbuettel: Horn, 1570), and Heppe, vinist position on the Lord's Supper in the Protestantismus, II, 247·248. 1550s and 1560s, while the Philippists at Witten 7 Andreas Osiander (1498·1552) was at· berg were more sympathetic toward Calvin's tacked by both Philippists and Gnesio·Lutherans position, though they did not openly support it. 264 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS

contrary to his confession.12 which he condemned a figurative inter In the summer and autumn of 1569 pretation of the words of institution Andreae took his confession to Wit and taught the ubiquity of the human tenberg and to the court of August of nature of Christ.Is Andreae com Saxony; to the courts of Elector plained of the attacks of the "Spangen Joachim of Brandenburg and his bergers," the ministerium of Mansfeld brother Margrave Hans of Kuestrin; so-named for its superintendent to the courts of the dukes of Pomer Cyriakus Spangenberg, a lifelong sup ania, Mecklenburg, Brunswick-Luene porter of Flacius.16 He protested burg, Lauenberg, and Holstein, and against the slander and abuse in a to that of the princes of Anhalt. He newly published work by the theolo also visited the dowager queen of gians at the ducal Saxon university Denmark. He ventured into the at Jena, Heshusius, Wigand, Kirchener, citadel of recalcitrant Gnesio-Lutheran and Coelestinus. In early February ism, Weimar, and tried to line up 1570 he conferred with Duke John support in the cities of Magdeburg, William of ducal Saxony, the protector Hamburg, Luebeck, Lueneburg, and of these antagonists, in Weimar. Bremen.13 During his stay there the COUrt He met with frustration, SUspICIon, preacher, Christoph Irenaeus, at and opposition as well as some support tacked him from the pulpit, as did and encouragement on his subscrip Heshusius. Andreae interpreted Hesh tion-selling travels. George Major usius' remarks as an attack against offered support in Wittenberg when Landgra.vt: William and Duke J uHus', Andreae visited there in early 1569, and a small political imbroglio re but when Major's colleagues returned sultedJ 7 Two months later the frus from the Altenburg Colloquy and tration and anger which this incident together studied Andreae's "Confes and similar conflicts must have built sion," they refused to endorse it. The up in Andreae spilled over into a general synod in Landgrave William's letter to Landgrave William. Andreae own lands did not support the "Con observed that the theologians at fession" when it met in June 1569 but Weimar had not only lost the H oly took a wait-and-see attitude toward Spirit but their reason and common Andreae's effort.14 sense as welpB Andreae hoped to fix Much of the outright opposition to the ducal Saxon theologians and end Andreae's efforts came from the their slander and quarreling through G nesio-Lutherans. Flacius and his an assembly of theologians which he friends charged that the fifth article had persuaded his princely sponsors of the "Confession" could easily be and Elector August of Saxony to call. given a Zwinglian interpretation. So In early April 1570 Landgrave Andreae added a long appendix in William and Duke Julius invited a

