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Home , National myth, Ricardo Almeida

Kathe Callahan Rutgers University – Newark Melvin J . Dubnick University of New Hampshire Dorothy Olshfski Rutgers University – Newark Enhancing War : Framing Our Understanding Security from of the War on Terror a Public Administration Perspective

Kathe Callahan is an assistant Unlike past American wars, the current war on terror circumstances surrounding the current war on terror professor of public administration at has not been associated with a centrally proff ered in light of the absence of a clearly articulated state- of- Rutgers University– Newark. She has published work on the topics of citizen providing some guidance and orientation for war narrative. Specifi cally, we will focus on the mean- participation, government performance, those administering government services under state-of- ing of four latent war narratives that have fi lled that and accountability. Her most recent book, war conditions. War is as much a cultural endeavor as void and explore the impact of these narratives among Elements of Effective Governance: Measurement, Accountability and it is a military undertaking, and the absence of a clear three groups of public administrators whose work and Participation , will be published this fall by sensemaking narrative was detected in this study of public lives are aff ected by the current state of war. Th e idea Auerbach Publications. administrators from three agencies with varying proxim- of “ going to war ” seemed obvious enough at fi rst E-mail: [email protected] . ity to the confl ict. Q-methodology was used to explore the blush: We have been attacked, and we plan to respond Melvin J. Dubnick is a professor of way individuals processed the war narratives put forth in kind. It was that simple — or was it? political science and director of the MPA by the Bush administration and reported in the media program at the University of New Hampshire. He is a recipient of the Mosher immediately following the September 11 attacks. Th ough Despite analogies that have been drawn to the attack Award for a coauthored article in PAR no distinct state-of-war narratives were found among the on Pearl Harbor in 1941, the decision to enter a state (1987 ) and the Burchfi eld Award for the public administrators in this study, there are clear indica- of war after September 11, 2001, was a unique event best book review published in PAR (2000 ). He has coauthored textbooks on public tions that latent narratives refl ecting local political and in American history. Although other American wars policy analysis, public administration, and organizational task environments have emerged. are associated with triggering events — the bombard- American government. ment of Fort Sumter, the sinking of the battleship E-mail: [email protected] . n past U.S. wars, a central narrative was a critical Maine, the attack on Pearl Harbor, the invasion of Dorothy Olshfski is an associate element in developing support and directing the Kuwait — none of those events occurred in a narrative professor in the Graduate Department of war eff ort. Th is has not been the case with the vacuum. In each case, the road to war had been well Public Administration at Rutgers University– I Newark. Her work has appeared in PAR present “ war on terror. ” Specifi - paved materially, politically, and and other leading journals. Her most cally, we found no evidence of a psychologically over an extended recent book, Agendas and Decisions: How central war narrative in a sample Despite analogies that have period of time. Th e shelling of State Government Executives and Middle been drawn to the attack on Managers Make and Administer Policy, of public administrators. Th e Fort Sumter by South Carolinian with Robert Cunningham, will be declared the war Pearl Harbor in 1941, the troops was the culmination of published by SUNY Press this year. on terror with no established or events that had unfolded over E-mail: [email protected] . decision to enter a state of emergent “ state-of-war narra- war after September 11, several months after the election tive. ” As the existence of a coher- 2001, was a unique event in of Lincoln and after many years ent war narrative has proved to of heated discussion and debate be a critical element in the con- American history. ( Agar 1966 ). Th e public clamor duct of past wars, it may be for war with Spain was already useful to evaluate the implications of this purported several years old when the battleship Maine exploded anomaly. Of special interest are the implications and sank in Havana Harbor in February 1898, but for public-service employees who, given their closeness even then, two months passed before Congress de- to the conduct of wartime activities, might be clared war ( Paterson 1996 ). Th e United States ’ entry expected to coordinate their eff orts by reference into World War I is often associated with the loss of to a common war story. American lives when the Lusitania was sank — but nearly two years and a great deal of preparation passed We begin our consideration of the absence of such a between that event and the declaration of war ( Smith story by highlighting war as a cultural phenomenon, 1956; Th ompson 1971 ). Although the attack on Pearl and then we turn our attention to the important Harbor was a military surprise, it took place amid role that narratives play in shaping the actions and debate over plans for mobilization and ongoing prepa- decisions of public administrators. We consider the rations for war that had been building for at least two

