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Chapman, Dana L.
DUTCH COSTUME IN PAINTINGS BY DUTCH ARTISTS: A STUDY OF WOMEN’S CLOTHING AND ART FROM 1600 to 1650
The Ohio State University Ph.D. 1986
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University Microfilms International
DUTCH COSTUME IN PAINTINGS BY
DUTCH ARTISTS; A STUDY OF
WOMEN'S CLOTHING AND ART
FROM 1600 TO 1650
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the
Graduate School of the Ohio State University
By
Dana L. Chapman, B.A., M.S.
*****
The Ohio State University
1986
Dissertation Committee: Approved by
Lois E. Dickey
Mathew Herban Department of Textiles and Clothing Esther Meacham ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express the deepest gratitude and appreciation to my adviser, Dr. Lois E. Dickey. Her learned guidance and constant encouragement on this project and throughout my graduate studies at The Ohio State University made the completion, of the dissertation possible. The help and suggestions provided by my committee members, Drs.
Mathew Herban and Esther Meacham, were most enlightening.
Thanks also go to my family, especially my husband,
Michael, who happily supported and prompted my efforts in
innumerable ways. In addition, I am grateful to my parents,
Barbara and Robin Lacy, for their patience and faith in me; my sister, Kimberly, for her understanding; and my mother-in-law, Jan, who also diligently proofread the
document several times.
I would also like to acknowledge my colleagues in the
Department of Home Economics and Family Ecology at the
University of Akron. The word processing equipment which
Dr. Mary C. Rainey graciously made available to me greatly
simplified the task of writing the dissertation. I want to
ii thank my dear friend and colleague, Kerry Albanese, for the emotional support she provided throughout the duration of this project.
I am indebted to my good friends, Mike and Donna
Taylor who did the drawings which appear in this document.
They worked hard and under some pressure to do a fine job for me.
Ill VITA
November 13, 1953 ...... Born - Denver, Colorado
19V6 ...... B.A., Miami University, Oxford, Ohio
1976-1977 ...... Assistant Manager, House of Fabrics, Columbus, Ohio
1977-1978 ...... Graduate Assistant, Department of Textiles and Clothing, The Ohio, State University, Columbus, Ohio
1978...... M.S., Home Economics The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio
1978-1980 ...... Graduate Assistant, Department of Textiles and Clothing, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1980-Present...... Instructor, Home Economics and Family Ecology, University of Akron, Akron, Ohio
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Textiles and Clothing
Minor Fields: History of Art Home Economics Education
IV TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... Ü
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES ...... vii
LIST OF F I G U R E S ...... viii
LIST OF PLATES ...... ix
CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION...... 1
Review of Literature and Statement of Objectives ...... 8 Organization of the Dissertation ...... 15
II. METHODS ...... ,,.... 17
Historical Research...... 17 The Use of Visual Imagery...... 20 Flemming's Model for Artifact Study. . . . 24 Procedure...... 26
III. TEMPORAL AND CULTURAL SETTING ...... 44
Historical Development ...... 45 Cultural Environments of the Netherlands...... 59 Daily Life in the United Provinces .... 78
IV. ARTISTIC SETTING...... 88
Baroque Painting ...... 90 Dutch Painting; 1600 - 1650...... 95
V V. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...... 118
Paintings Used in the Study...... 119 Results and Discussion by Research Objectives ...... 122
VI. SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY ...... 201
S u m m a r y ...... 201 Implications ...... 234 Questions for Further Study...... 239
APPENDICES
A. Sample of Preliminary Data Recording Form . . 243
B. Samples of Data Recording Forms Used in the Present Study ...... 245
C. Outline of Form Used for Initial Organization of Data and Preparation of Costume Inventory ...... 249
D. Form for Initial Organization of Costume Inventories ...... 251
E. Form for Tabulation Dress Forms by Research Variables and Subperiod...... 254
F. Chronology of Events as Discussed in Chapter III, Temporal and Cultural S e t t i n g ...... 256
G. Summaries of Descriptive Information for the Four Dress Forms in the Study .... 258
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 269
VI LIST OF TABLES
TABLES PAGE
1. Artists Studied by Subperiod, Painting Type or School, and C i t y ...... 120
2. Observed Frequencies of Dress Form A by Research Variables ...... 138
3. Observed Frequencies of Dress Form B by Research Variables...... 139
4. Observed Frequencies of Dress Form C by Research Variables ...... 141
5. Observed Frequencies of Dress Form D by Research Variables ...... 142
6. Observed Frequencies of Dress Forms by Painting T y p e ...... 182
7. Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form A by Subperiods in the Study...... 259
8. Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form B "The Flyergown" by Subperiods in the S t u d y ...... 261
9. Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form B "The Pseudogown" by Subperiods in the S t u d y ...... 263
10. Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form C by Subperiods in the Study, « ...... 265
11. Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form D by Subperiods in the Study...... 267
V I 1 LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURES PAGE
1. Dress Form A ...... 125
2. Dress Form B The Flyergown Redrawn from Cornelia Booght Claisdr. (Frans Hals. 1637. Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum) ...... 127
3. Dress Form C Redrawn from Anna Bouden Courten. (Soloman Mesdach. 1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum ...... 129
4. Dress Form D Redrawn from The Pig Butcher. (Jan Victors. 1648. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum . 131
5. Outerwear ...... 132
7. Form for Recording Data Relevant to the Painting and the Costume Attributes . . . . 246
8. Form for Recording Data Relevant to the Research Variables ...... '...... 247
9. Form for Recording Supplemental Data and/or Sketching Costume ...... 248
Vlll LIST OF PLATES
PLATES PAGE
I. Wintervermaak. Adam Van Breen. 1611. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum...... 150
II. The Garden Party. Dirck Hals. 1627. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum...... 162
III. Cavaliers and Ladies. Pieter Codde. 1635. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum...... 164
IV. The Family of Dirck Bas Jacobsz. Dirck D. Santvoort. 1635. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum . -...... 167
V. Issac Massa and Beatriz van der Laen. Frans Hals. 1622. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. . . 191
VI. Catharina Fourmenois. Soloman Mesdach. 1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum...... 196
VII. Frederick Henry and his Family. Gerard van Honthorst. 1645. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum . . . 199
IX CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The study of past civilizations is one means of understanding the development and nature of past culture as well as the sources of modern existence. Such an effort brings to light the forces which have impact on individuals and the way they live. Examining extant artifacts
(functional or artistic) made by individuals is vital to a complete understanding of their culture. Flemming (1974, p.
153) noted that "Artifacts made and used by a people are not only a basic expression of that people; they are, like culture itself, a necessary means of man's self-fulfillment." The focus of the present study was the clothing worn by people of a past culture, and thus is a contribution to the field of historic costume.
Historic costume is a multifaceted field of study which can be approached in a variety of ways. Researchers working from an ecological framework consider human beings to be organisms which function and interact within a number of natural (climatic, geographic) and human (social, political) environments. The near environment of 2 individuals includes their clothing, which may be varied in response to changes in their surroundings and/or situation. Clothing is one of the most convenient media to employ in responding to such changes since clothing is so easily altered, as opposed to, for example, one's housing or political system. The way in which clothing is modified thus becomes a reflection of people's responses to changes in natural and human environments. Hence, clothing should be considered a means by which to study from an historical perspective the environmental forces that affect a society as well as the cultural awareness of such forces.
There is a terminology that has been developed in the literature for discussing the near environment of individuals with regard to clothing, dress, and costume.
Roach and Richer (1965) and Roach and Musa (1980) preferred
to use the term "dress" to refer collectively to body
covering of any kind. Horn and Gurel (1981), however, chose
to use the term "clothing" to refer to all apparel as well
as other forms of adornment. While the term "costume" has
often been associated with the theater, it has also been
used to refer to the clothing worn in a specific historical
and/or cultural setting (Pickens, 1973; Hollander, 1978).
In addition. Roach and Richer (1965), Hollander (1978), and
Roach and Musa (1980) stressed the understanding that
"dress" includes the relationship between the near
environment and the human body. The study of "dress," then. 3 can be meant to include the consideration of its effect on and relationship to the human body.
For the present research, the terms "dress" and
"clothing" were used interchangeably to refer to all types of apparel and its relationship to the body. The use of the term "costume" was reserved for making reference to the dress worn by people of a specific historic culture.
Several authors have discussed the relationship between environmental forces and the clothing worn in different historic cultures. Nystrom (1928) believed that
there was a causal relationship between period
circumstances and changes in clothing. He cited three types
of environmental forces which brought about changes in the
appearance of clothing: a) dominating events, such as war,
economic disturbances, art exhibits, or commercial and
agricultural fairs; b) dominating ideals, such as a current
definition of beauty or pervasive philosophies of an era
including religion; and c) dominating personalities or
groups, such as royalty, theatrical celebrities, or
politicians.
Laver (1945) similarly believed that cultural history
influenced rather than caused changes in costume so that
history and fashion, including changes in costume, followed
a parallel but not identical course. Hence, one might
discern a spirit of an age by examining period costume. 4
Kohig (1973) held similar beliefs and added that an individual's posture and gait were also formed by or influential on currently popular styles. Richardson and
Kroeber (1940) found periods of variation in style of dress occurred simultaneously with periods of social unrest.
Hence, human environmental forces influence both clothing and the posture to be held in such clothing. Laver and
Konig refined Nystrom's idea of the influence of "dominant" events. They pointed out that the force impacting on the clothing was not the event but the accompanying upheave! in the social environment.
Squire (1974) stated that clothing was a
"manifestation of changes in thought and belief" (p. 19),
and that it was an art form which was as "integrated and
characteristic (an) expression of a period" (p. 12)as other
art forms. The idea, similar to Laver's spirit of the age,
focuses on the concept that clothing is prescribed by, and
therefore, reflects the character of an age. Braudel (1979)
stated that popular styles are "an indication...of the
energies, possibilities, demands, and joie de vivre of a
given society, economy, and civilization..."(p. 323).
Bell (1976) was somewhat more cautious than the
previously cited authors in his discussion of the effect of
environmental forces on clothing. He stated that in
studying historic costume, one must consider three points: 5 a) generalizations on human nature that imply universality and constancy are unfounded? b) no one personality has any great importance in the overall scheme of things? and c) that while some environmental changes do have an effect on
clothing, no complete correspondence exists between
political history and fashion in dress. Furthermore, he wrote that dress changes only in societies where lower
classes are free and sufficiently wealthy to emulate a
higher class, thereby seeking or challenging the status of
the higher class. Thus, one must assume that the
conclusions drawn from a costume study are peculiar to that
particular period and are only relevant to that culture for
the era studied.