12 The text of the "Confession" is printed, 15 The text of this addendum is given, ibid" ibid., II, 250·254; and in Leonhart Hutter, II, 260-264, and in Hutter, lvs, 30-31. Not all Concordia concors. De origine et progressu Formulae Gnesio-Lutherans yet supported or understood Concordiae ecc!esiarum confessionis Augustanae the sacramental argument based on the omni liber unus (Wittenberg: Berger, 1614), lvs. presence or ubiquity of Christ's human nature, 28-29. the argument used by the "Swabians" (so named from the general area in south Germany where 13 Andreae reported on his travels in Gruendtlicher Bericht, lvs. Aiijv·PijV and in letters Wuerttemberg is located), led by John Brenz. printed in Neudecker, II, 159·160, 170·172, 16 Neudecker, II, 185, in a letter dated 181-186, 189-201; see Heppe, Protestantismus, Oct, 19, 1569, II, 257-272. 17 Ibid" II, 204-210. 14 Gruendtlicher Bericht, lvs. AiijV-Aiij'; 18 Neudecker, II, 241-242, in a letter dated see Heppe, Protestantismus, II, 264-268. April 1, 1570, SI X CHRISTIAN SERMONS 265 number of princes and cities to send Brenz, the "Ubiquitist," on the same theologians to a meeting at Zerbst, level as the Preceptor. As was their the goal of which was Evangelical habit, however, they did not make an unity.1 9 Representatives from electoral issue of it and were content to let well Saxony, Brandenburg-Kuestrin, Hesse, enough alone. The conference ended Holstein, Anhalt, Hamburg, Luene in some confusion since the electoral burg, and Luebeck joined Andreae, Saxons were granted the right by the who represented Wuerttemberg un emire assembly to prepare their own officially and Brunswick-Wolfenbuettel "Recess" and then had this right re officially, at Zerbst for a two-day meet scinded after they had left the general ing in early May. The assembled assembly. Disagreement also arose theologians were at odds over the over the significance of Andreae's question of setting up a new confes official "Recess of Zerbst"; the elec sion. The electoral Saxon representa toral Saxon theologians could not tives insisted that they would subscribe regard it as a confession but only as an to no new confessional document, for affirmation of their previous confes none was needed. Andreae pointed sional integrity.20 out that both sides in the intra-Lu It is not clear whether Andreae theran controversies cited the Augus knew already at Zerbst that seeds of tana against each other. He believed discord had been sown at the confer that his five articles could serve as a ence which he had hoped would pro declaration of the Lutheran position claim and hasten the end of all discord vii tru::sc \,..VUl1UVC'llCt.l }>UiUl~ radlt( among the Lutherans. He found ou( than as a new confession. The electoral rather quickly. From Zerbst he pro Saxons were still reluctant to sub ceeded to Wittenberg and there at scribe. The group argued over which tended a disputation over theses documents should be regarded as which had just been published for a definitive for Lutheranism, and they doctoral promotion at Leipzlg.21 In finally agreed that the Scriptures are one thesis in particular the Saxons interpreted by the ecumenical creeds, attacked the Swabian 22 Chnstology, the Augsburg Confession, the Apology and Andreae protested against their of the Augsburg Confession, the "unchristian, mohammedan" beliefs. Smalcald Articles, Luther's catechisms, The Saxons insis ted that they were and other writings of Luther. The only opposing Monophysitism in ac Wittenbergers thought that Melanch cord with Luther and the Augustana. thon's writings, at least the Co rpus Andreae began to realize that accord Doctrinae M isnicu m. ought to be re with the new Wittenberg theology garded as confessional, but Andreae could not be ac hieved without sacri knew that that could only stir up the fic ing what he understood to be Gnesio-Lutherans to new heights of Luther's and Brenz' doctrine of the rage. So in the "Recess" which he composed as a summary agreement for the confere nce he suggested that 20 Ibid., II, 301-311, used marerials printed Melanchthon's works, along with in Neudecker, II, 285-295, Andreae's Gmendt those of Brenz, be recognized as help lieher Berieht, lvs. Kij'·LiiijV, and a report by rhe ful interpretations of the other con electoral Saxon delegarion in preparing irs fessional documents. The solution dis description of the Zerbst meeting. pleased the electoral Saxon delegation 21 G ruendtlicher Berieht lvs. Liiij'"-Nr Heppe, because it reduced Melanchthon's Protestantismus, II, 312, gives the tirle of the published propositions: Propositiones eompleetentes corpus to secondary status and put summam praeeipuomm eapitum doetrinae christinae sonantis, Dei beneficio in academia et eecfesia Witebergemi, 15 70.

19 Heppe, Protestantismus, II, 301. 22 See nore 15 above. 266 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS

Lord's Supper. This he refused to do.23 tion of the "Recess of Zerbst." Two Other irritations and differences letters to the Landgrave from the fol of viewpoint widened the rift which lowing February and March reveal Andreae was beginning to feel be Andreae's growing bitterness against tween himself and the Wittenbergers. the Wittenbergers; it stands in marked The secrecy which followed Zerbst, contrast to the hope with which he the failure to publish its "Recess," had viewed that faculty just a year naturally aroused SuspICIOn among earlier. He complained to the prince those who had not been invited to the about the poor thanks he had gotten meeting. The participating theologians from the Wittenbergers for all he had and their princes were divided on the done for them; he had reaped only issue of publication. The Witten suspicion and mockery for his trOlk . bergers claimed the assembled theolo bles.27 The second letter conveys the gians had agreed to keep silent con Wittenbergers' critique of Andreae's cerning the outcome of the conference, Report on Zerbst with Andreae's Own and Elector August grumbled to comments on that critique in the William of Hesse that Andreae ought margin. H e denied that he had changed to be muzzled.24 On the other hand, a word when he prepared his Report Andreae had wanted a public confes on Zerbst for print. He accused the sion to affirm and proclaim unity, and Wittenbergers of running off with the Duke Julius supported him in this papists at the time of the Interims desire. 25 So in midsummer 1570 (a charge that the Gnesio-Lutherans Andreae issued his version of the pro had made tor over twenty years). An ceedings at Zerbst in print. He thus entire change in his outlook and his unknowingly provoked the final break understanding of the Evangelical sce ne between himself and the theologians comes in another marginal comment. of electoral Saxony.26 The Wittenbergers had stated in their Andreae must have anticipated the critique that the articles of Andreae's imminent collapse of his drive for Report on Zerbst were "incomplete, concord, which had begun with his murky, doubtful, and in some places "Confession" and which he had more of a Flacian 28 opinion." Andreae thought would climax near triumph observed alongside the last phrase, at Zerbst. As he was returning to "That's where the whole matter lies Wuerttemberg in September 1570, he and is to be found. They [the Flacian stopped in Kassel, where Landgrave ists] are too Lutheran and not pap is tic William informed him of Ekctor or Calvinistic enough for you." 29 August's displeasure with his publica- That phrase is a signpost pointing in a new direction for Andreae. Setting 23 Heppe, ProteJtantiJmuJ, II, 312-314. An out in that new direction, he composed dreae's dissatisfaction with the "young Witten his Six Sermons, bergers" is reflected in letters to William of After the failure of Zerbst, in late Hesse, July 27 , 1570, Neudecker, II, 319-320; and Sept. 30, 1570, II, 330-334. 1570, Andreae returned home to Wuerttemberg and assumed once 24 Ibid., II, 323-325, in a letter from August to William of Hesse, Aug. 4, 1570. August more his duties at the court and uni protested Andreae's publication of the "Recess" versity of young Duke Ludwig. There in a letter to William, Sept. 4, 1570, Ibid., in late 1572 he wrote the Six Sermons. II, 327-329.