554 Public Administration Review • July | August 2006 years ( Fleming 2001; O ’ Neill 1993; Sagan 1988 ). beyond the immediate enlistment and engagement of And the extended buildup — psychologically as well as fi ghting forces. War is not merely an intermittent militarily — to the fi rst Gulf War was still fresh in our military endeavor involving the mobilization and memories as the process was repeated in 2003 strategic manipulation of troops and armaments. ( Gordon and Trainor 1995, 2006). Whether it is rooted in human nature or social calcu- lation, war soon becomes a key factor in the cultural Th e war on terror that was triggered by the events of lives and institutionalized relationships of all societies September 11 had no such gestation period. Th e state ( Malinowski 1941; Zur 1987 ). Th e exact form and fi t of war was declared by President George W. Bush and of war into the sociocultural milieu depends, of others without hesitation, but it was also done with- course, on the historical and social circumstances of out any troops or plans in place to confront this par- the society ( Clausewitz 1984 , 707 – 18), and scholars ticular enemy. Just as important, it occurred in a disagree about whether the cultural role of war is context of public indiff erence to or ignorance of the functional or pathological. threat posed by terrorists. Th ere had been discussions within the about possible Deleuze and Guattari (1986) , for example, observe “ blowbacks ” ( Johnson 2000 ) and a coming “ clash of that nomadic societies are organized as war machines, civilizations ” ( Huntington 1996 ). Th ere had also been not for the purpose of satisfying some genetic urge for warnings issued in a series of reports by a relatively violence or conquest but as a necessary complement obscure advisory commission chartered in 1998 by to a life of traversing potential hostile territories and Secretary of Defense William Cohen.1 But otherwise, artifi cial borders. Students of ancient Greece have little attention was given before September 11 to noted that a state of war was a pervasive condition establishing a scenario for anything resembling a war refl ecting the vulnerability of city-states to attack from on terror. Such matters as terrorist threats remained other city-states or empires, leading Max Weber to stories of law enforcement, criminal investigations, and observe that the ancient polis can best be understood the prosecution of bombers and their co-conspirators. as a “ guild of warriors ” (1978, 1359).3 John Kenneth Th e bombings of the World Trade Center in 1993 and Galbraith (1971) presents a persuasive argument that the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma the modern industrial state thrived for decades in City in 1995, as well as the mischief of the Una- both the United States and the Soviet Union with the bomber, were perceived as the criminal acts of fringe assistance of a Cold War culture that amounted to a fanatics who would be brought to justice through the state-of-war condition just short of actual hostility. normal channels of law and order. Until the morning of September 11, 2001, however, there was no sub- Some scholars have stressed the pathological impact of stantial story line in the popular press or from the the war culture on societies. John Keegan (1993) , for government about a war on terror. example, regards war-preoccupied cultures as destruc- tive at worst and antiprogressive at best.4 Lewis Mum- War as a Cultural Institution ford regards war as “ negative creativity ” that ultimately Despite centuries of debate and study, the nature and off sets any real or potential gains from major techno- origin of war remain points of contention dividing logical advances (1970, 221). And as a counter to intellectual communities. Th is is true regardless of Galbraith ’ s thesis, Seymour Melman (1974) presents a whether the subject is approached from an abstract case against the benefi ts of a war culture for economic philosophical position or from the practical viewpoint well-being.5 of military tacticians. Even the most fundamental and defi ning issues surrounding war — whether war is a Whether it is perceived as functional or pathological, product of nature or nurture — remain in dispute. Th e the relationship between war and culture is an ac- Hobbesian view of war as a presocial condition has knowledged fact of social life, and it is within that not only retained credibility among students of poli- frame of reference that we will address the role of tics but also garnered scholarly support from the work state-of-war narratives. of ethnologists and sociobiologists, who stress the continuing impact of innate drives on individual and War Narratives and the Shaping human behavior. In contrast, the Rous- of American Culture seauian position that war is a social artifact imposed Surprisingly little scholarship has focused on the role on humankind through civil and political institutions of narratives during times of war, and most of what relies on a growing body of historical and anthropo- we know of this topic is anecdotal (in the broad his- logical research that traces the development of “ war torical sense) or atheoretical. A number of scholars machines ” to collective actions fi rst initiated in have examined how diff erent national cultures — Neolithic cultures approximately 13,000 years ago.2 winners as well as losers — have handled the memory of past wars. Lundberg (1984) provides an analysis of Th ese positions converge in somewhat superfi cial the that emerged from the American Civil agreement on the point that war has signifi cance War, as well as the U.S. involvement in World Wars