Historic costume researchers have a variety of sources
available for the study of clothing. One such source is the
representational images found in paintings and graphics
which are in themselves cultural artifacts of a period
(Flemming, 1974). The visual imagery in paintings provides
the researcher with the opportunity to study not only the
costume, but the style in which the costume was depicted.
Therefore, insight can be gained into the way the costume
was perceived and portrayed by the artist. Such insight may
help the researcher understand the cultural significance of
the depicted costume. 6
Rice (1962) described art as a mirror of an age which thus enabled the viewer to see through the "spectacles of the period" (p. 28) in which the painting was done. Squire
(1974) also wrote that art is a reflection of an age in terms of variations in technique, subject matter, and style. Rosenberg, Slive, and Kuile (1966), as well as Kahr
(1978), held that there is a relationship between art and the historical and cultural environment. Therefore, they included essays on the historical and cultural background of the period as relevant to the authors' discussions of
Dutch art of the seventeenth century. In this way, the reader could gain an appreciation for the period as it
influenced the artists.
From the preceding discussion, then, both clothing and
art might be considered forms of expression shaped by and
reflective of cultural and temporal environments. Hollander
(1978) suggested that the link between art and clothing as
cultural expressions is quite strong indeed. Artists
record, create, and interpret the way clothing looks, as
well as teach what is beautiful. How costume looked in ages
past is dependent on how it was perceived; how costume was
perceived is detailed in art. Hollander proposed that the
primary factor influencing changes in clothing, as in art,
is a visual aesthetic. She also stated that changes in
social environments help to determine the direction of the
changes in this aesthetic. Furthermore, Hollander stressed 7 the need to study costume depicted in art in conjunction with the history of image-making so that the context in which the painting was produced can contribute to the interpretive process.
Flemming (1974, p. 154) stated that any artifact
"explicitly implements, expresses, and documents a particular way of life." Questions may be posed specifically as to how the environmental forces present in a specific society influence costume and, how the artistic depiction of such costumes reflects the influence of environmental forces. In this way, then, study can be made regarding the nature of both costume and art as cultural manifestations.
The specific focus of the present study was the Dutch
culture of the first half of the seventeenth century. The
Dutch culture provides the researcher with a rich period
from which to examine costume and art as cultural
expressions of a nation and people which were unique in
several ways. Identity as a unified nation had existed for
a comparatively short time. The government was based on
civilian representation rather than an absolute monarchy.
The major class was mercantile and had amassed great wealth
from the sea through fishing and shipping. Such economic
prowess resulted in their virtual political, economic, and
social control of the country. In addition, the country 8 became the principal seafaring nation in the world in the span of a single generation and built an extensive colonial empire (Boxer, 1965). Significant developments in art and
science also occurred in the Netherlands during the
seventeenth century. The first half of the seventeenth
century represented the zenith of the Dutch Republic and
has often been referred to as the Golden Age.
The investigation was focused on the objective
documentation and interpretation of the characteristics of
the costumes of Dutch women as portrayed by Dutch artists
between 1600 and 1550. Based on the points gleaned from the
literature, costumes were examined to understand the ways
in which a) the social and cultural environment of the
period influenced the costumes; b) an artist's training and
background affected perception and portrayal of costume;
and c) costume and the representational images in paintings
reflected and expressed the Dutch society and cultural
heritage.
Review of Literature
and Statement of Objectives
Scholarly literature is limited which includes a
discussion of Dutch costume for the period 1600-1650 in
association with the cultural nature or historical 9 perspective of the Netherlands during that period. Even less is available which specifically examines artistic interpretation and depiction of costume. Two volumes were found which offer a wealth of information on the basic elements of costume, the changes in costume, and the constructive details of clothing of the period
(Kinderen-Besier, 1950; Theinen, 1930). Both were written in Dutch, no English translations were found; however, a summary of Theinen's work was published in English
(Theinen, 1951). The approach taken by Kinderen-Besier and
Theinen differed from the present research in focus and scope.
The major focus of Kinderen-Besier (1950) was the description of changing styles in Dutch costume throughout the seventeenth century in the context of movements in fashion. Hence, she studied the costume of only those who were wealthy enough to keep up with changes in fashion. She took into account the foreign fashion centers of France and
Spain. In addition, she directed her comments toward the two ruling groups in the Netherlands: the regents whose authority included the municipalities of the provinces, and the residents of the court-like House of Orange from which the stadholder was repeatedly elected. The stadholder presided over the States General in certain situations and, as such, was as close to a central ruler as the Dutch had.
The dress of the Flemmish and Bohemians (the king and queen 10 of Bohemia lived in exile in Holland) were also included in
Kinderen-Besier's discussion.
Theinen (1951/1930) was interested in the aesthetic aspects of life, and his discussion of costume reflected that interest. He drew parallels between styles in clothing and art, as well as in literature, in terms of the aesthetic ideals which influenced the evolution of specific styles during the seventeenth century. His approach echoed that of Nystrom's (1928) dominating ideals and the social mores which they dictate. The bourgeoise ruling class, the regents, comprised the class on which Theinen concentrated; his discussion of non-regent classes was limited.
The authors may have presumed that their readers would have a familiarity with Dutch history and cultural
heritage, since little such information was included in
their discussions. However, readers who are not familiar
with Dutch history and cultural heritage would gain insight
into the forces which shaped Dutch culture and influenced
Dutch costume through the inclusion of such background.
Without an objective system for data recording and
analysis, the encroachment of subjective conclusions could
not be minimized. Neither Theinen (1951/1930) nor
Kinderen-Besier (1950) presented a detailed account of
their methodology, although Kinderen-Besier was more
specific than Theinen. Theinen (1951/1930) and 11 Kinderen-Besier (1950) divided their discussions according to social class and the approximate ages of the people depicted. However, the basis of selection for the paintings used was not clearly stated, although Kinderen-Besier did indicate that she preferred works by Dutch artists which were on public display. In addition, no indication was made of the system by which the costume was analyzed. The frequencies with which various forms of dress were observed were not included nor was reference made to such types of data. Hence, one gained little insight into which forms were common and which were unusual. Such information would enhance one's understanding of the nature of clothing as an expressive form.
Neither Theinen (1951/1930) nor Kinderen-Besier (1950) stressed the ramifications of the medium through which both studied Dutch costume. Portraits were indicated by
Kinderen-Besier to be the most reliable source of information concerning clothing actually worn. She included several paintings that were not portraits, however, without bringing into her discussion the artists' intentions or the purpose of such works. Hollander (1980) stated that works
of art for different intended purposes and/or audiences
might yield different types of information about the
costume depicted. Indeed, neither author examined the
purposes of the paintings as a part of their interpretation
of the depicted costumes. 12
A painting reflects an artist's perception and interpretation as well as a cultural perception and interpretation of a subject since the artist is a product of the culture (Shipp, 1953) and since the subject must be recognized by an intended audience (Hollander, 1980). The factors influencing the artist's perception and interpretation, such as training and background, were not presented by either Theinen (1951/1930) or Kinderen-Besier
(1950) in relation to their, effect on the artist's depiction of costume.
DeMarly (1980) discussed several approaches taken by various European baroque artists to avoid the stylistic and
financial constraints of detailed, faithful depiction of
elaborate costume. The Flemish artist, Anthony van Dyck
(1599-1641), for example, requested sitters to wear simple
garments so that the time required for accurate depiction
was lessened (which increased his productivity and thus,
his remuneration). He also romanticized the costume,
keeping the fashionable line but avoiding a clear date
stamp for "poetic vagueness" (p. 271). In addition, when
concerns for balance and proportion in the painting were
adhered to, DeMarly noted that the result became an
"artist's creation," rather than a "copy of the tailor's
creation" (p. 272). 13
Other artists, such as Gerrit (also spelled Gerard) van Honthorst (1590-1656) and Rembrandt Harmensz. van Rijn
(1606-1669) substituted classically inspired costume for coeval clothing to eternalize the representation. In a similar vein, some baroque artists employed the technique of painting subjects in various states of undress, including ladies' dressing gowns which were depicted to approximate Roman garb. DeMarly (1980) stated that such devices were used to express a disdain for the frivolous changeability of styles in clothing and to impart a timelessness to their work. Such stylistic and philosophic background of artists brings additional insight to the
researcher regarding the context in which period costume
has been depicted. The inclusion of such background would
enhance the interpretion and understanding of historic
costume as depicted in paintings.
Much scholarly literature exists on seventeenth
century Dutch art from which to study visual imagery as it
developed in the Netherlands (Rosenberg, Slive, and ter
Kuile, 1966; Kahr, 1978). Many innovations in Dutch
painting occurred in the 1600's which echoed the societal
developments of the time. For example, the depiction of
scenes from everyday life were produced in unprecedented
numbers and were sometimes painted within the context of
social or moral comment. In addition, members of a variety 14 of social classes commissioned and purchased paintings, a practice previously dominated by royal, noble, or religious patrons. A broad spectrum of society, situation, and social comment is consequently available and provides an intimate view into daily life in seventeenth century Netherlands.
However, historic costume books have not reflected the significance of either the variety of types of paintings nor the need for understanding the medium of visual imagery in the study of costume as depicted in paintings.
An objective study of Dutch costume as depicted in
Dutch painting of the first half of the seventeenth century was deemed appropriate. The study of Dutch costume was conducted in conjunction with an examination of the unique character of Dutch culture and visual imagery of the period. Such a perspective would further one's understanding of clothing and art as cultural manifestations. In addition, the use of an established system for the objective analysis of costume information would minimize subjective judgements on the part of the researcher.
Based on the literature, the following objectives were developed to help direct the research process.
1. Identify costume characteristics of women's costume as portrayed in paintings by Dutch artists based on an objective method used to analyze costume within a cultural context: content analysis. 15
2. Analyze the costume characteristics within the context of cultural environments, specifically, the historical, political, social, economic, and religious nature of the period,
3. Analyze the costume chatacteristics within the context of the artists' perception and portrayal of costume as affected by training and background.
Organization of the Dissertation
The study is organized into five additional sections.
Chapters II through VI. In Chapter II, a discussion is included of the methodology used in conducting the study of
Dutch costume. The foundations and justification for the system of analysis are presented, as well as the procedural details, data collection, and data analysis.
Chapter III provides a temporal and cultural setting which characterizes the Dutch in the first half of the seventeenth century. The development of the Netherlands as a nation and the nature of life in terms of natural and human-built environments are examined to give an historical perspective and cultural context to the study.