25 In a letter to William of Hesse, May 20, 1570, Ibid., II, 310-312, although he agreed in 27 Neudecker, II, 358, a letter of Feb. 19, a letter of June 14 that the publication should 1571. be temporarily held up, Ibid., II, 313-315. An 28 The slur word of the Philippists for their dreae mentioned Duke Julius' support in a Gnesio-Lutheran opponents; see note 4 above. letter of Sept. 30, 1570, ibid., II, 331, 334. 29 Enclosure in a letter of March 26, 1571, 26 Title given in footnote 6 above. Ibid., II, 364-366. SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS 267

They resemble in some ways thirty divisions among the Lutherans suggest three sermons he had actually preached that the Six Sermons really represent in Esslingen in 1567, when the a new, fresh start on Andreae's part Tuebingen faculty held classes in that in the direction of concord. city during an outbreak of the plague In the preface, dated February 17, in Tuebingen. In these Thirty-three 1573, Andreae dedicated his Six Ser Sermons on the Most Important Divisions mons to his patron, Duke Julius, who in the Christian Religion, Which Exist had invested so much in his earlier Between Papists, Lutherans, Zwinglians, travels in pursuit of concord. In the Schwenckjelders, and Anabaptists,30 preface Andreae explained his mission Andreae outlined for his hearers the and the situation in which he was trying differences between the teachings of to carry it out. Scripture and its mlslnterpretation Andreae felt compelled to defend at the hands of those sects. The Six his own calling to his work and the Sermons dealt with the five Lutheran work itself in this preface. Particularly disputes which he had treated in his the staff of Duke John William of "Confession" and with five additional Saxony had been quick and severe in disputes in much the same way that he their judgments against Andreae while had treated questions at issue between he was seeking subscriptions to his Lutherans and those outside Lutheran "Confession." 32 He answered their ism in the Thirty-three Sermons. accusations by insisting that he had It might be said that the Six Sermons never approved any falsification of are a direct descendant of the "Con doctrine in words or in essential fession."' Andreae had undoubtedly content and had never covered up or introduced approaches, examples, and spread such falsification.33 Since Zerbst phrases lnto the dIscussion of the the Wittenbergers had also been at "Confession" which he used in the tacking Andreae, and he reacted to Six Sermons. 31 However, the ninety their charges that he was not further nine pages of the Six Sermons contain ing the common cause but just pur about seventy-five times as many suing the matter for his own sake, words as the "Confession." They em for personal glory.34 Andreae began ploy two new methods: specific con his defense by citing 1 Corinthians demnation of false teachers by name 9: 19, "Although I am free from all and use of the catechism as an aid for men, I have made myself a slave to deciding the disputes under discus all, that I might win the more." Under sion. These new methods and the that motif, following Paul's example, greatly expanded discussions of the Andreae was setting out on "the neces sary task of once again restoring wher ever possible Christian unity among 30 Drey und dreissig Predigen von den fuer nembsten Spaltungen in der christ/ichen Religion, the theologians of the Augsburg Con- so sich zwischen den Baepstischen. Lutherischen. Zwinglischen, Schwenckfeldern, und Widerteuffern halten. . Gepredigt zu Esslingen (Tuebingen: 32 The theologians of ducal Saxony had at Morhart, 1568). Andreae stated that he was con racked Andreae's person and work in their Der tinuing the sermons preached in Esslingen in his Theologen zu Jena Bedenken und Erinnerung auf Sechs Predig, see Sechs P redig , p. 1. einen Vorschlag einer Conciliation in den streitigen Religionssachen Gena, 1569), and countered his 31 For example, in his Ein Christliche Predigt/ five articles with Der Theologen zu jena Bekennt von Christlicher Einigkeit der Theologen Augspur. nis von fuenf streitigen Re/igionsartikeln. Gena, gischer Confession/zu Dressden den XXll. Martij 1570); see Heppe, Protestantismus, II, 283. An Anno 1570 gehalten (Wolfenbuettel: Horn, 1570) dreae bitterly complained about the attacks he used the catechism to clinch arguments in made upon him by the ducal Saxons in his behalf of his first and fifth articles of his "Con G ruendtlicher Bericht, Ivs. Fi(-KV. fession," Ivs. Diii{ and Gr; and used the example of the martyr Barlaam in discussing the fourth 33 Sechs Predig, p. 98. article, If. Fiijv. 34 Neudecker, II, 334, 349. 268 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS fession without any compromise of throughout much of his career. H e the divine truth." 35 H e had not set had actively sought Christian unity out to work for unity without a proper even while attacking errors within divine call, he insisted, or just for Christendom. Charges and insinua his own sake. He was performing this tions from non-Lutherans that the service "only out of dutiful obedience Lutherans were hopelessly split among to the Christian and godly princes by themselves had provoked him to write whom I was sent for the benefit and a Report on the Unity and Disunity of welfare of the whole church of the Theologians of the Christian Augs God." 36 Andreae believed that princes burg Confession after the diet at Augs had a God-given duty to govern the burg in 1559.41 Again in 1573 Andreae affairs of the church and to root out was reacting agai nst the accusation of troublemakers within it.37 H e also the papal party that there were not cited his acquaintance with all the ten who subscribed to the Augsburg churches of the Augsburg Confession, Confession who actually agreed on formed on his visits to them over the its teaching. Andreae insisted that past years, as part of his peculiar except fo r a few theologians who had suitability fo r the task.3s Furthermore, created the ten controversies he dis Andreae assured Duke J ulius, all who cussed, the several thousand church correctly understood what he was men of the Augustana were united in doing had not only approved the one faith.4 2 Andreae was concerned project but had also expressed grati that the slanders of these adversaries tude for the princely support which be met with a declaration of unity, Julius had given to Andreae's efforts. which would bring the Lutherans com T hey had all urged Andreae to push fort and joy. Around such a declared forward without regard for the gossip, standard of unity true Lutherans insults, and ridicule which he had could gather, and the deceivers within had to suffer. Thus, Andreae was at the Lutheran camp would have to stop tempting once more to establish con their braying and would be revealed. cord through the Six Sermons. 39 Then, Andreae believed, the sweet Andreae also felt compelled to de and pleasant unity which the Evan fend his efforts in behalf of unity gelical churches knew at the time of against those who said that unity in the presentation of the Augsburg Con the church would never be achieved fession in 15 30 would return.43 (By anyway. Here he was again referring 1573 the Evangelicals were already to the ducal Saxon party.40 Their view looking back to a golden age.) The ran counter to a concern which purpose of the restoration of unity, had dominated Andreae's thinking according to Andreae, was not just to affirm God's will that the church be one but also to confound the adver 35 Sechs Predig, If. A2. saries of the truth outside and also