War Narratives 555 I and II; Moeller (1996) examines the search for a ( Robin 2001 ), as well as the way these images have “ usable ” past in post-Nazi politics and more recent pervaded American culture and narratives of the Cold German literature; and Igarashi (2000) focuses on the War ( Whitfi eld 1996 ). literature of postwar . Th is expansive and expanding literature on the impor- Th e American cultural experience with war narratives tance of war narratives in American culture would has received increasing attention in recent years. be of little import outside academe if not for its rele- Historians note that, from the outset of colonial life in vance to the operations of government in the post – New England, the spiritual leaders of the Puritan September 11 world. Th e uniqueness of the declared regime used biblical narratives to counsel the colonists war on terror, both in terms of its timing and its terms on the need to organize themselves in order to defend of engagement, calls for a greater understanding of against the “ heathen ” that populated the conti- how state-of-war narratives aff ect the public adminis- nent. Notably, until the 1670s, attacks by Native tration . Th is, in turn, requires a better Americans were attributed as much to God ’ s testing of understanding of the role that narratives in general the spiritual community ’ s resolve as to the perceived play in administrative life. barbarity (and satanic nature) of the attackers ( Ferling 1981; Slotkin 2000 , esp. chap. 2). Th e narrative The Centrality of Narratives in Social changed during the mid-1670s, however, as colonists and Administrative Life took the off ensive and engaged in attacks that brought Narratives have taken on considerable importance in into question the Christian nature of the colonial the social sciences in recent years. Relatively well forces. Behaving more like the so-called savages whom established in literary studies for several decades ( Bal they had been sent to fi ght, the colonists engaged in a 1997; Chatman 1978 , 1990; Cobley 2001a , 2001b), bloody campaign that showed no mercy. Th ey were the study of socially relevant narratives has emerged in engaged in a “ holy war ” that required more than several forms.6 Among sociologists, anthropologists, military victory — it also demanded that the defeated and social psychologists, the use of discourse analysis communities be terrorized so that the lesson of war ( Gee 1999; Schiff rin, Tannen, and Hamilton 2001 ) would not be lost on either the survivors or future has drawn greater attention to narratives used in dis- enemies ( Ferling 1981, 30 – 33 ). Jill Lepore ’ s study of tinct contexts, from daily conversations (Ochs and what has come to be known as King Philip ’ s War Capps 2001) and interactions in the workplace ( Beech (1675 – 76) focuses on the role that narratives about 2000; Boje 1991; Wajcman and Martin 2002 ) to the confl ict played in establishing hostile boundaries physician-patient interactions ( Waitzkin, Britt, and of cultural diff erences that would shape colonist – Williams 1994; Loewe et al. 1998 ) and celebrity inter- Native American relations for decades ( Lepore 1998 ). views ( Abell and Stokoe 1999 ). Th e new fi eld of nar- rative psychology7 has generated a number of studies As the threats of colonial life shifted from Native dealing with the long-standing issues of self-identity Americans to other colonies, so did the war narratives. ( Ezzy 2000; Freeman 1999; Hermans 2001; Lindgren During the period of intercolonial strife from the and Wåhlin 2001; Mason-Schrock 1996; Nelson 1690s to the mid-18th century, more secular narra- 2001; Ochs and Capps 1996; Wahler and Castlebury tives arose. Th ese stressed both regional interests and 2002 ) and human development ( Engel 1995; Grob, the need to defend the English colonies against the Krings, and Bangerter 2001; Gullette 2003; Jordan Spanish, French, and related enemies (i.e., Indian and Cowan 1995; Masahiko 2001; Nelson, Plesa, and tribes that allied themselves with the “ enemy ” ) Henseler 1998; Sperry and Sperry 1996; Sugiyama ( Ferling 1981 , 34ff ; Slotkin 2000, 224 – 41 ). Th is was 2001 ). Meanwhile, legal scholars are paying greater followed by still another shift that refl ected the colo- attention to the role that narratives and storytelling nists ’ growing problems with Britain, which would play in the dynamics of litigation and legal reasoning eventually provide the narrative foundation for the ( Amsterdam and Bruner 2000; Noonan 2002 ). American Revolution ( Draper 1996 ; Miller 1943, chap. 8; Phillips 1999 , chap. 5; Sieminski 1990 ). Political scientists have addressed narratives through the study of political culture and rhetoric (in the form In short, war narratives have played a central role in of symbols, , and ) and public policy American history from the outset of colonization. making. During the early 1970s, Murray Edelman Today, there is a growing literature that documents drew attention to several “ classic themes or myths ” the American eff orts to establish narratives to defi ne found in American political rhetoric. Years later, he the ’ s enemies and the threats they have posed. discussed narratives as playing a key part in the Some of these studies focus on the ’ s role “ political spectacle ” designed to generate desired reac- in preparing the public for war ( Doherty 1999 ). Oth- tions from the American public ( Edelman 1971, ers concentrate on social scientists and other experts 1988 ). H. Mark Roelofs (1976) posits a distinction who create stereotypical images of enemy societies and between national ideology and national , noting the threats they pose to the American way of life that although ideology provides the country with a

556 Public Administration Review • July | August 2006 model of how things are done operationally, myth their environments and how they see themselves oper- provides the cohesion and legitimacy for those govern- ating in those environments. ment operations. For Roelofs, myth is the stuff of great orations, such as the Gettysburg Address, which Th e war on terror provides an opportunity to extend contained fundamental aspects of American political Weick ’ s analysis of sensemaking in organizations to a thought. Today, these myths would be regarded as more general context. Th e challenges of making sense narratives that play a key role in the political acquies- of administrative life in the post – September 11 world cence of the American public. James Oliver Robertson go beyond understanding the limited and constrained (1980) takes a similar approach, noting that mythical capacity for rational decision making in modern orga- narratives are a part of the political and should nizations. Additionally, it is not limited to making be treated as such. Richard Merelman (1989) , in a sense of the bureaupathologies or the distortions and critique of traditional approaches to political culture abuses of bureaucratic power. Rather, the challenge is that stress the “surface elements” of attitudes and to comprehend how public administrators contend with values, calls for more attention to the fundamental the uncertainties generated by a radically altered and narratives of “mythologized individualism ” that under- threatening environment. How did public administra- lie the political culture. More recently, Christopher G. tors contend with the sudden transformation of Flood (1996) has posited the concept of “mythopoeic their lives from a relatively mundane post – Cold War narrative” to stress the role that stories and storytelling indiff erence to a historically distinctive state-of-war play in all political cultures in supporting ideological condition in which the situation remains narratively positions. Th e common thread of these and related ambiguous? political science perspectives is the view of narrative as a tool —and a refl ection — of political power. Making Sense of the State of War Th e perspective applied here relies on narratives as more Students of public policy have found the concept of than merely a literary form, a rhetorical instrument of ideological narratives increasingly useful. Some have power, or a methodological tool that treats actions as stressed the important historical role that narratives, texts. Narratives are fundamental to analyzing human in the form of or schools of thought, have consciousness and understanding — and thus to played in shaping foreign policy.8 Th e role of narra- comprehending human thought and action. Human tives in other policy arenas is implied by those who thought and action do not occur in a mental vacuum; focus on policy argumentation and policy design rather, they are shaped by (and, in turn, shape) the ( Fischer 1995 , part 5; Schneider and Ingram 1997 ).9 ongoing processes of narration (i.e., sensemaking) that Emery Roe ’ s (1994) eff orts to apply literary narrative seem implied by the situation ( Turner 1996 ). techniques to a range of policy debates in 1994 was the fi rst major eff ort to focus attention on policy- We can pursue this perspective in three distinct ways. relevant narratives, and in recent years, studies have First, narratives can be approached as causal and con- been published on the role of narratives in such topics trolling factors in social life. Such a position is as postwar urban policies in the United Kingdom strongly implied in the political and administrative ( Atkinson 2000 ), telecommunications in New culture in which narratives take on determi- Zealand ( Bridgman and Barry 2002 ), environmental native roles by shaping the , values, and prem- regulation in Canada and the United States ( Bridge ises that form attitudes, decisions, and behaviors. In and McManus 2000 ), anticorruption in China ( Hsu this view, narratives are assumed to be an autonomous 2001 ), criminal justice in Britain ( Peelo and Soothill cultural artifact, distinct from any individual and 2000 ), and race and ethnicity in the United States generated by a community within a range of possible (Yanow 2003). options. Th is is refl ected in the cultural theory ap- proach used by Mary Douglas and others ( Douglas Work specifi cally linking narratives with administra- 1999; Th ompson, Ellis, and Wildavsky 1990 ) and tive decision making has emerged from the study of applied to public administration by Wildavsky (1987, “ sensemaking ” by Karl Weick and his students.10 1988) and, more recently and elaborately, by Hood Building on his earlier groundbreaking work on the (1998) . social psychology of organizing, Weick (1995) makes narratives an important part of his examination of A second approach treats narratives as dependent how people make sense of their environments. He variables — as the product of bureaucratic behavior argues that sensemaking precedes interpretation by and administrative machinations. In this literature, isolating and focusing on some events among the fl ow narratives are not merely the vehicle through which of experience. By focusing on some specifi c events, bureaucratic control is exercised but the context cre- outcomes are explained by assigning them to a plau- ated by and manifest in those narrative structures and sible story to recount what is going on. Sensemaking the norms and assumptions they represent. Th is is the needs a good story. Th us, stories, or narratives, are an “ lifeworld ” of phenomenologists (see Schutz 1945, important element of how individuals make sense of 1967 ) that has found expression in analyses of the