In Chapter IV, a discussion of Dutch painting of the period is presented. The painting of Dutch artists is examined to gain understanding of its position relative to the Baroque movement of the seventeenth century. In addition, the uniquenesses of Dutch painting are discussed. 16
From Chapters III and IV, the reader will gain an appreciation for the spirit of the age and the environmental forces which influenced changes in the form and depiction of clothing; the individual's near environment.
The results of the data collection and analysis is presented in Chapter V. The chapter is organized according to the three research objectives which were developed to
guide the research process. In addition, a discussion of
the results is presented in relation to the historical
perspective and artistic background explored in Chapters
III and IV. The extent to which costume was seen to reflect
changes in Dutch culture is examined.
In the sixth chapter, the study is summarized.
Ramifications of the present study are examined and
questions for further study are also posed. CHAPTER II
METHODS
The study vas undertaken to examine the costume of
Dutch women as depicted in Dutch paintings from the first half of the seventeenth century. Developing a procedure for the present study required the investigation of several aspects: a) examination of problems in researching historical topics, b) concerns relating to the use of visual imagery as a data source, and c) selection of a technique by which to objectively collect and analyze data on costume and artists. Chapter II is organized to reflect the consideration of such aspects as well as the procedural details of the study and is divided into four sections: a)
Historical Research, b) The Use of Visual Imagery as a Data
Source, c) Flemming's Model for Artifact Study, and d)
Procedure.
Historical Research
Fischer (1971) indicated that the truths which come from historical investigation should be true in three ways: a) true to the evidence, b) true to itself, and c) consistent with other truths. To insure the authenticity of
17 18 historical truths, then, one needs to consider the use of primary versus secondary sources, as well as the external and internal evidence of data sources.
Rice (1962), Compton and Hall (1972), and Leedy (1974) described the importance of the choice and use of primary sources over secondary souices in historical investigation.
Primary sources include the actual costume, original work of art, or document. Rice (1962) indicated, however, that secondary resources can be helpful in a supportive sense as a means by which to record data, such as photographing paintings rather than taking excessive written notes.
Original paintings by Dutch artists were selected as the primary source for the study of the costume of Dutch women. Although a painting might be considered a secondary source for the study of costume itself, the interplay between costume and art as cultural manifestations was an important facet of the study. The nature of costume as depicted by Dutch artists was considered vital to understand the forces which shaped Dutch costume in the
first half of the seventeenth century.
Leedy (1974) and Flemming (1974) discussed the
importance of the external and internal criticism,
validity, or evidence of primary sources. External
criticism deals with the authenticity of the artifact.
Internal criticism involves the meaning and context of the 20 likely to be pervasive through all levels of society and give characteristic ways of "being and behaving" (p. 29). A more thorough understanding of a culture can be encouraged by taking into account both the unique events and everyday life of a given period of time.
The Use of Visual Imagery as a Data Source
The use of visual imagery in art for the study of
costume has several advantages over the use of clothing
artifacts or written documents. Hollander (1980) suggested
that such images provide a record of both the clothing and
the subjective response to it. Therefore, the costume can
be studied in terms of a) its reality and b) how it was
perceived at the time, which is conveyed through the style
in which the costume was portrayed.
In every era, there has been a prevalent style in
which to depict an image that was influenced by culturally
determined aesthetic developments. The style of portrayal
reflects the acceptability of an image as a representation
of something real or identifiable to its coeval audience
(Hollander, 1980). While the artist may alter the precise
reality of the costume for reasons of interpretation,
composition, or the simplification of the painting task
(DeMarly, 1980), the finished product must still be
recognizable to the intended audience, "...thus, we can 19 artifact, which might include the artist's reasons for producing a work of art as well as its intended purpose.
Rice (1962) stressed the importance of understanding why a work was created to insure the meaningful interpretation of the work in terms of the period in which it was produced.
For the present research, external validity was established by using paintings which have been identified by scholars in the field of history of art as authentic originals.
Internal validity was established with an in depth examination of the development of the Dutch nation, the nature of Dutch culture, and the nature of Dutch painting in the first half of the seventeenth century, the results of which are presented in Chapters III and IV.
Considerations of external and internal evidence helped to assure that the results which come from a study of historical materials will meet Fischer's (1971) criteria for truth: true to the evidence through the use of primary sources, true to itself through the establishment of external validity, and consistent with other truths through the examination of internal validity.
Braudel (1979) stated that historical research can take two directions, each of which provides a different
type of information. One can examine the unique events within a period of time to gain insight into the uncommon
forces which influenced life. The examination of everyday
life provides insight into repetitive patterns which are 21 accept art as real evidence about the physical facts about clothes" (Hollander, 1980, p. 43).
By studying the style of portrayal as part of the manifestation of culture one might gain additional insights
into the forces which influenced the costume worn by people
of a specific culture and their perception of the costume.
In addition, Hollander (1980) suggested that
differentiations between the specific style of individual
artists and the general perception of reality can be made
by comparing similar subjects depicted by several artists,
and different subjects depicted by the same artists.
Imagery is also useful for the study of costume in
that a sense of context can be discerned from the painting,
whereas the artifact in isolation provides little
information to the researcher as to the type of occasion
for which the garment was worn or by whom. Conversly,
though the written document may give some feeling for
context, the visual dimension is lacking, a significant
detriment to the study of costume, a visual phenomenon.
Imagery provides both the visual representation and
cor<,textural references. Images facilitate the determination
of the physical arrangement of the total ensemble, what
garments were worn with other garments and the use of
accessories. In addition, an understanding of what was
acceptable in color combinations can be discerned
(Hollander, 1980). 22
An additional advantage of using imagery in the study of historic costume is that the relationship of the body to dress can be examined. Many researchers have stressed the importance of the relationship between body and dress as a factor in the interpretation of costume (DeLong, 1967;
Hillestad, 1980; and Hollander, 1980). The characteristic look of a costume is affected by the way it alters the body and the way in which the articles of clothing that comprise the costume are carried on the body (Hollander,
1980).
Having established that paintings are a valuable source of many kinds of information about historic costume,
Hollander (1980) pointed out that the researcher must be aware of two considerations when interpreting the depicted costumes. First, there are certain types of information about costume which can not be discerned in a painting
since the image is only two dimensional. For example, how
the . garment was donned and the nature of construction
techniques can only be surmised.
A second consideration in regard to using paintings as
a resource for the collection of costume information was
that the depiction of different subjects may vary, yielding
different kinds of information. Hollander (1980) suggested
that certain types of paintings were especially useful for
the study of costume. Paintings in which scenes of everyday 23 life are depicted for their o(m sake are most useful, especialy when they are "straight forwardly undertaken representations of real life" (p. 46). Depictions of historic events can also be useful, particularly when rhetorical or symbolic motivations are absent. The clothing in such works lends a reality to the work.
In addition to paintings of everyday life and of historial events, other types of paintings can be helpful when interpreted within the appropriate frame of reference.
Portraiture was seen by Kinderen-Besier (1950) as the most
realistic painting to use in the study of costume since the
sitters were real people. However, Hollander (1980)
suggested that the portraits of different classes would
present different images. For example, portraiture might
reflect an attempt to present a person in the best possible
image, including clothing saved for only special occasions.
In particular, she suggested that a royal portrait may
contain unique forms of costume which emphasize the status
separation of royalty from lower classes. DeMarly (1980)
however, suggested that royal costume may have been
simplified to facilitate the speed with which a work could
be completed or, in the case of Anthony van Dyck, to create
a vagueness of time so that the depiction becomes timeless.
The paintings of nobility reflect idealization of period
costume, thereby highlighting the social position of the
sitter(s) (Hollander, 1980). Representations of the costume 24 worn by the merchant class, or bourgeoisie, Hollander suggested, convey period ideals of conformity. The depiction of peasant dress is often inaccurate since
reality was improved or worsened, depending on the purpose of the work of art.
Hollander (1980) proposed that comparisons among
subjects and artists would aid in the determination of
reality. In addition, such comparison would seemingly
enhance insights into what the Dutch found desirable,
distasteful, and even immoral, furthering the understanding
of Dutch culture as a whole.
The two-dimensional nature of a painting may be seen
as a definite limitation in using such sources for the
study of costume. However, since focus was given to the
interpretation of costume and art as cultural
manifestations, the use of paintings was viewed as a vital
component of the present study. The paintings contribute
information regarding the way people wished to be depicted
and the perceptions of the artists, providing additional
insight into the culture, as well as the impact the culture
had on developments in costume and painting.
Flemming's Model for Artifact Study
A systematic model for the study of artifacts as
cultural manifestations suggested by Flemming (1974) was 25 used in the present study. Flemming ascribed five properties to an artifact: history, material, construction, design, and function. The four steps in
Flemming's model included identification, evaluation, cultural analysis, and interpretation. Each of the properties and steps is described in the following section together with a discussion of their relevance to the present research.
The five properties of an artifact as described by
Flemming are summarized as:
History — includes such information as where, when, and for whom the object was made, the reason for its fabrication, as well as changes in ownership, condition, or function over time
Material — of what the artifact was made
Construction — how the object was fabricated
Design — structure, form, style, ornament, and iconography
Function — both the intentional and unintentional uses including utility, delight, and communication (p. 156).
The four steps in Flemming's model are summarized as:
Indentification — classification, authentication, and description with the objective of providing accurate information about the object
Evaluation — a) judgments of aesthetic quality and workmanship (dependent on subjective exercise of taste and discrimination) b) factual comparisons in quantifiable terms such as size, rarity, or temporal primacy 26 Cultural Analysis — in depth examination of artifact in relation to aspects of its own culture, including functional analysis, content analysis (the ways in which an artifact reflects its culture), and product analysis (the ways in which a culture leaves its mark on a particular artifact)
Interpretation — concerned with relationship of artifact to modern culture on points of interest that developed in identification, evaluation, or cultural analysis (Flemming, 1974, pp. 154-161).
For the present research, the clothing and the painting were not considered as two distinct artifacts. The painting was viewed as the artifact from which depicted costumes were studied. Of the five artifact properties identified by Flemming (1974), three were considered pertinent to the study; history, design, and function. The paintings used in the study were selected on the basis of completed identification and evaluation by scholars in history of art. The identification step for costume was developed to provide descriptive information about costume characteristics. Cultural analysis of the depicted costume was seen as the main focus of the present research, and was conducted within the context of the artistic artifact from which the costume was identified.