36 Ibid., If. A3V • inside the Lutheran camp.

37 Christliche Predigt, lvs. Giiijv-Hr; see

G ruendtlicher Bericht, If. Qij. 41 Berichl von der Einigkeil vnd Uneinigkeil 38 Sechs Predig, If. B2r. der christlichen Augspurgischen Confessionsver

39 Ibid., If. B 3"- wandten Theologen, &c. Wider den langen Lasszedel, der .. auff juengsl zu Augspurg Anno 1559 40 Heshusius had stated this view from the gehalnem Reichstag offentlich auffgeschlagen und pulpit while Andreae was in Weimar in February aussgebreilel. (Tuebingen: Morhart, 1560); An· 1570, Neudecker, II, 205. Eberhart von der dreae laid out his concern for the unity of the Thann, secular councillor to John William of church also in Gruendtlicher Berichl, lvs. Pii( Saxony and an ardent supporter of the Gnesio Ri(. Lutheran theologians, echoed this view in his letter of Feb. 25, 1570, to William of Hesse, 42 Sechs Predig, pp. 97 -98. Ibid., II, 213·214. 43 Ibid., If. B. SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS 269

The Lord himself had inspired this his comrades had always insisted that effort, Andreae reminded Duke J ulius, false teachers, not just false doctrines, implying that the failure of his first be specifically condemned.46 Andreae's attempt at restoring Lutheran unity "Confession" had included the rejec need not mean that his second at tion of "those who teach otherwise," tempt would fail. Just as Christ told but it had mentioned no one by name. his mother at Cana, "My hour has not In the text of the Six Sermons Andreae yet come," so he had spoken to the also disregarded names and labeled German Evangelicals , who must now the sides in each controversy as "the wait for God's good time (Eccl. 3: 1) one party" and "the other party" as to restore the unity they sought. T hey a general rule. (The exception came in could only plant and water; God would the sixth sermon, where he spoke have to give the increase (1 Cor. 3:6).44 directly of the "new theologians in That process of planting and water Wittenberg." 47) H owever, even ing the tender shoot of Evangelical though personal condemnations were unity involved facing squarely the not placed in the text itself, the names obstacles to that unity. Within the of theologians who supported the ac sermons themselves, Andreae did not cepted and the rejected positions were suggest that all these disputes had printed in the margin alongside their been caused by one of the two parties views. Andreae thus could say, on the which were opposing his efforts in one hand, that he was not using per 1573. In the sermons he dwelt on the sonal condemnation in the declaration specific individuals or groups Involved upon which he hoped to base unity. in the specific disputes. But in the But on the other hand, he could point preface he pointed to two parties who Out, since the printed version of the in 1573 were frustrating the drive for sermons is the primary version, that concord among the Lutherans. he was clearly demonstrating whose The first party, Andreae conceded, interpretation on each given question did want to suppress divisive errors, was to be accepted and whose was to but its members also wanted to sup be rejected. press faithful servants In the churches In the sermon on the righteousness of the Augsburg Confession. He iden of faith in God's sight, Osiander's tified this group in the margin of the name is associated with the one party preface as the theologians of Thuringia while the correct view is assigned (ducal Saxony), Mansfeld, and Regens to "the theologians of the Augs burg.45 But his slap on the wrist of this burg Confession, Dr. Moerlin, and group was quite mildly stated, and in others." 48 Joachim Moerlin had been the Six Sermons he made one major one of the East Prussian theologians methodological accommodation to the who had opposed Osiander early in Gnesio-Lutherans of ducal Saxony and that controversy. He had also been supported their doctrinal position in closely associated with the Gnesio general. Lutherans of Lower Saxony. G eorge The methodological concession in Major's proposition "good works are volved the matter of condemnations. necessary for salvation" and Nikolaus Both the Philippist-princely party and the Flacianists had agreed in the 46 See Hans-Werner Gensichen's study of 1 55 Os and 1560s that false doctrine condemnations in sixteenth century Lutheranism must be condemned. But Flacius and in his We Condemn. How Luther and 16th-Century Lutheranism Condemned False Doctrine, trans.