War Narratives 557 bureaucratization of administrative, political, and among four common state-of-war narratives (Dubnick social life (e.g., Hummel 1994). 2002 ; see fi gure 1 ) is based on the transposition of two salient features of such narratives: what they imply Th e third and least developed approach is to regard about the operational demands and the cultural com- narratives as the key intervening variable in social life mitments expected of American citizens. Operation- in general and administrative life in particular. From ally, a state of war may call for the full mobilization of this view, narratives are neither a source of external our economic and social resources at one extreme or, control nor a functionalist driver of the human life- at the other, a level of mobilization that generates world. Rather, they are the internalized media — the minimal or isolated demands on the nation. In terms sensemaking mechanisms — through which human of cultural commitment, a state of war may be per- thought and action take shape. In the general litera- ceived as requiring a full integration of the war eff ort ’ s ture, this approach has found it most explicit expres- values, norms, and priorities in the national culture or, sion in the work of Dennett (1991, 1996) . In the again at the other extreme, a minimal deference to the study of administrative life, it is the view central to cultural demands of war. When combined, the two the work of Weick (1995) and his colleagues. dimensions provide a framework outlining four op- tions for the state-of-war narratives. Applying the third approach, for individual public administrators, the central question and challenge of Th e substantive form of these narratives on the war on the war on terror is to make sense of the radically terror was identifi ed through an analysis of speeches altered environment and their respective places (and and news reports that emanated from politicians and roles) in it. In lieu of an established meta-narrative — administration offi cials after the September 11 trag- or at least eff orts to develop and nurture a state-of-war edy. We want to emphasize that the narratives we narrative that identifi es an enemy, end state, and some identifi ed are about the war on terror and the initial expectations regarding roles and obligations — what response to the terrorist attacks on the United States, emerges in the consciousness of not the ensuing war in Iraq, administrators are “ multiple … for individual public admin- which was preceded by a war drafts. ” In Dennett ’ s terms, these narrative buildup from Septem- drafts represent the continuous istrators, the central question ber 2002 until the invasion the revision of narratives through a and challenge of the war on following spring. Four narratives complex multitrack process that terror is to make sense of the were identifi ed: (1) the garrison occurs in “ hundreds of millisec- radically altered environment state narrative; (2) the temporary onds ” and generates “ something and their respective places state narrative; (3) the glass fi re- rather like a narrative stream or (and roles) in it. wall narrative; and (4) the enemy sequence ” that is subject to within narrative. “ continual editing ” : Briefl y, under a garrison state, society is completely and Contents arise, get revised, contribute to the permanently transformed to deal with present and interpretation of other contents or to the modu- future threats to national security. Society organizes lation of behavior (verbal and otherwise), and itself around the constant threat of war — it becomes a in the process leave their traces in memory, war machine. Th is narrative can be viewed in its most which then eventually decay or get incorporated extreme forms in George Orwell ’ s novel 1984 and in into or overwritten by later contents, wholly or real life in contemporary North Korea. Th e concept is in part. ( Dennett 1991 , 135; italics in original) attributed to Harold Laswell, who in 1941 wrote of a future in which “ specialists on violence are the most In Weick ’ s terms, public administrators are engaged powerful group in society ” (455). Someone who “ hears ” in an ongoing process of making sense of the war on the garrison state narrative would agree with statements terror through state-of-war narratives drawn from past that refl ect permanent changes in our society. experiences, both real and perceived. Th e challenge we face is to understand how— and to what eff ect— those state-of-war narratives manifest themselves. Cultural Commitments High Low

Contending State-of-War Narratives Garrison state Temporary state High Of course, it would be absurd to contend that the war narrative narrative on terror occurs in a complete narrative vacuum. Enemy within Glass firewall State-of-war narratives are a part of American culture, Low narrative narrative and public administrators are no less subject to the historical and popular images and myths of war that Operational Demands permeate American culture than other citizens. For Figure 1 State-of-War Narratives empirical study, our framework for distinguishing Source: Dubnick (2002).