Procedure
It was deemed necessary to use an established system
for objective categorization and description of costume to
minimize the subjective nature of the model proposed by 27
Flemming (1974). Flemming also stated that that many classifications systems are inexact. A system was sought which would facilitate the examination of the parts of an ensemble, the ensemble as a whole, and the relation of the parts to the whole. Some categorizations perused seemed rhetorical in nature, not intended for specific application in a study of costume (Horn, 1973); others, however, were developed in the interest of examining costume and are discussed in the following section.
Many researchers have undertaken the task of categorization of costume for objective study. Roach and
Musa (1980) described a categorization system which combined both body coverings and articles of adornment.
Traditionally, authors of historic costume publications have emphasized only body coverings (dress) while
anthropologists emphasized the articles of adornment
(accessories). The system used by Roach and Musa, however,
facilitated the consideration of both accessories and
dress. The authors' structural basis for the breakdown of
dress into component parts was found to be useful in the
present study.
Wass (1975) and Wass and Eicher (1980) devised a
categorization system designed specifically for the
analysis of historic or contemporary dress from components
of linguistic analysis as had Hillestad (1980). Through the
examination of garments and accessories in photographs. 28
Wass and Eicher developed a lexicon or inventory containing
all garment and accessory items, combinations of items, and
associations relevant to the items and combinations. The
system permitted the identification of dress modes,
alternatives, and additions to the modes. From the lexicon,
the syntax or rules of dress were developed in relation to
social status and social roles.
Wass's and Eicher's preparation of an initial
inventory of all observed clothing and accessory items
seemed to be appropriate for the present study for several
reasons. The system was designed so that objectivity could
be maximized. The process included the observation and
calculation of frequencies for recognized garment types, a
precise task necessitating few subjective decisions. In
additon, the system was designed for use with two
dimensional figures since the authors worked with
photographs. Indeed, the authors suggested further use of
the system with magazine or newspaper advertisements. In
addition, the preparation of such an inventory list which
would lead to the development of costume characteristics
was considered consistent with Flemming's (1974) first step
in his model for artifact study: identification, one
element of which was description. The system also
facilitated the cultural analysis and interpretation of
costume since the context in which the costume was observed
was included in the analysis process. Furthermore, both the 29 most common form of dress and the anomalous form could be determined and studied allowing evaluation in a quantifiable manner.
The use of frequencies and frequency distributions is a common tool in content analysis. Flemming (1974) suggested the use of content analysis in the third step of his model, cultural analysis. He defined content analysis rather loosely as a "series of statements... relevant to our investigation...the sum total of (which) result(s) from combining what we know about its properties with what we know about its history" (p. 160). According to Flemming, the task for the researcher of nonverbal artifacts, such as paintings, is similar to that for the researcher of verbal documents.
Referring to verbal documents, Holsti (1969) observed that content analysis might be defined in many ways but that it is essentially a flexible research tool which allows for the description of a variety of materials.
Holsti stated that content analysis is characterized by three properties which he labeled: objectivity, systematization, and generalizability (p. 3). The
establishment of clear and explicit rules for research procedure prior to the beginning of the research process
results in objectivity and systemization during the
research process. The requirement of generalizability
relates to the interpretation of collected data. The 30 interpretation is guided by the theoretical basis of a study and brings meaning to the data. Meaning may come through the examination of why a document was produced, or by whom, or even for whom. Examining the times in which such documents were produced can also bring meaning to their content. Thus, Holsti's definition of the concept of generalizability works well within the context of
Flemming's cultural analysis.
Kassarjian (1977) concurred with Holsti on the
requirements of objectivity and systemization, but also
pointed out that some form of quantification of data was
necessary to distinguish content analysis from "ordinary
critical reading" (p. 9). Kassarjian believed that even the
use of comparative words such as "more, always, increases,
or often" (p. 10) met the requirement for quantification.
Holsti (1969) was more flexible on this issue than
Kassarjian, and recognized that there may be a place for
not quantifying content analysis data. Holsti stressed,
however, that comparisons based on some statistical
formulation, such as frequencies, would bring a greater
weight to results than non-statistically based statements.
Sample and Variables
While the present study was viewed as essentially
descriptive in nature, some discussion of the sample and
variables to be examined seemed warranted. The 31 establishment of clear sampling and variable definition is a requirement of content analysis (Holsti, 1969;
Kassarjian, 1977). The information is presented according to sampling concerns and to variable description.
Sample
Paintings for the present study were chosen on the basis of several criteria : a ) the painter was Dutch and worked in the Netherlands between 1600 and 1650, b) the scene portrayed people from or in Dutch cities, and c) at least three-forths of costume was visible in the painting.
Period paintings of men, women, and children presented the researcher with an overabundance of subjects deemed to be beyond the scope of the study. Thus, only women subjects were examined.
Paintings were also chosen on the basis of their present locations, which for logistical reasons, were limited to the Netherlands or the United States, and in particular. New York and Washington D.C. Preliminary searching of museum catalogs indicated that the museums of
Holland held a large number of Dutch paintings which could be examined more efficiently than the comparatively limited holdings in many American museums. However, works in The
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City and the
National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C. were also
selected so the researcher could familiarize herself with 32 the task of studying originals before traveling to Holland.
Variables
The focus of the present study was centered on the
examination of seventeenth century Dutch costume to
consider the association among five variables: the social
class of the subject(s), the age of the subject(s), the
situation portrayed, the artistic school from which the
artist emerged, and the artist. The religion of the
subject(s) was considered when the subject could be
identified, or when situational cues were found in the
paintings, such as the depiction of church interiors or
religious festivals. In addition, the apparent posture,
gait, and/or gesture of the subject were also noted to
determine the relationship between body and costume.
Furthermore, the relation of the body size of the portrayed
figure to life size was also considered and recorded, since
the impact of the figure can be enhanced by increasing body
size. Each of the variables is discussed below in detail.
Social class. The subjects were assigned to one of
four categories of social class according to their own
position or that of their husbands. The class distinctions
were based on Zumthor (1963) and Huizinga (1968), and
included nobility, patricians, bourgeoisie, and commoners:
a) The nobility, who existed in obscurity in the
Netherlands after the struggles with Spain and whose 33 influence on Dutch economic and cultural development was minimal.
b) The patricians or governing caste, who eventually turned their attention exclusively to the management of their wealth which was achieved through mercantilism and often surpassed that of the nobility.
c) The bourgeoisie, a group characterized by individualism, lack of political responsibility, and fierce concentration on commercial endeavors and leisure enjoyments, "the latter often puerile or superficial"
(Zumthor, p. 235). The bourgeoisie included merchants, members of the liberal professions, and small tradesmen of various economic stature.
d) The commoners (researcher's term) were people whose
lives were often characterized by their willing acceptence
of austere living and working conditions, although some
diversity of prosperity existed. Three subgroups were
included in the commoner group, (i) the workers (servants,
pedlers, porters, and other such common laborers), (ii) the
peasant farmers (a diverse group with both poor and rich
members), and (iii) the mariners, (fishermen, deck-hands,
merchant or naval seamen, even pirates).
Age of subjects. The subjects depicted in the
paintings were categorized into age-groups according to the
subject's identified birth and death dates when available
or on situational clues in the painting, such as the 34 presence of children, activity level, or facial appearance in comparison to others in the painting. The ages were grouped into three categories according to life stages and activities as discussed by Zumthor (1963) and Mook (1977): a) young women (ages included were adolescence to mid-twenties), b) middle-aged women (ages included late twenties to early forties and women depicted with young children), and c) elderly women (including women beyond the middle forties).
The situation depicted. The situation or
circumstances depicted in the painting was seen as an
important determinant in understanding the various forms of
costume which were observed. Included in the variable was a
consideration of the depicted event or circumstance as well
as the nature of the painting, for example, a portrait
versus a genre recording of every day life. Since the
distinction between such painting types became somewhat
blurred in Dutch art of the seventeenth century, the
classifications of the paintings were not viewed as
mutually exclusive.
Artistic school and artist. The consideration of the
artists and the school from which they emerged was seen as
a means by which to gain insight into the artistic
perception of Dutch costume as influenced by training,
individual style, and the period studied. The major schools
relevant to the present study identified by scholars in 35
Dutch art and named for urban centers, dominant artists, or types of painting included Utrecht, Haarlem, Hals,
Rembrandt, and Genre.
Data Collection
The data collection process for the present research involved two emphases which were taken from Flemming's
(1974) model for artifact study: a) costume identification or description, and b) cultural analysis of the costume and paintings in which they were depicted. The following sections include descriptions of the method used for both the costume identification or description and the cultural
analysis.
Costume Identification/Description
The data collection process involved three phases : a )
a preliminary testing of the system for data recording, b)
the collection of data from paintings housed in museums in
the United States, and c) the collection of data from
paintings housed in Dutch museums. Each phase was designed
and accomplished to facilitate the development and use of
a data recording form which met the needs of the present
study. The three phases are described in the following
sections. 36
Phase I. The objective data collection system developed by Wass (1975) was pretested on paintings found at the Cleveland Museum of Art. A preliminary data recording form was developed based on the research objectives (see Appendix A). During the pretest, the researcher worked to establish whether the system used for costume identification or description was workable with the media used in the present study, for the variables which were included, and within the constraints of a museum environment. Changes which were needed in the data recording form were noted and accomplished. Since the paintings examined at the Cleveland Museum of Art were painted during the latter half of the seventeenth century, the data were not intended for, nor included in, the analysis process.
Phase II. The initiation of the actual data collection process occurred during Phase II. The system of selecting the original paintings to be used in the study was the direct use of catalogues published by specific museums. Works of art in the Metropolitian Museum of Art in
New York City and The National Gallery of Art in Washington
D.C. were examined so the researcher could further her familiarization with the task of studying original paintings in a museum environment and to make further revisions in the recording form if necessary. These two museums were seen as logistically convenient major 37 institutions with several relevant holdings.
Information was recorded regarding costume and the variables in the study for use inthe analysis process.
Costume data were recorded on the preliminary form using a categorization system developed by combining methods ôf
Wass (1975) and Roach and Musa (1980). Wass (1975) suggested plotting costume information on a form in relation to its location on the body. The information was organized according to basic components of dress as discussed by Roach and Musa (1980) and Wass (1975). Wass's
UNIT was employed and consisted of the portion which was the the smallest meaningful item of dress, such as bodice or skirt. Roach's and Musa's dress components represented a further breakdown and included SUBUNITS and ATTRIBUTES of dress which were added to Wass's units in the present study. SUBUNITS were seen as parts of garments such as collars and sleeves. ATTRIBUTES of dress or design details, included silhouette, color, texture, and surface patterns. For the present study, AUGMENTATIVE UNITS, such as coats and aprons and ACCESSORIES, such as jewelry and caps were identified separately.