44 Ibid., If. B3r Herbert ]. A. Bouman (St. Louis: Concordia, 1967); especially pp. 123-152. 45 Ibid., If. A2r. In part, his defense of the validity of his call and the sincerity of his effort 47 Sechs Predig, p. 77. was also aimed at these Gnesio-Lutherans. 48 Ibid., pp. 3, 7. 270 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS von Amsdorf's proposition "good followers.52 works are harmful to salvation" were Flacius, Gallus, Heshusius, Wigand, both condemned, and names were and the Lower Saxons were again named in the margin of the text. mentioned as those who upheld the Andreae saw as much danger in the correct posltlon in the Adiaphoristic so-called Epicurean faith which does controversy against "one part of the not devote itself to good works at all Wittenbergers and the papist theo as he did in the hypocritical reliance logians." 53 The same group of Gnesio on good works.49 Besides, Amsdorf, Lutherans presented the proper judg the revered "uncle" of the Gnesio ment, according to Andreae's marginal Lutherans, had alienated himself from comment, in the dispute over the Heshusius and Wigand, the ducal definition of the Gospel and the place Saxon theological leaders whom of repentance in that definition. The Andreae was trying to court in early rejected opinion was that held by 1573. Andreae also rejected the opin "Dr. Pezel and the Wittenberg ion of Flacius in his discussion of theologians." 54 original sin.50 He held instead to the The marginal comments reinforce opposing pOSItIOn expressed by the statements of the text in Andreae's Heshusius and Wigand, even though sixth sermon, on the Lord's Supper they so vehemently opposed his drive and the person of Christ. In the for concord.51 In commenting on the historical introduction section of that freedom of the will, Andreae included sermon Andreae charged that the Wit Flacius with Heshusius, Wigand, and tenbergers had come out from behind ' the other Gnesio-Lutherans, Nikolaus the bushes at long last to support the Gallus and Simon Musaeus, as those Zwinglian view of Christ's person, and whose judgment ought to be re he observed in the margtn, "The new spected, against that of the Philippist theologians at Wittenberg have given Viktorin Strigel and his synergistic public support to the Zwinglians." 55 This aggressively anti-Wittenberg stance in the sixth sermon was her alded already in the preface. Andreae 49 Ibid., pp. 20-24. only briefly mentioned the party which 50 Ibid., p.29. Flacius was drawn into using blocked unity by condemning the Aris(Qtelian terminology in his anthropology faithful servants of the church, the by Viktorin Strigel. Against Striger s assertion that "the first sin" (Strigel tried to avoid using Gnesio-Lutherans. He dwelt at some the term "original sin") was an (Aris(Qtelian) length on the other group. His descrip accident in man, Flacius taught that original tion bristles with the anger born of sin is the substance or essence of man after the betrayal. For up to and at Zerbst fall. Andreae had tried (Q find common ground Andreae had believed that the Wit between himself and Flacius in a series of meet ings in the years between 1567 and 157l, but tenbergers were in his camp; he had their last encounter ended in August of 1572 set himself up for attack from the without agreement (Wilhelm Preger, Matthias Flacius Iflyricus und seine Zeit, II [1859-1861; 52 Ibid., pp. 34, 36. See note 10 above. reprint edition, Hildesheim: Olms, 1964], 295- 296,300-301,364-368). In the early 1570s the 53 Ibid., pp. 47-49. close friendship between Flacius and the mem 54 Ibid., pp. 59-60, 63. In the margin the bers of the Jena faculty had finally broken under Wittenbergers were accused of "wicked stub the weight of the dispute over original sin. bornness" in refusing to agree with the other Wigand, Heshusius, and others attacked Flacius' side that not believing in Christ is a sin against doctrine of original sin in a number of writings, the Law. including De peccato origin is scripta quaedam 55 Ibid., p. 77. Andreae went on to describe contra Manichaeorum delirium, quod peccatum how they condemned and rejected Luther's originis sit substantia. D. Wigandi. D. Heshusii. position while still praising his name, and the D. Morfini. D. Kemnicii. Gena, 1571). marginal comment labels that the "cunning of 51 Sechs Predig, p. 30. the new theologians at Wittenberg." SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS 271