558 Public Administration Review • July | August 2006 Th e temporary state refl ects the that measures example, do I disagree with this statement more than taken during war are necessary but short term. Th e I disagree with that statement? Th e ranking of each temporary state narrative refl ects the ancient Roman statement infl uences the ranking of other statements doctrine inter arma silent leges, idiomatically, “ in time and ultimately provides the researcher with a compre- of war, the laws are silent. ” Public silence and viola- hensive view of the respondent ’ s subjective view on a tions of civil liberties are accepted because the condi- particular topic. tion is temporary. Th e belief is that the sooner we eliminate the enemy, the sooner life will return to Q- was developed by psychologist normal. Someone who hears the temporary state William Stephenson, and it has been used widely in a narrative would agree that the violation of individual variety disciplines. Gade et al. (1998) use this method civil liberties is permissible, as long as it is short term to explore journalists ’ attitudes toward civic journal- ( Rehnquist 1998 ). ism, Bussell (1998) examines parental choice of pri- mary schools, and Dell and Korotana (2000) analyze Th e glass fi rewall narrative refl ects two parallel admin- reactions to domestic violence. In the fi eld of public istrative worlds — one civilian and one military — that administration, this methodology has been used by operate simultaneously and in full view of each other. Brown and Ungs (1970) to study reactions to the Th ese parallel worlds are separated by a legal and Kent State shootings; by Yarwood and Nimmo (1976) organizational fi rewall that protects each from inter- to study defi nitions and attitudes about bureaucracy; ference by the other ( Stever 1999 ). During wartime, by Cunningham and Olshfski (1986) to describe the the military expects to call the shots without political attitudes of legislators and administrators toward interference. Someone who hears this narrative would policy-making and implementation; by Selden, agree with a statement regarding the expertise of the Brewer, and Brudney (1999) to explore how public military and its ability to protect us. As civilians, we managers view their roles and responsibilities; and by should go on with our lives, comfortable in the Brewer, Selden, and Facer (2000) to examine public- knowledge that the military will protect us. service motivation.

Th e fi nal narrative requires a high level of personal Q-methodology is particularly useful for examining and cultural commitment. It is labeled the “ enemy individual views of war narratives because it is able to within ” to stress its similarity to the anticommunist clarify subjective constructs, fi rst using the quantita- perspective that dominated the late 1940s through the tive aspect of the method, which groups like-thinking mid-1950s. Th is narrative emphasizes that the threat individuals together, and then the qualitative part of to our security emanates from within our borders, and the method, which allows the researcher to observe that as good Americans, we should ferret out danger- the issues and concerns of those completing the exer- ous individuals. Th e enemy in this war might very cise and to ask questions about those concerns. well be our own neighbor, and therefore we have to keep a watchful eye on one another and report any Th e respondents in the present study were asked to suspicious activity ( Schulhofer 2002 ). arrange the statements, derived from the narratives, into a normal distribution. Th ey were informed that Methodology the statements they were looking at had been selected Here we use Q-methodology to explore the way indi- from the war narratives put forth by the Bush admin- viduals process the war narratives expressed by offi cials istration and reported in the media immediately fol- in the Bush administration and captured by the me- lowing the attacks of September 11. Each narrative dia. Running counter to the usual expectations of produced six statements (see table 1 ), and these state- large-scale survey research, the technique requires only ments were placed on cards. Th e respondents were small numbers. It groups like-thinking individuals asked to arrange the cards, fi rst into agree, disagree, together, allowing researchers to determine how and neutral categories. Th en they were asked to refi ne groups diff er in their thinking and to examine the their categories until they had four cards in both the diff erences in characteristics and attributes among the strongly agree and strongly disagree categories, fi ve cards groups ( Brown, 1980 , 1996; McKeown and Th omas in each of the somewhat agree and somewhat disagree 1988 ). Q-methodology requires that individuals sort categories, and six cards in the neutral column. Th is statements about a specifi c topic — in this case, the forced distribution requires that the participants com- war on terror — and indicate how strongly they agree pare the statements to each other and choose among or disagree with each statement; ultimately, it requires them. Th e researchers were permitted to interact with them to distribute the statements in a bell curve that the participants and note the comments made by the refl ects their attitudes regarding the war on terrorism respondents as they struggled with the choices they ( Brown 1980, 1996 ). were asked to make. Because Q-sort methodology focuses on an in-depth analysis of a number of Q-methodology requires participants to evaluate each individuals, a relatively small sample, or P-, is statement in relation to the other statements. For required to establish groups. Emphasis is placed on

War Narratives 559 Table 1 Narrative Statements

Garrison State ● In a state of war, every decision we make— as citizens, as business people, as consumers— needs to start with the question: how will my actions or inaction impact on the war effort? ● After 9/11 things will never be the same. War is going to be a permanent part of the American condition. ● This war isn’ t going to be won in a month or a year or even a decade. It will take a generation or two of being vigilant. ● I am prepared to make permanent changes in my way of living to support the war on terror. ● Since September 11th our country has entered into a permanent state of war and as a result we must be willing to make personal sacrifi ces to support the effort. ● Declaring a war is one thing, being at war is another. We need total commitment if this war is going to be won. Temporary State ● The war on terror will make many demands on us, but eventually things will return to the way they were. ● The violation of individual civil liberties is permissible as long as it’ s short term. ● The goals of the wars on terror are simple: fi nd the enemy, deal with them, and then get back to our normal lives. ● I am willing to subject myself to extensive security delays at the airport as long as it’ s temporary. ● I don ’t complain because I know that all wars require temporary sacrifi ces and inconveniences. ● The sooner we fi nd and eliminate Osama and his gang, the quicker we can get on with our lives. Enemy Within ● The greatest dangers we face in the war on terror is not the visible enemy outside our borders, but the enemy within. ● We need to be vigilant because threats can emanate from within our own neighborhoods. ● Since the enemy in this war is able to hide within our communities, the government needs more power to use wiretaps and surveillance of possible “ cell ” members. ● Ethnic and racial profi ling in the cause of liberty is a necessary evil. ● The job of every citizen is to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity. ● It is our responsibility as Americans to keep a watchful eye on one another. Glass Firewall ● Our military is prepared to do what needs to be done. We can fi ght terrorism without too much disruption in our daily lives. ● Let the military provide security and protection; I don’ t want to have to think about it. ● In this war, the enemy wins if we allow him to disrupt our lives. ● The military will protect us; we should just let them do their job. ● Our role in the war on terror is to give the military and homeland security folks all the resources and support they need to do their jobs. ● When it comes to war, let’ s leave it to the experts.