The apparent freedom or constraint of bodily movement was also noted, as well as general indications of posture.
Refinements needed for the data collection form were also noted and accomplished to facilitate the recording of both costume information and information regarding the five 38 variables in the study (see Appendix B).
Phase III. Based on the accomplishments from Phases I and II, Phase III consisted of data collection from paintings housed in Dutch museums. The opportunity to visit
the Netherlands was deemed an invaluable experience for
gaining insight into Dutch history and culture. Five
museums were identified for visits: The Rijksmuseum in
Amsterdam, the Frans Hals Museum in Haarlem, the Centraal
Museum in Utrecht, the Boymans-van Beuningin Museum in
Rotterdam, and the Mauritshuis in The Hague.
The most recently published catalogue was located in
Ohio for the Rijksmuseum (All the Paintings..., 1976) so
that the selection of data sources could be made before
travs*! to the Netherlands. The curator was contacted and a
list of the selected works of art was sent with a request
for an appointment to view the works during the planned
visit. By way of written response, the Assistant Keeper of
the department of paintings suggested that he be contacted
for an appointment upon the researcher's arrival in the
Netherlands.
Recent catalogues were not located for the other four
museums, so a slightly different approach was taken. The
curators were contacted prior to traveling. A request was
made that upon arrival in the Netherlands an appointment be
established for perusing their catalogues, making the 39 selectionsr and viewing the works of art. In the course of contacting the museums prior to traveling, it was learned that the Maritshous was closed for rennovation, making that collection unavailable to the researcher. In addition, when the curator was contacted, the Centraal Museum in Utrecht was seen as marginal in importance due to the concentration of paintings from the Utrechet school. Thus, paintings housed in the Rijksmuseum, the Boymans-van Beuningin
Museum, and the Frans Hals museums were used in the study.
Once appointments were established and paintings were selected, the paintings were examined and information was recorded regarding the costume and variables on the forms which had been developed through pretesting (see Appendix
B). A slide (35mm) was also taken of the selected
paintings, in addition to the written notes, as an aid in
data recording. Flemming (1974, p. 156) indicated that
recorded description may be both verbal and visual, A
number was assigned to each exposure as it was taken by the
researcher, and was recorded on the form in the space
labled "Other:." Prints were developed along with the
slides after returning to the United States so that the
painting as a whole could be recorded on a slide and
individual subjects could be examined again through
sectioned and appropriately numbered prints. 40
Slides were taken of most of the selected paintings, while rough sketches were made where time or light limitations did not permit photographing. For three works in the Rijksmuseum, photographs which were available through the museum were ordered.
Cultural Analysis
Information regarding Dutch culture and art during the first half of the seventeenth century was collected by examining the copious literature available on these subjects. According to Flemming's (1974) model for artifact study, such information would enhance the examination of the relationship among Dutch costume, art, and culture.
Holsti's (1969) model for bringing meaning to content
analysis would also be satisfied. Data on Dutch culture and
art were collected prior to the collection of costume data
and continued throughout the research process. The results
of data collection on Dutch culture and art are presented
in Chapters III and IV respectively.
Data Analysis
The first major task in the data analysis was the
compilation of a list or inventory of the observed costume
chs^acteristics: UNITS, SUBUNITS, AUGMENTATIVE UNITS,
ACCESSORIES, and ATTRIBUTES. This step was seen as 41 elemental in relating the identified costume characteristics to the cultural and artistic context of the period.
A structural basis for the compiling of the costume descriptions from individual paintings was found to be useful for the present study. A vocabulary of basic terms for cataloging costume (Buck, 1982) was employed to bring organization to the process of compiling the descriptions of individual costumes. The vocabulary was developed to
allow for the consideration of the costume units, subunits,
and attributes in their relation to the human body which was consistent with the approach of Wass (1975) and Roach
and Musa (1980). The vocabulary was also grouped according
to the layers worn (see Appendix C).
The compiled inventory was reorganized and collated on
a comprehensive form (see Appendix D for an outline of the
form). At the same time, the main garments depicted in
Dutch paintings were classified into one of three basic
garment types identified by Kinderen-Besier (1950). This
was seen as relevant to the present study for three
reasons. Firstly, Flemming (1974) indicated that an
important aspect of identification or description is
classification, and that
...the adoption of a more uniform and exact classification scheme for artifacts should be considered a major item of unfinished business in the development of a rigorous discipline of material culture study...(p. 156). 42
Thus, the exactness of Kinderen-Besier's classification scheme could be determined by its applicability to the present study (Paoletti, 1982).
Secondly, clear and predetermined categorization is part of the requirement of objectivity in content analysis
(Holsti, 1969; Kassarjian, 1977). Thirdly, the use of
Kinderen-Besier's categories would permit the comparison of findings with the results from the present study since both would be based on similar units of study.
Costume characteristics apparent from the selected paintings were then identified through the use of frequency distributions. Frequency distributions were developed for each of the variables in the study, so that costume characteristics could be identified for social class, subject age, depicted situation, and artistic school and artist. A sample of the form on which such frequencies were recorded can be found in Appendix E.
The second major task in the data analysis was the
cultural analysis of the identified costume
characteristics. The costumes were examined first in
association with the cultural environments of the period,
including the historical, political, social, economic, and
religious environments and events so that insight could be
gained into the ways the costume reflected the cultural
influences prevalent during the period 1500-1550. The 43 costumes were also examined in association with the artistic variables to understand the perception of clothing on the part of the artists. A time line was developed on which were plotted the significant cultural and historical developments of the period against which costume characteristics were compared. Analyses were made as to the form and attributes of costume apparent at the time of the plotted events and with regard to artistic developments to determine the ways in which costume reflected the developments. CHAPTER III
TEMPORAL AND CULTURAL SETTING
Knowledge of the forces and events that influence the development and nature of a society forms an integral part
in understanding cultural manifestations such as art and
clothing. The Dutch culture in the first half of the
seventeenth century was unique in comparison to much of the
western world during the same period. The form of
government was not based on a monarchy. Rather, a system of
civilian representation prevailed which had evolved over a
long history, marked by various struggles to maintain
independence from any strong, centralized control. As a
nation, however, the Netherlands had existed for a
comparatively short time. The Dutch Republic was the first
to gain a dominant world position based solely on economic
prosperity, rather than on large property holdings or
strong armies. Protestantism was widely and fervently
practiced by the Dutch, but they also were unusually
tolerant of other religious faiths; and freedom from
persecution attracted many who immigrated to and settled in
the Netherlands.
44 45
In this chapter, background information on the
Netherlands is presented which will establish a temporal setting through which an appreciation for the uniqueness of
Dutch culture in the first half of the seventeenth century can be gained. The chapter is organized into three parts.
The historical development of the Netherlands prior to 1609
is reported in the first section. The second section
includes a description of the Dutch culture, such as
economic, political, religious, and social environments which existed from 1600 to 1650. The third and final
section includes a discussion of daily life with
descriptions of details such as education, domestic life,
and in particular, a look at the status and pursuits of
women in Dutch culture.
Historical Development
An appreciation for the strong spirit of independence
and self-sufficiency held by the Dutch in the seventeenth
century is gained by tracing the historical development of
the Netherlands and her eventual emergence as a nation. The
discussion is divided into two sections to facilitate the
treatment of the various factors: Consolidation of the Low
Countries and Formation of the United Provinces. 46
Consolidation of the Low Countries
Prior to the late sixteenth century the area which includes modern day Netherlands, Belgium, Luxemburg, and northwest France was known as the Low Countries. The area included 17 provinces. The provinces had evolved from feudal principalities founded by noblemen during the tenth and eleventh centuries, A.D. (Smit and Smit, 1973). The provinces enjoyed medievally based freedoms such as the preservation of their own laws and the establishment of their own taxes, although they were under the jurisdiction of the shifting German and French Empires. As a result of
such loose control, the provinces existed as virtually
separate countries (Palmer, 1960).
Centralized control (albeit loose control) began to
crystalize in the late 1300's when the Dukes of Burgundy
had acquired 14 of the 17 provinces through various
conquests, purchases, and marriages (Palmer, 1960; Smit and
Smit, 1973). In 1477, the Burgundian and Hapsburg holdings
were united by the marriage of the Duchess Maria of
Burgundy and Maximillian of Austria, a Hapsburg. In 1496,
the Spanish throne was added to the growing empire when
their son, Phillip the Fair, married Johanna of Aragon, who
became heiress to the Spanish throne in 1500 (Smit and
Smit, 1973). The couple resided in Ghent, a city in a
southern province of the Low Countries, where in 1500 they
had a son, the future Charles V. At the age of 16, Charles 47 went to Spain to become regent of Aragon and Castille for his mother, Johanna, upon the death of her father (Palmer,
1960; Smit and Smit, 1973). In 1519, Charles inherited
Austria and was elected Holy Roman Emperor when his
paternal grandfather, Maximillian, died (Smit and Smit,
1973) .
Charles V
Prior to the reign of Charles V, numerous uprisings
occurred against any attempt to tighten control over the
provinces. However, during his reign as King of Spain and
Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V was able to convince the
provinces to accept him as Lord of the Netherlands. He
acquired the three provinces not held by his paternal
grandmother, Maria of Burgundy (Palmer, 1960), and
proclaimed the 17 provinces to be a collective and
inseparable part of the Empire in 1548 (Smit and Smit,
1973). Perhaps his success in overseeing the Low Countries
was due to the fact that he was born and lived there until
he was 16 years of age. During his residence in the Low
Countries he came to appreciate and respect the strong and
ancient sense of independence felt by the people of the Low
Countries. Throughout his reign, Charles V permitted the
provinces to maintain their system of self-rule. In
addition, the people of the Low Countries did not view
Charles V as a foreigner which facilitated their acceptance 48 of his leadership.
Charles V abdicated his throne in 1555 (Smit and Smit,
1973) or 1556 (Palmer, 1960) to enter a monastary at which time he divided the Hapsburg dynasty into a Spanish and an
Austrian branch. The Spanish branch, including the Lordship of the Netherlands, was passed to Charles' son, Phillip II, who grew up in Spain "and was totally alien to the Low
Countries" (Smit and Smit, 1973, p. 10). As a result, the
Dutch thought of him as a foreigner. Charles gave the
Austrian branch to his brother, Ferdinand, who then became
Holy Roman Emperor (Palmer, 1960).