Gnesio-Lutherans through his defense versies were largely - though certainly of the theologians of electoral Saxony. not completely - battles over words, They, he now recalled, had told him in caused by the arrogance, ambition, front of witnesses at Zerbst that they pride, and envy of the theologians.60 were totally satisfied with the Swabian In the Six Sermons he recognized, too, and Lower Saxon churches, particularly that some of the disputes among Lu with Andreae's friend, John Brenz. therans had been largely battles over Later they were found condemning words, for example, the Majoristic Andreae's activities in behalf of con controversy. But the phrases "good cord and rejecting the doctrine of works are necessary for salvation" and Brenz and Luther on the Lord's Supper "good works are harmful to salvation" and the person of Christ.56 Their re were to be rejected even though both jection of Brenz' Christology was only sides knew that only faith in Christ the latest of a number of roadblocks justifies and saves and that this faith which they had thrown in the path is not dead but living through love. For toward Lutheran concord. They were St. Paul commanded Timothy to hold also forbidding the sale of books onto the pattern of sound words (2 composed by servants of the churches Tim. 1: 13); that means that Christians of the Augsburg Confession, thus should not only teach edifying doc bewitching and poisoning the youth trine but also use salutary words and at their own schools.57 Only one thing ways of speaking which do not give could be done to counter them. The rise to quarreling. controversy. or authorities in electoral Saxony would error, Andreae insisted.61 Further not act until they understood what was more, with his discovery that the really going on. To hasten that realiza Wittenbergers had rejected the Chris tion Andreae urged that the churches to logy which he held, Andreae found and schools which taught pure doctrine another very serious doctrinal divi should declare their unity.58 He con sion within the Lutheran camp. He ceived of his effort toward concord could see shades not only of Nestorian also as an instrument which would ism but also of Arianism in the posi drive those in error out of electoral tion of the Wittenbergers.62 He had Saxony by enlightening their victims. never said that all the disputes among Whatever factors were actually in the Lutherans were merely battles volved, Elector August of Saxony did over words, but now he was beginning drive Andreae's antagonists out of to share the Gnesio-Lutherans' view their offices the next year-with a ven of just how serious the error involved geance.59 in some of these controversies was. Andreae's shift toward the Gnesio Andreae's Six Sermons mark a defi Lutherans can be seen not only in his nite shift in the way he viewed his adopting the method of personal con situation and in the way in which he demnation but also in the way he sought concord. No longer did he try viewed the nature of the Lutheran to hold inoffensive middle ground controversies as well. In 1570 he ex between the Flacianists and the Philip pressed his opinion that the contro- pists. He joined with the Gnesio Lutherans in 1573 in forthright con