the meaningful generalization obtained from a small high (orange) level, and as a result, there was a height- sample rather than the size of the sample.11 ened sense of anxiety that day. Th e average American was trying to fi gure out the appropriate response to an Person Sample (P-Set) undefi ned terrorist threat, and these managers were Our person sample included 30 mid- to upper-level concerned with evacuation plans and strategies to managers from the Port Authority of and protect the airports, bridges, and tunnels. ; the Newark District Offi ce of the Immi- gration and Naturalization Service (INS) in Newark, Th e Newark District Offi ce of the INS serves the entire New Jersey; and the township of Montclair, New state of New Jersey; it is responsible for citizenship Jersey. Ten public administrators from each agency or and immigration services, immigration and customs jurisdiction participated in this research. enforcement, and border protection. Th e responsibili- ties of the offi ce are diverse and include services such Th e Port Authority of New York and New Jersey is as the processing of visa requests, the detention and responsible for the tunnels, bridges, terminals, airports, deportation of illegal aliens, inspections at Newark and ports in the New York and New Jersey region, as Liberty Airport, and investigations, including the well as the Port Authority Trans-Hudson rail line. Th e identifi cation and prosecution of individuals involved World Trade Center was constructed and operated by in criminal activity and alien smuggling. Th e research the Port Authority. Th e managers from the Port participants held a variety of upper-level positions at Authority who participated in this research were the INS representing both enforcement and service. responsible for departmental security, public safety, and On the morning of September 11, managers from this customer relations for the tunnels and bridges. Five district offi ce were challenged to transfer high-risk participants were at work in the World Trade Center federal inmates from a devastated and immobilized on the morning of September 11, when 75 of their lower Manhattan location to a prison in New Jersey. colleagues lost their lives. On the day we conducted our research (February 13, 2003), Tom Ridge, then Montclair, New Jersey, is a municipality of 38,000 secretary of homeland security, had just raised the risk economically and racially diverse residents, located of terrorist attack from an elevated (yellow) level to a 12 miles west of Manhattan. Montclair, considered by

560 Public Administration Review • July | August 2006 many to be a liberal and progressive community, has (from slight to extreme), and nine liberal (from slight strong ties with . Many residents of this to extreme). Ten participants felt that the Democratic community work on Wall Street and in Lower Man- Party is better able to keep us out of war, seven thought hattan and were on their way to work or in their of- party did not matter, four were not sure, and two fi ces when the fi rst plane hit. Nine members of the thought the Republican Party was better able to keep community perished in the attack, as did countless us out of war. Most of the respondents (15) agreed that friends, relatives, and colleagues. Th e people who their jobs had been dramatically aff ected by the events participated in this research worked for the township of September 11, and 13 agreed that their jobs were in various mid- and upper-level positions. extremely close to the frontline of terror (see table 2 ).

We selected these groups because each was aff ected Findings by the attack on the World Trade Center and because We hypothesized that public sector employment and its they have diff erent job responsibilities with respect to closeness to the war on terror would strongly infl uence the war on terror; consequently, we thought they an individual ’ s own war narrative. However, we did not might be attuned to diff erent war narratives. fi nd clear and distinct state-of-war narratives among the three groups of administrators. We found the partici- We hypothesized that where one sits determines where pants clustered into two factors, or groups. Th e narra- one stands — that is, the salient narrative among tives of one group centered on a concern for the groups of actors would depend on where they were protection of civil liberties. Th e other group identifi ed situated relative to the confl ict ’ s initial and potential with a narrative that reinforced the need to be vigilant fl ash points. We believed the Port Authority adminis- and to do what is necessary to prevent future acts of trators, because they are charged with monitoring terrorism and reduce the threat of war (see table 3 ). access to and egress from Manhattan, would be more attuned to the garrison state narrative. Furthermore, Th e fi rst group was dominated by seven public admin- we expected the INS administrators, because the istrators from Montclair, but it also included two INS agency ’ s mission is to guard against illegal entry into managers and two Port Authority managers. Th is the country, to be more in tune with the enemy group strongly disagreed with the necessity for any within narrative. Finally, we thought the Montclair policy of racial or ethnic profi ling and worried about offi cials, because their jobs are further removed from violations of civil liberties as a result of the war on active antiterrorist activities, would be more likely to terror. Th ey also felt that just getting rid of Osama bin adhere to the glass fi rewall narrative. We hypothesized Laden would not allow their lives to return to normal. that the temporary state narrative would be distrib- Th is group agreed that we should not let the enemy uted among the groups. Succinctly, we expected that disrupt our lives and that extensive security measures the personal narratives of the administrative profes- should be temporary. Th ey seemed to assume a reac- sionals would be shaped not merely by their indi- tive posture with regard to the war on terror: Do not vidual characteristics but also by task-environment violate individual rights. factors such as the nature of their agency, perceived vulnerability to terror attacks, and exposure to the Th e second factor (or group) consisted largely of consequences of the confl ict. Port Authority managers. Four Port Authority admin- istrators populated this group, but it also included one Demographics of the P-Set each from the INS and Montclair Township. Th is Of the 30 participants in our research, 21 were men group felt the war on terror to be a disrupting force and 9 were women. On average, they had worked in the and that it would be diffi cult to get back to normal public sector for 20 years and had been in their current life. Th is group was concerned with being vigilant, positions for 11½ years. Twenty-six possessed college reporting suspicious activity, and making changes degrees, 19 baccalaureates, and 7 graduate degrees. in their way of life to fi ght the war on terror. Th ey Eighteen of the participants were over the age of 50. seemed to focus on a proactive response to the We asked participants to identify their primary source war: Be vigilant. of news, their political affi liation, whether they or their family members served in the armed forces, and Q-sort methodology showed us where the two groups whether they thought their jobs had changed dramati- agreed and where they disagreed. Both groups agreed cally since September 11, 2001. Th e majority of respon- that the war on terror is not going to be won in a year dents (11) relied on CNN as their major news source, or even a decade — it is going to take a generation of followed by national newspapers (4), the Internet (4), being vigilant. Additionally, both groups disagreed and radio (3). Th eir political affi liations ran the gamut with the statement, “ We should let the military from apolitical to strongly partisan. Twelve identifi ed protect us, I don ’ t want to think about it. ” themselves as Republicans, nine as Democrats, and six as independents. As far as political , nine Other characteristics of those who populated the fi rst considered themselves moderate, six conservative group — those concerned with civil liberties — were