Phillip II
Phillip II viewed his role as Spanish king quite
differently from his father. Phillip thought of himself as
an international religious figure who was Catholic above
and before all else. He believed with grave convictions in
the purposes and intentions of the Catholic Reformation. He
consequently poured "...with grim persistence the blood and
treasures of all his kingdoms" (Palmer, 1960, p. 105) into
the re-catholization of Europe with little consideration
for the economic or material interests of Spain. Such zeal
for Catholicism made the predominantly Protestant Dutch
understandably watchful and wary of their new lord. 49
Soon after his accession to the throne, Phillip increased the grip of his control over the Low Countries.
He increased the authority of his Spanish governors in the provinces, levied additional taxes on the Dutch to help replenish the diminishing Spanish finances, imposed
Catholic orthodoxy in the provinces, and increased the visibility of Spanish troops in the Low Countries.
Therefore, sentiments for unification heightened when, with the accession of Phillip II to the Spanish throne, Dutch
"self-rule" and the accepted predominance of Calvinist
Protestantism became threatened (Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1961;
Smit and Smit, 1973).
Reaction to the tightened hold of Phillip II began to take organized form in 1561 when William (the Silent) of
Orange and the Count of Egmond (members of the Dutch landed nobility) made initial protests to Phillip that his government was too heavily dependent on the King's Spanish advisors (Smit and Smit, 1973). The following year, 1562, a league of Dutch nobles (both Catholic and Protestant) was formed to check the influence of the Spanish in the
Netherlands and make formal protest to the King of Spain.
The high nobility, including Orange and Egmond, petitioned
during the next two years regarding several matters. The
nobles feared not only that the Dutch would soon revolt
against such foreign control but also that such control
would infringe on the freedom and economic prosperity of 50 the provinces (Palmer, 1960).
In 1566, the Dutch revolt against Spain began in full
force. Journeyman wage-earners joined the revolt on social
and economic, as well as religious grievances (Gutman,
1938). In the period of one week, the Protesters defaced
400 Catholic churches, destroying all papal symbols, which
were symbolic of Spain as much as Catholicism. The event
came to be known as the Iconoclast. The Duke of Alva and
20,000 Spanish troops were sent to the Netherlands in 1567
to put down the rebellion.
The Council of Troubles, commonly known as the
Council of Blood, was established by Alva to suppress the
rebels. The council ultimately prosecuted 9,000 rebels and
sentenced 1100 to death (Smit and Smit, 1973). Many rebels
fled the Netherlands to escape the grasp of the Council,
including William (the Silent) of Orange. Their lands were
confiscated by the Spanish as a result. Alva also tried to
levy taxes on the Low Countries to cover the cost Spain
incurred during the put down of the rebellion, an act which
was met with wide spread protests (Palmer, 196Cy50; Geyl,
1961; Smit and Smit, 1973).
Formation of the United Provinces
In 1576, Don Juan, the brother of Phillip II, arrived
in the Low Countries to become Governor-General. Don Juan 51 had grand plans for Protestant England. He planned to invade England, overthrow Elizabeth I, enthrone and marry
Mary, Queen of Scots, thus becoming King of a re-catholicized England. Don Juan planned to execute his invasion using the Low Countries as a base. In reaction, representatives of the 17 provinces agreed to put the
Spanish out at all cost (Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1961, Smit and
Smit, 1973).
Battles between the Spanish and Dutch rebels (many of whom were mercenaries organized by William the Silent)
continued for the following 33 years. While there were victories and losses on both sides, several events were
especially significant to the development of the
Netherlands. In 1578, Don Juan died and was succeeded by
Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, as leader of the Spanish
forces in the Low Countries. He was the first to divide the
17 provinces into factions, diplomatically and forcibly
coercing the southern provinces to the side of the Spanish.
Under his auspices. The Treaty of Arras was signed in 1579
organizing Antwerp, Ghent, Bruges, and other cities in the
southern provinces with the purposes of protecting
Catholicism and supporting the King of Spain (Palmer, 1960;
Smit and Smit, 1973). Indeed, the southern provinces were
called Las Provinces Obedientes (Boxer, 1965)
The Union of Utrecht was signed two weeks later in
reaction, forming a loose alliance between the northern 52 provinces of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Gelderland, and
Friesland to pursue victory against Spain. The provinces of
Overjissel and Gronongen joined the Union of Utrecht sometime later (Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1966). Drenthe, a poor and politically inactive province was included in the original union as the eighth of the united northern provinces, but is infrequently mentioned in the literature.
Instead, reference is most frequently made to the "seven provinces" (Geyl, 1961).
The Union of Utrecht specified many stipulations with which signees had to comply. The most important stipulations included:
1. Those signing shall form an union that would be both eternal and indivisible.,
2. Independence of the provinces would be maintained in matters relating to laws and the determination of "official" religion. No one would be subject to persecution on the grounds of religious practice, however.
3. Secession from the union and the formation of alliances with foreign powers by any part (province or city) of the union were prohibited (Smit"and Smit, 1973).
In 1581, a declaration was made in the name of the
Union of Utrecht that Phillip II must forfeit his sovereign
power over the northern provinces, and was deposed as Lord
of the Netherlands. The northern provinces were then
renamed as the United Provinces of the Netherlands, also
referred to as the Dvitch Republic (Palmer, 1960) . The
declaration further defined the split between the northern 53 and southern provinces, even though the split demarked no
clear boundries (which would continue to shift during the war against Spain) (Palmer, 1960; Smit and Smit, 1973).
Two other significant events occurred in 1585 which
contributed to the cause of the Dutch. The United Provinces
gained the support of 5,000 English troops. The English,
since the experiences with Don Juan, realized that the
security of Elizabethan and Protestant England depended on
the outcome of the Dutch Republic's fight with Spain
(Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1961; Smit and Smit, 1973). In
addition, the Spanish forces under the Duke of Parma
captured Antwerp from the rebels who then blocked the
Scheldt river, thus effectively ending Antwerp's position
as a world trade center while enhancing Amsterdam's. Parma
forced the Calvinists out by requiring them to convert to
Catholicism if they stayed. Many Calvinists emigrated to
the United Provinces, but as much for economic reasons as
religious (Smit and Smit, 1973). As a result, Amsterdam
gained in world position, taking in a flow of traders,
bankers, and others from the southern provinces (Erlanger,
1967).
The House of Orange.
The House of Orange represented an important force in
the expulsion of Spain. In succeeding elections, members of
this family were chosen to hold the stadholdership, a 54 position as close to a centralized ruler as the United
Provinces could tolerate. The position was passed by law from father to son in the mid 1600's, thus becoming much like the familial monarchies of Europe. The establishment of the Orange political phenomenon is discussed in this section.
William the Silent. In 1564, in the interest of presenting a unified front, several provinces elected
William to the post of stadholder, a governor-like position albeit with ill-defined responsibilities and power (Geyl,
1958; Palmer, 1960; Kahr, 1978). Beginning in 1568, William
tried three times to invade the Netherlands with mercenary
armies and navies of pirates he raised. His invasions were
attempts to incite a rebellion on the part of the people,
an attempt which was finally successful on his third
campaign in 1572.
Many internal struggles relating to political
philosophies and religious concerns complicated the
Netherlands' efforts to rid herself of Spanish control.
Many of the nobles who had negotiated with the Spanish on
behalf of the United Provinces shifted their allegiance
from the Dutch cause to the Spanish monarchy. The provinces
strived to maintain their independence disallowing any
efforts at centralized organization against the Spanish. In
addition, conflicts over the right to practice Calvinist or
Catholic religious doctrine occurred frequently. Thus, the 55 anarchy of the provincial system and fervor of religious belief threatened the success of the efforts to expulse the
Spanish.
William was a good military leader and politician, however, and was able to gain support from all factions
(Geyl, 1958). As a result, the conflict took on the characteristics of a national opposition with William the popular and heroic leader, rather than deteriorating into a class or religious conflict alone (Palmer, 1960). Still, it should be stressed that much of William's energies in leading the fledgling union were spent in trying to maintain peace among the various factions to facilitate an unified effort against the Spanish (Geyl, 1958; Smit and
Smit, 1973).
The succession of the House of Orange. William the
Silent was assassinated in 1584, an act encouraged by
Phillip II through the promise of 25,000 guilders, anmesty, and peerage to the successful assassin. William's son.
Prince Maurits, became a member of the Council of State which was established by the States General to continue the
fight to put out Spain. In 1585, Prince Maurits was also
elected stadholder in Holland and Zeeland (Smit and Smit,
1973). In power at the time of a truce with Spain, Maurits
was not seen as a heroic figure himself, but did maintain
the House of Orange's political prominence in the
Netherlands. 56
Maurits died in 1625 at which time his younger brother, Frederick Henry was elected stadholder by five of the seven northern provinces. Frederick followed the pattern set by his uncle, William the Silent, of military leader against the Spanish, with some success which led to great popularity among many of the Dutch. Frederick had plans for a centralized government, centered about himself.
As a part of the plan, he managed to legally assure the inheritance of his position as Stadholder for his son, the future William II (Geyl, 1958; Price, 1974).
House of Orange and Holland. Conflict arose between the House of Orange and the province of Holland, however.
Holland's prosperity surpassed that of the other provinces which put the province in a position of considerable political power. The Grand Pensionary of Holland strove to exert his influence in matters which might affect the source of Holland's wealth; shipping. In addition, disagreement existed on the issue of provincial separatism and centralized control as represented by the Orange's stadholdership (Price, 1974). Thus, on several occasions, the views held by Holland differed from those held by
Maurits and Frederick Henry. The power struggle threatened the success of the revolt on more than one occasion. 57
The Emergence of the Dutch Republic
From 1566 to 1609, the Dutch Revolution continued in active combat. Finally, in 1609, a 12 year truce was signed in Antwerp in which the sovereignty of the United Provinces was recognized. The truce was the work of Oldenbarnevelt,
Grand Pensionary of Holland, who was concerned that the war would affect the trade of Holland. However, many Dutch, including Prince Maurits, feared that the end of the struggle with Spain would mean the end of focus on an external threat, thus bringing to the foreground the internal strife which had threatened unity in the Rebublic all along (Geyl, 1961; Palmer, 1960; Price, 1974).