56 Ibid., 1vs. A2'·-AY. demnation of the Wittenbergers, and

57 Ibid., if. BT. in so doing he adopted temporarily

58 Ibid. an important part of the Gnesio-Lu-

59 In 1574 Elector August dismissed a num 60 Christfiche Predigt, especially Ivs. Bi( ber of theologians and political councillors for Biiij', Dr, Giiij"- political intrigue and Calvinistic theological leanings; he imprisoned a number of them. See 61 Sechs P redig , pp.24-25. Heppe, Protestantismus, II, 416-455. 62 Ibid., pp. 94-95. 27 2 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS the ran method of seeking concord in composed for the average Christian the church. He also came to share their layman and his pastor, who had found understandIng of the nature and seri the controversies among the theolo ousness of the controversies within gians an offense to their faith. The the Lutheran churches. form In which Andreae presented each Andreae did not trim his beliefs issue reflec ts this concern. He re to woo the Gnesio-Lutheran party viewed briefly the history of the dis al though their positions may well have pute and set down the basic arguments influenced the way he formulated and of each side with the Scriptural sup dealt with certain questions.63 Andreae port they claimed. Then, through the found himself drawn toward the use of the catechism, he showed the G nesio-Lutherans when he discovered layman how to decide which party was a genuine conflict between his own teaching correctly. beliefs and those of the Wittenbergers, Andreae had always been concerned as their position finally became clear about the instruction of the simple to him. He reacted angrily against Christian layman. His fi rst publica what he regarded as their betrayal tion, in 1557, was his Short and Simple of Luther and their rejection of Brenz Report on the Lord's Supper, and How on the doctrine of the person of Christ. a Simple Christian Shalf Find His Way He reacted with a fury against their T hrough the Protracted Dispute over betrayal of him in their transforming It.64 The next year he composed a their seeming support into firm oppo Simple Report, How Every Christian sition to his plans for concord. He Should Give Answer out oj His Cate decided that that part of the Gnesio chism. Why He No Longer Attends Lutheran party which had separated Mass. 65 His Thirty-three Sermons had itself from Flacius agreed with the dealt with differences between other Swabian church on the important Christian groups and the Evangelicals issues under discussion among the on a popular leve1.6 6 theologians of the Augsburg Confes In the Thirty-three Sermons Andreae S10n . discussed the plight of the layman But the Six Sermons were not wntten facing the theological disputes of for Gnesio-Lutheran theologians, how his day. Most Christians could not read ever much they may have been di or write and were unable to dispute rected toward those listening from with Satan or man, Andreae observed. Jena and Weimar. T he Sermons were Others read the Scriptures but did not have the gift of the H oly Spirit, which is necessary for interpretation.

63 On that issue on which Lower Saxons and As a result the learned were leading Swabians had disagreed cwemy years earlier, the simple astray.67 The layman's Osiandrism, Andreae wem co great lengths to weapon against such deception was assure the readers of his first sermon that he his faith, which must always be supported the Saxon rejection of Osiander's position and did not share Brenz' early medi ating position on that issue. [On Brenz' view 64 Kurtzer vnd ein/ae/tiger Berichl von des of the Osiandrian controversy, see Theodor H erren Nachtma/, und wie sich ein ein/ae/tiger Pressel, Anecdota Brentiana. U ngedruckte Brie/e Christ in die langwirige zwyspa/t. so sich daruerber und Bedenken (Tuebingen: Heckenhauer, 1868), erhebt. schicken sol!. (Augsburg: Gegler, 1557). Nrs. 315, 323, Emanuel Hirsch, Die The% gie 6 5 Ein/e/tiger Bericht. wie ein jeder Christ des Andreas Osia nders und ihre geschicht/ichen antwurten so/I auss seinem Catechismo. warumb Voraussetzungen (Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & er nicht mehr zu der Mess gehe. (T uebingen: Ruprecht, 1919), pp. 254-265; Wilhelm Moeller, Morhart, 1558). Andreas Osiander. Leben und ausgewaeh/te Schri/ten (Elberfeld. Friderichs, 1870), pp.470- 66 See note 30 above. He expressed a similar 473, 506-508]. However, he had opposed concern in Gruendtlicher Bericht. lvs. Piij"-Piiij'. Osiander's understanding of righteousness in 67 D rey und driessig Predigen. pp. 44-45, see his "Confession" also. a similar passage in the Sechs Predig. pp.38-39. SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS 273 coupled with God's Word for the swers, "Here a simple layman should Word to be properly understood. take the simple creed of the children Christ should be the Christian's rock and seek in it his righteousness," which he hurls with the sling of his in the case of the first sermon, on faith against the deviJ's head. What Osiandrism.71 There he finds in the is that faith, Andreae asked. It is sentence "I believe in the forgive the twelve articles of the Creed; it ness of sins" the assurance that God is the simple catechism.68 will not let him suffer for his sins but This concern for the layman sur will forgive him by grace. The layman faced again in his drive for concord then looks at the whole of the second on the basis of the "Confession." H e article and fi nds no mention of the noted in his sermon on March 22, indwelling righteousness of God, 1570, in Dresden that the contro which O siander equated with the righ verSles within Lutheranism had led teousness of the sinner. Instead, from laymen astray and harmed them. The the second article the layman learns layman who reads at best only an that his righteousness consists in the occasional German tract cannot gain obedience, suffering, and death of an understanding from what he reads J esus Christ,72 nor from the slanders he hears from In his use of the Creed Andreae the pulpit, Andreae said.69 usually did not refer to anything but So in the Six Sermons Andreae the words of the Creed itself. Twice, turned to the catechism,70 particularly however, in his third sermon, he re w (he creed, as the instrument by ferred to Luther's eXplanatlOns ot the which the layman might determine articles of the Creed. In discussing who was right in the controversy whether original sin has become the under discussion. He did not appeal substance of man, Andreae para to the catechism as the deposit of the phrased and summarized Luther's wisdom of the church; his is in no way explanation of the fi rst article, to an argument from tradition. He ap demonstrate that God, who created all pealed lU stead to something that things, did not create original sin.73 might be called "Christian common Andreae quoted the explanation to the sense": simply the analogy of faith. third article directly, "I cannot by my In each sermon, after outlining the own reason or strength believe in Jesus arguments of each side, with a battery Christ, my Lord, or come to H im, .. ," of Scriptural proof passages used by in refuting the synergists.74 each, Andreae presented a little dialog He also used other elements of the between layman and author. The lay catechism. The First Commandment man asks, "I hear, to be sure, that both gives the layman direction when faced parties cite the Holy Scripture. Who with the dilemma of suffering or per will tell me which party speaks cor mitting adiaphora to be imposed upon rectly or incorrectly about this mat him in violation of Christian freedom ter? For I am a simple lay man and can and at the cost of a clear confession of neither read nor write. Whom should the truth.75 Andreae searched the en I believe and follow?" Andreae an- tire catechism to ascertain whether anything but the Law accuses the sin ner of his sin. Since only the Ten G8 Dre)' und dreissig Predigen, pp.49-53.