War Narratives 561 Table 2 P-Set Demographics

Factor A Factor B Total (concern for civil liberties) (concern for vigilance)

Size of group 30 11 6 Average years in current position 11.5 8 13 Average years in public sector 20 20 16 Level of education Undergraduate degree 19 (63%) 6 4 Graduate degree 7 (23%) 3 1 Gender 21 men, 9 women 7 men, 4 women 4 men, 2 women Age 17 (56%) over the age of 50 9 (53%) over the age of 50 1 (6%) over the age of 50 Primary news source CNN 11 (38%) CNN 4 (25%) CNN 2 (12%) Political identifi cation Apolitical 2 1 0 Independent 6 6 0 Weak Democrat 3 2 0 Independent Democrat 4 1 1 Strong Democrat 2 0 0 Independent Republican 7 1 2 Weak Republican 0 0 0 Strong Republican 5 0 3 No opinion 1 0 0 Political philosophy Extremely liberal 2 1 0 Liberal 5 2 1 Slightly liberal 2 2 0 Moderate 9 6 1 Slight conservative 3 0 1 Conservative 2 0 1 Extremely conservative 1 0 1 Political party best able to keep us out of war Republicans 2 0 2 Democrats 10 5 2 Same/don ’t know 11 6 1 Political party best able to handle international problems Republicans 10 2 5 Democrats 3 1 0 Same/don ’t know 11 8 0 Job changed dramatically since 9/11? Agree 15 5 4 Somewhat agree 5 3 1 Neutral 1 1 0 Somewhat disagree 1 1 0 Disagree 2 1 0 Job extremely close to frontline? Agree 13 5 4 Somewhat agree 5 1 1 Neutral 2 2 0 Somewhat disagree 0 0 0 Disagree 4 3 0

identifi ed. Only one of the 11 managers in this Conversely, with one exception, those who made group identifi ed with the Republican Party and up the second group —those concerned with identifi ed himself as an independent Republican. vigilance — identifi ed with the Republican Party. One Th e remaining 10 members considered themselves member identifi ed as a liberal, and the rest ranged Democrats (3), independents (6) or apolitical (1). from moderately to extremely conservative (one Philosophically, they all categorized themselves within absent response). Everyone agreed that their jobs had the range of middle of the road to extremely liberal. changed since September 11 and that they were Eight of the members felt that their jobs had changed working close to the frontline of the war on terror. to some extent because of the war on terror, and six felt that they were working close to the frontline of Th e INS managers did not cluster in any signifi cant the war on terror. way. Th is may be because the INS assumes multiple

562 Public Administration Review • July | August 2006 Table 3 Q-Sort Results

Q-Sort Factors Factor A: Concern for Civil Liberties Eigen value = 6.26 explains 21% of the variance Dominated by Montclair (7) but also included two managers each from the INS and Port Authority. Disagreed with the following statements:

● Let the military provide security and protection, I don’ t want to think about it. ● Ethnic and racial profi ling in the cause of liberty is a necessary evil. ● The violation of individual civil liberties is permissible as long as it’ s short term. ● The sooner we fi nd and eliminate Osama, the quicker we get on with our lives. Agreed with the following statements:

● In this war, the enemy wins if we allow him to disrupt our lives. ● I am willing to subject myself to extensive security at airport, as long as it’ s temporary. ● After 9/11 things will never be the same. War is going to be a permanent part of the American condition. ● This war isn’ t going to be won in a month or a year or even a decade. It will take a generation or two of being vigilant. Factor B: Concern for Vigilance Eigen value = 4.96 explains 17% of the variance Dominated by Port Authority managers but included one each from the INS and Montclair Township. Disagreed with the following statements:

● Let the military provide security and protection, I don’ t want to think about it. ● The goals of the war on terror are simple: fi nd the enemy, deal with them and then get back to our normal lives. ● After 9/11 things will never be the same. War is going to be a permanent part of the American condition. ● Our military is prepared to do what needs to be done. We can fi ght terrorism without too much disruption in our daily lives. Agreed with the following statements:

● The job of every citizen is to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity. ● We need to be vigilant because threats can emanate from within our own neighborhood. ● I am prepared to make permanent changes in my way of living to support the war on terror. ● This war isn’ t going to be won in a month or a year or even a decade. It will take a generation or two of being vigilant.