The war with Spain resumed in 1521 after attempts to extend the truce failed. The fighting continued to drain the emotions and pocketbooks of both Spain and the
Republic. In 1635, Frederick Henry sought help from France
in the form of an alliance wherein both agreed that neither
France nor the Republic would form a separate peace
agreement with Spain. The treaty was signed by the States
General in The Hague in April of 1635 (Geyl, 1961; Israel,
1982). Frederick's motives in forming the alliance were
self-serving in that he saw the French support as the means
for establishing his Dutch dynasty. The province of Holland
worried that France could turn to oppress the Republic the
way Spain had, as Holland's lucrative trade was eyed
jealously by France (Geyl, 1961). 58
In 1641, again against the -wishes of Holland,
Frederick made overtures to England's Stuarts by arranging a marriage between his son, the future William II, and
Mary, daughter of Charles I. Through such a marriage, the
Orange dynasty could spread to the English throne as well as the French. In addition, the Stuarts saw an opportunity to refortify their o-wn teetering position in England by forming such an alliance with a strong nation such as The
Republic (Geyl, 1961).
In 1644 the Spanish successfully caused a rift between
France and the Republic by offering France much of the southern provinces for making a separate agreement.
Learning of the deal, and that Frederck Henry had kno-wn of the covert dealings (Frederick had been promised Antwerp), the Republic began to negotiate alone with the Spanish and stripped Frederick of much of his influence. A peace draft was completed in 1646. Frederick, broken and disheartened, died in 1547 at which time a very young William II took his
inherited position of stadholder (only to have it abolished
in 1551). One year later, in 1548, peace and Dutch
independence came with the signing of the Peace of Muenster
(Geyl, 1958).
The emergence of the Netherlands as a nation
represents the first instance in "European history of
emancipation from the forces of tyranny and spiritual 59 oppression.(Smit and Smit, 1973, p. v ) . The struggle was at first one of economic, political, and social motives, but was also one for which religious differences were exploited in the interest of emotional ferver (Boxer,
1965).
Cultural Environments of The Netherlands
Many political, economic, religious, and social forces
contributed to the evolution of the Netherlands, both as a
country and as a nationality. Indeed, many of the forces
are inexorably intertwined, making separate discussion of
each difficult. This section is divided, however, into four
subsections to facilitate the examination of Dutch society
in the first half of the seventeenth century. The four
sections include: Provincial Government Structure,
Economic Advancements, Religion, Social Structure, and
Daily Life in the Netherlands.
Provincial Government Structure
The Dutch system of government that existed in the
1600's evolved over several centuries. The provincial
government system in the Low Countries was characterized by
the dominance of the urban centers and their complicated
ruling structure which had developed in the Middle Ages.
The urban governments consisted of councils or vroedschap
of 20 to 40 men, typically the most wealthy and revered 60 citizens who were "elected” from the wisest burghers (solid
citizens of medieval cities) of each town. Actually, the
process of "election" was a system of mutual appointment or
co-option which assured that political control remained in
the hands of only certain local citizens (Zumthor, 1963).
The term of office for council members was for life or
until a member moved, whereupon the remaining councilmen
appointed a new member. The vroedschap provided input and
determinations at the provincial level.
The councilmen selected a burgomaster or burgomasters
(Amsterdam had four) from among their ranks who served in a
manner similar to a mayor, concerning themselves with
essentially local matters. Municipal magistrates or
schepenen, who were responsible for administering justice
and local taxations, as well as treasurers and legal
advisors (pensionaries) were also selected by the regents.
In keeping with the tradition of Dutch independence,
the balance of power among the vroedschap, burgomasters and
schepenen varied from town to town. Amsterdam burgomasters,
for example were more powerful than council members, but
the reverse was true in Rotterdam (Zumthor, 1963; Boxer,
1965; Price, 1974).
There was a similar governmental structure at the
provincial level as well. Rather than councils, the
provinces had "States" or "Estates" which were formed with 51 a variety of combinations of voting delegates. For example, after 1610 the States of Holland had one voting delegate from eighteen towns, with an additional delegate representing the nobility. Other provinces, depending on their demographics, provided more representation for nobility and peasants. In addition, each province "elected" a stadholder as an executive officer or governor. The stadholder was typically the head of the military establishments and held privileges of pardon and the nomination of certain magistrates. However, the stadholder had no fiscal or judicial powers and his power vis the
States was unclear. There was no executive office which had any jurisdiction over the provinces as a group (Palmer,
1960; Zumthor, 1963; Boxer, 1965; Price, 1974).
The issue of provincial separatism was a prevailing issue identified by Price (1974) which threatened to destroy the Dutch Republic in her infancy as a nation and throughout her struggle to expulse Spain. There was no strong centralized governmental agency which had jurisdiction over all seven provinces. The States General was a body of provincial representatives (the stadholders) which met to deal with foreign and military matters.
However, any resolution which came from the States General had to be unanimously agreed to, and no action of any kind could take place without consultation with the provinces the stadholders represented (Boxer, 1965). In times of 62 disagreement, patience, persuasion, and often deceit and haggling were required to settle the matter (Boxer, 1965;
Zumthor, 1963). Even then, no province felt bound by any order of the States General (Boxer, 1965).
While the system protected the sovereignty of each province, the States General was an awkward means of crisis management, at best. As early as 1564, different provinces elected the same man (William the Silent) as stadholder to strenghten and facilitate the working of the States General when necessary to ward off some external threat. Still, the
power of the body was limited. For example, it could not
raise capital to meet its military budget. The taxes were
collected by each province.
Each province, then, continued to function as a
separate, almost independent state until the middle of the
sixteenth century. As a result, no sense of Dutch
nationality existed among the people of the Low Countries.
Even standard Dutch did not develop as an official language
until the seventeenth century (Smit and Meijer, 1966).
German was spoken in the northern provinces, French in the
southern provinces, in addition to the many dialects found
in different areas of the Netherlands. 63
Economie Advancements
The Low Countries' geographic location on the North
Sea gave impetus to the establishment of significant trade and fishing activities even before the reign of Charles V.
The northern provinces of Holland and Zeeland were both on the coast providing easy and ready access to the North Sea.
Antwerp, an inland Flemish city located on the Schelde
River, had also also been an important European trade
center until 1585 when the rebels closed the Schelde River
(Boxer, 1965? Erlanger, 1967; Price, 1974). Amsterdam's wealth and power continued to grow during the war with
Spain because the Spanish could not stop the Dutch ships.
Although documented numbers vary between 10,000 ships in
1600 (Palmer, 1960) and 4500 ships in 1636 (Price, 1974),
evidence shows that the Netherlands had a great many ships
forming a formidable navy!
Two forms of maritime endeavor contributed to the
rapid development of the Low Countries as a wealthy
territory. The Dutch were skilled fishermen and were able
to catch far more herring than the Dutch needed. The
surplus was used to obtain commodities from other countries
that the Netherlands lacked the resources to produce
herself. For example, salt was imported from France for the
preservation of herring, and coal was imported from England
(Price, 1974). Indeed, the United Province had "...no
vineyards, yet nowhere was wine so bibulously consumed. It 64 had neither wool nor flax, yet all the world knew its woolen and linen fabrics..." (Palmer, 1960, p. 107). All such goods came in exchange for fish. Thus, Amsterdam was said to be built on herringbones (Palmer, 1960; Gutman,
1938).
The Dutch were also skilled shippers and made such skills available to other countries. Thus, the Dutch added to their maritime wealth by transporting goods produced by other . countries to those wishing to import them, such as grain (Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1961; Price, 1974).
The success of trading gave rise to a growth of industry in Holland which otherwise would have been impossible. The Dutch called such industry trafieken which meant the use of imported raw materials or incomplete products in domestic manufacturing. Of primary import were sugar refining, tobacco processing, and the production of earthenware in Delft. World famous linens were produced in
Haarlem and wools in Leiden from imported flax and
sheepswool. Zaandam, just north of Amsterdam, was the
largest ship building center in Europe with the associated
industries of sail and rope making employing great numbers
(Price, 1974).
In 1602, the Dutch East India Company was established
and given a monopoly on all trade east of the Cape of Good
Hope and the lands which could be reached through the 65
Straits of Magellan. The importance of the shipping company is apparent in the fact that the company was given the authority to maintain an army, make treaties with foreign governments, and appoint governors and magistrates. A similar company. The Dutch West India Company, was founded in 1621 to trade in Africa and the West Indies. Both companies were mainly interested in furthering trade, but as evidenced by their given powers and activities, the companies had interests in colonization and in weakening
Spanish and Portugese holdings in the Americas (Smit, 1973?
Palmer, 1960).
The resulting growth of unheard of capital in
Amsterdam had it's own consequences: in 1609, the Exchange
Bank of Amsterdam was established. The bank assessed stable
exchange rates for the miriad of world currencies used at
the time, encouraged the deposit of foreign moneys into
government insured accounts, established the practice of
drawing checks against such accounts, and made loans
available. In addition, Dutch merchants and manufacturers
invested their profits abroad making possible industrial
development in Scandinavia, land drainage in France and
England, and export monopolies for Russia. In this way,
Dutch shippers and manufacturers became financiers (Palmer,
1960; Geyl, 1961; Price, 1974). Indeed, Holland's financial
leadership far outlasted her maritime prowess (Price,
1974). 66
Through such types of enterprise the industrious Dutch began to establish an economic foundation which continued to flourish, eventually bringing them to a position of world prominence in the seventeenth century. Such a position, based solely on the prosperity gained by merchants and manufacturers, was unique in Europe and, together with the representative government system, furthered the spirit of independence and democracy in the northern provinces (Erlanger, 1967).
The province of Holland became the most important province in the Dutch Republic because of the vast wealth achieved through shipping. She provided over half of the revenues to the Republic (with unmatched expediency). In such a position, Holland soon gained much power and voice in the decisions which affected the course of the , development of the Republic.
The economic prominence of Holland was a source of
fear and envy for the other provinces which viewed Holland
as a power needing to be checked. Johan van Oldenbarnevelt
was appointed Grand Pensionary (legal advisor and
spokesman) of Holland in 1586. Under the guidance of
Oldenbarnevelt, many decisions were made for the Rebublic
in Holland's best interest rather than the interests of the
Republic as a whole. Even so, with the important financial
resources Holland contributed to the Republic, the Republic
surely would not have survived without financial 67 contributions from Holland and the wise leadership of
Oldenbarnevelt (Price, 1974; Boxer, 1965; Palmer, 1960).
Oldenbarnevelt, as a strong proponent of provincial sovereignty, became a force of opposition against the
States General. Specifically, conflict arouse between
Oldenbarnevelt and Prince Maurits, the ambiguously empowered spokesman who represented a majority of the provinces in the States General. In addition, Amsterdam's powerful merchants also found themselves in conflict with
Oldenbarnevelt when they believed his actions on behalf of
Holland were not in their specific best interests (Price,
1974). Such concerns became aligned with religious debates
and eventually lead to Oldenbarnevelt's elimination by
Prince Maurits in 1618 which is discussed in the following
section.