69 C bristiiche Predigt, If. Ciiij'

70 Andreae does not appear to have used the 71 Sechs Predig, pp. 15-16. catechism of his friend Brenz at all in the Six 72 Ibid., p. 16. Sermons He used basically the text of the 73 Ibid., p. 33. medieval catechism, with clear and obvious references to Luther's own development of it at 74 Ibid .. p. 37. poinrs. 75 Ibid" p. 51. 274 SIX CHRISTIAN SERMONS

Commandments point to man's sin, could be sought and reached. They and since Christians still sin, the combined their energy and effort with layman must reject the antinomianism Andreae's and that of many other of John Agricola.76 In arriving at concerned Lutherans, and a new the definition of the Gospel as solely drive toward concord began. The the proclamation of forgiveness of Six Sermons were the basis of Andreae's sins, Andreae consulted the Office of Swabian Concord of 1573 which the Keys, and there he found his formed the basic text of the Swabian definition of the Gospel.77 Saxon Concord of 1575. The Maul This appeal to the catechism is not bronn Formula and the Torgic Book an appeal to an authority above or form the last steps in the path which alongside Scripture. The catechism leads from Six Sermons to Solid is merely the tool with which the lay Declaration.19 man, unskilled in the techniques of The prominence of the catechetical exegesis, may find his way through the argument receded in the revisions and maze constructed by conflicting inter reworking of the next four years; the pretations of passages from the Bible personal condemnations also disap and by uses of one passage by one peared, though both catechism and side and another by the other to sup condemnation survived the confer port opposing viewpoints. Andreae's ences which worked on improving layman asks at one point if the Holy the document on which concord could Spirit speaks against himself, and be based. Andreae replies in such a way as to In and through his Six Sermons make it clear that he does not believe Andreae not only helped create the the Creed is a final arbitrator over text of the Formula of Concord but Scripture. It is just that not all who also the climate in which such a read and use Scripture have the gift Formula could be written and ac of proper interpretation which the cepted. He did that in part by empha Holy Spirit alone provides.18 The sizing his pastoral concern for pastors catechism enables even the simple and laymen who were being offended layman to determine which side is by controversy and who were being reading Scripture correctly and which deceived by false teachers. He did is misinterpreting it, according to that in part by taking his stance as Andreae. confessor of the central truths of The Six Sermons mark the turning Scripture as he had learned them from point in the effort of James Andreae reading Luther and from talking with and many other Lutherans to reestab Brenz. Both these factors - his pas lish concord among those who sub toral concern and his confessional scribed to the Augsburg Confession stance - put him in the mainstream of in the last third of the sixteenth cen sixteenth century Lutheranism. Both tury. The Six Sermons convinced key help account for the success of his Lutheran churchmen that Andreae second venture in the pursuit of was more than just a compromiser, concord. that he was indeed a confessor. West phal, Chemnitz, and Chytraeus read St. Louis, Mo. the Six Sermons and decided that on the basis of this document concord

79 See the summary of the history of the Formula of Concord in Die Bekenntnisschriften 76 Ibid., p. 59. der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, 6. ed. (Goet 77 Ibid., pp. 61-62. tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967), 78 Ibid., pp. 38-39. XXXV-XXXVIII.