Note: Bold indicates agreement between the two groups; italics indicates disagreement between the two groups.

missions of service and enforcement. Th e INS manag- through their frame of reference, or the latent narra- ers who clustered with the other two groups probably tives they have internalized. did so because of their demographic characteristics, not the nature of their jobs. Discussion and Conclusion What has been absent in the case of the declared Administration of the test proceeded diff erently with war on terror is an established or emergent narrative, the three groups. Th e Montclair administrators com- generated from the political center with the intent plained repeatedly that they could not agree with any of signaling a coherent response during a time of of the statements, and they found it diffi cult to place war. Although we identifi ed four narratives emerging any of the cards in the agree category. Th e Port from top political fi gures in the Bush administration, Authority administrators complained repeatedly that none of these narratives captured the hearts and they could not disagree with any of the statements and minds of the public offi cials in this study. Rather, they found it diffi cult to place any of the cards in the those who participated in our study crafted narratives disagree category. Th e INS managers also found the based on their own values and experiences. Th ey categorization diffi cult, but as a group, their com- chose statements about war that seemed to refl ect plaints were not uniform. their own interpretation of the role of government in society and the appropriate governmental reac- We discovered that the public administrators who tion to a specifi c external threat. Th us, their narra- participated in our study all heard a narrative, but tives had a particularly conservative or liberal bent. what they heard seemed to be determined by their Th e conservative narrative targeted vigilance and political outlook and ideological leaning. In the maintaining security, whereas the liberal narrative absence of a coherent meta-narrative delivered by an focused on civil liberties and the temporary nature authoritative public fi gure, the individuals in this of the disruption. study relied on narratives that complemented their existing ideological perspectives, and these, in turn, We argue that human thought and action do not seemed to be associated with the social, political, and occur in a mental vacuum; rather, they are shaped administrative milieus in which they were operating. by (and, in turn, shape) ongoing narratives that are Not surprisingly, the narratives people hear are fi ltered clearly articulated so as to be almost universally

War Narratives 563 accepted as truth. Or, in lieu of a clearly posited Hegelian models, which regard war as the prod- narrative, human thought is structured by the latent uct of forces unleashed by the logic of historical narrative that emerges from the individual ’ s underly- or economic development), and still others that ing story about the way the world operates. Th us combine the two positions by seeing war as the one’s own latent narrative emerges as the sensemaking intentional cultivation of the aggressive qualities mechanism if no other coherent narrative is proff ered. of human nature. For an overview of these various positions, see Dawson (1996) . Before September 11, the lack of a coherent, relevant, 3. For contrasting views, see Manicas (1982) and and widely articulated narrative about the war on Connor (1988) . terror created a narrative vacuum 4. Keegan ’ s analysis is for the state of war that was Before September 11, the lack rooted in a critique of declared after the attacks. Th e of a coherent, relevant, and Clausewitz ’ s theory of Bush administration ’ s eff orts to widely articulated narrative war but has itself been subject to criticism; see articulate a post – September 11 about the war on terror created state-of-war narrative resulted in Herberg-Rothe (2001) . multiple and ambiguous personal a narrative vacuum for the 5. For a personal perspec- narratives. In lieu of any clear state of war that was declared tive on the pathological and coherent state-of-war narra- after the attacks. impact of war, see tive for the war on terror, the Hedges (2002) . latent war narratives — those refl ecting individual 6. We limit our discussion here to the emergence of personal ideological and professional situations — narratives as a factor in social and administrative fi lled the void. life, but its growing role as a methodological tool should also be noted. For example, narratives Although we were able to examine the absence of have been adopted as a means for testing policy- clearly articulated perspectives in the narratives ad- making theories ( Bates et al. 1998 , 2000; Levi opted by three groups of public administrators, it 2002; Weingast 1997 ) and, especially among would have been desirable to include other groups in students of public administration, as a basis for the analysis who were not so close to the September identifying a wide range of social actions (in the 11 devastation. At the time, however, we felt that form of expressed understandings by those because the situation was in fl ux — and we did not involved), which can then be subjected to herme- know how the story would unfold — we needed to neutical and other forms of interpretive analysis capture the moment. In fact, several participants in ( Bailey 1992; Balfour and Mesaros 1994; Hum- our last sample group (March 2003) raised questions mel 1991; Kelly and Maynard-Moody 1993; about the honesty and legitimacy of the statements White 1999; Yanow 2000 ). they were being asked to refl ect on. Questions about 7. For an overview of narrative psychology and honesty and legitimacy did not enter into the discus- related writings, see http://web.lemoyne.edu/ sions of September 11 that took place a month earlier. ∼ hevern/narpsych.html. Knowing what we know now, we would have contin- 8. For example, Hunt (1987) stresses the existence of ued to monitor our participants in order to capture a core ideology throughout U.S. history, and Mead the dynamic nature of the war-narrative development, (2001) elaborates four basic schools of thought especially in light of the changing narratives emerging that have dominated foreign policy making. from legitimate governmental sources. Future research 9. Some explicit attention was paid to narratives could continue to focus on the role narratives play in during the 1980s ( Kaplan 1986; Stone 1988 , shaping the actions and decisions of public adminis- 109 – 16; Stone 1989), but these eff orts were trators and how narratives help people make sense of regarded by one observer as “ fl edgling ” in the their environment. early 1990s ( Zald 1993, 522 – 23 ). 10. More recently, Bevir, Rhodes and colleagues have Notes applied the narrative concept to traditions and 1. 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