Religion
The religion of the Dutch formed an integral part in
their life, and hence, in the development of the
Netherlands. Indeed, religion formed the first basis for
international loyalties between the Netherlands and other
countries. The northern provinces were predominantly
Calvinist and felt closer to the Calvinists in England and
France than to their own governments or neighbors. When
religious wars broke out in France, many French Calvinists
fled to the Netherlands. Catholicsm, however, predominated 68 in the southern provinces, which welcomed the support of international forces, such as the King of Spain (Palmer,
1960). Religious beliefs constituted another area of internal strife which threatened the efforts to overcome
Spanish oppression (Price, 1974).
The predominant religious following in The United
Provinces was the Dutch Reformed Church, Calvinism, which replaced Mennonism in Low Countries in the mid-1600's especially among the lower middle classes who had migrated from Geneva (Price, 1974; Geyl, 1961). Calvinism purports a doctrine of strict adherence to scripture, extolling as virtues sobriety of expression, obeyance of rigid moral rules, stifling of all spontaneity and indulgence (Zumthor,
1963). Such thinking ran completely opposite from the humanist movement which spread throughout Europe in the
1700's.
Spiritual emotion was stirred through the mind with
long sermons in stark churches rather than through the
senses as did the Catholics. The sermons were concerned with proper behavior and contained many moralistic
admonitions. Such warnings had little actual effect on more
than a small group of orthodox believers, but did have the
result of an apparently very austere society (Zumthor,
1963). 69
Daily religious practice was a family matter. Fathers officiated at prayers upon rising, before and after meals, and upon retiring at the end of the day. Mothers had the responsibility of teaching the prayers to the children.
Evenings were often spent reading and studying religious literature. First communion was viewed as a significant rite of passage after which men were judged competent to take on public repsonsibilities and women to run a household (Zumthor, 1963).
On the issue of salvation disagreement arose. Gomarus, a Leiden University professor of orthodox doctrine, purported that salvation was predestined for a chosen few.
There was a minority movement among the Calvinists, however, lead by Armenius who was a colleague of Gomarus.
The followers of Armenius were a more highly educated group
of higher social status than the followers of Gomarus who
believed that salvation was open to all who lead a proper
life. The disagreement on this matter brought the Republic
near to civil war. In 1610, the Armenians delivered a
treatise to the States General in an attempt to end the
debate if not settle the question. The treatise was called
the Remonstrance from which the Armenians acquired the
name. Remonstrants (Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974).
The religious debate became a political debate when
the question of the relationship between church and state 70
■was addressed. The Remonstrants believed that the state must have supremacy over the church, a view which reflected their interest in provincial sovereignty and the separation of church and state. The Calvinists, Counter-Remonstrants, were in favor of the establishment of an official state religion (theirs) which would have the authority over the determination of state issues (Geyl, 1961; Zumthor, 1963;
Price, 1974).
Oldenbarnevelt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, was supported by the Remonstrants who needed his political power to protect them from the persecution of the
Counter-Remonstrants. Prince Maurits supported the view of
the Counter-remonstrants, probably because of political
disagreements with Oldenbarnevelt, specifically, his
signing of the 12 year truce with Spain. A small issue of
religious dogma thus took on significant political
overtones with the formation of allegiances which would
last throughout the seventeenth century; the regents
protecting the Remonstrants; the House of Orange as the
champion of orthodoxy (Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974).
In 1618, Prince Maurits reluctantly launched a coup on
Holland to put down the Remonstrants suspecting that
Oldenbarnevelt had plans for civil war. Oldenbarnevelt was
captured and executed and all Remonstrants holding
political offices were replaced with Calvinists. Without
Oldenbernevelt's protection, then, the Remonstrants 71 experienced persecution until the 1660's, when tolerance increased among the Calvinists (Price, 1974).
There were other religious followings in the United
Republic in the seventeenth century. The Walloon Church was very similar in doctrine to the Calvinists. Most of the
Walloon followers were decendents of refugees from the
French Flanders and Hainault who came to the provinces in the sixteenth century. Therefore, their services were spoken in French rather than Latin which was spoken by the
Calvinists (Zumthor, 1963).
Many in the United Republic were of the Catholic
persuasion. Catholicism was seen as closely tied with
Spanish oppression and a threat to the Republic's struggle
for freedom early in the 1600's. Eventually the suspicion
faded and the private practice of Catholicism was accepted.
House attics were converted to places of worship, sometimes
connecting the attics of more than one home. Catholics were
never permitted to obtain political offices, however
(Zumthor, 1963? Price, 1974).
A remarkably tolerant attitude regarding religious
beliefs existed at the official level in the United
Provinces, especially when compared to the rest of Europe.
Its source may have been in the strong feelings of
independence exhibited in the essentially successful
struggle for provincial sovereignty which resisted the 72 establishment of an official theocracy (Zumthor, 1963).
Zumthor also suggested that an attitude of tolerance may have eminated from the essentially private nature of worship activity, the majority of which occurred within the home among family members. Indeed, Price stated that
"institutionalized religion failed to play a major part in the ... life of the community" (1974, p. 62). Whatever its source or reason, the tolerance practiced by the Dutch encouraged many to emigrate to the Provinces, including those of the Jewish faith. The vast numbers of immigrants led to a cultural and intellectual variety which in turn stimulated cultural and intellectual discourse and development (Palmer, 1960; Zumthor, 1963).
Social Structure
The structure of Dutch society was unique in Europe
since a domestic monarchy did not exist, and the nobility was culturally, intellectually, and economically weak. A
large middle class dominated the cultural development of
the United Provinces. A discussion of the nature of social
class and its hierarchy is presented in this section.
The Nobility
In comparison to the rest of Europe, the landed
aristocracy was poorly represented in the United Provinces
of the seventeenth century. The war with Spain decimated 73 their numbers since much of their land was confiscated and many others fled the country to avoid the same fate. During the early seventeenth century what nobility remained lived very much on the fringe, avoiding any involvement in trade while the merchants built vast fortunes. After the 12 year
truce was signed in 1609, the representational power of the
nobility in Holland was reduced in that they retained one
vote in the States while the number of towns with voting
power in the States was increased from six to eighteen.
Only in the eastern provinces, including Gelderland,
Overijsel, and Groningen did the nobility maintain any
degree of prominence. Even here, however, their position
derived not from the power that comes with great wealth but
rather from the relative poverty and cultural backwardness
of their underlings. Consequently, the nobility of the
United Provinces are considered to have contributed much in
instigating the revolt against Spain, but little or nothing
to the cultural development of the Dutch after the revolt
(Palmer, 1960; Geyl, 1961; Huizinga, 1968; Price, 1974)o
The Patricians
A new ruling class developed in the United Provinces
where seemingly closed membership was achieved by a, system
of co-option or mutual election. The oligarchy consisted of
the urban and provincial administrators who jealously
guarded their privileges and position. Their position of 74 power was de facto rather than de juro which lead to constant struggles with the stadholders and petit burgeoisie for the upper hand. The ruling class was also referred to as the regent class since many also directed organizations for public and private affairs (Zumthor,
1963; Price, 1974).
Before 1650, the lifestyle of the patricians was indistinguishable from the merchant classes. The wealth of the patricians was derived from the investment and other management of their trading profits rather than from active participation in trade. The concerns of the patricians rarely extended beyond the expedition of local matters.
They tended to be very methodical and suspicious of innovations (Zumthor, 1963; Huizinga, 1968; Price, 1974).
Particularly after the removal of the Remonstrants in
1618, the patricians tended to be of orthodox Calvinist persuasion resulting in a class identity of austerity and
simplicity. Accordingly, they found the courtly display of
Frederick Henry and his wife Amalia van Solms distasteful.
The moral credibility they acquired was often their best weapon in the struggle for power against the stadholder and
petit burgeoisie (Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974).
Thus, the patricians existed as a political elite.
Price (1974) suggested that they were neither a social nor
economic elite, but that rather the membership of the 75 oligarchy changed somewhat frequently for two reasons.
Firstly, new members joined the group when old members moved or died. In addition, as the economy expanded, the wealth and power of towns expanded requiring the addition of administrative positions. The second reason the oligarchy was not as closed as it appeared was that political crises caused the replacement of old members with new members on several occasions throughout the country,
such as the purge of Remonstrants in 1618.
The Stadholder
The ambiguously defined position of stadholder
requires some specific comment as it took on the appearance
of an inherited and dynastic monarchy over time. The
position fit awkwardly into the provincial system of
government, but enjoyed a large following among lower class
non-patricians based on the reputation of liberator which
began with William the Silent. The stadholder was not a
paid position and the House of Orange was not wealthy by
the standards of the seventeenth century. Indeed, many
Dutch merchants had fortunes which vastly outdistanced that
of this feudally based aristocracy (Zumthor, 1963;
Huizinga, 1968).
Zumthor (1963) stated that the stadholders of the
House of Orange were not the type to attract intelligent
society. The wife of Frederick Henry, Amalia van Solms, 76 tried to establish, a court-like atmosphere which would be worthy of her husband's dreams of grandeur. The result was an "isolated island," a "French inspired colony, out of touch with the real Holland" (p. 230). French was spoken,
French fashions were worn, and French food was consumed, but the actions were only superficial, the nobility at court were mostly foreign; "the soul was missing" in this attempt at courtly life (p. 231). As might be imagined, all this display was of great annoyance to the patricians and burgeosie.
The Bourgeoisie
The largest social group in the United Provinces was the middle non-patrician class, consisting of a variety of types and lifestyles ranging from shipping magnates to small tradesmen. The burgeoisie concentrated primarily on
running their businesses and the pursuit of leisure. As a
group, their ambitions consisted of little more than to
marry their daughters to a richer family. Still, there was
widespread prosperity among the burgeoisie. Most owned
their own houses and had access to a share in the shipping
industry through a system known as rederij whereby groups
of people joined together in the purchase and
administration of a trading vessel (Palmer, 1960; Geyl,
1961; Huizinga, 1968; Price, 1974; Mook, 1977.). 77
The Working Classes
The common laborers had little share in the national wealth and lived their lives on the edge of poverty. Their income was dependent upon the stability of employment, the condition of which was frequently poor and governed by the medieval guild system. Child labor was common (a 1645 decree limited a child's work day to 14 hours!) and the worker suffered from urban housing shortages. The members of this class have been characterized as uncomplaining, friendly, and thoughtful. Yet, the group acquired a reputation for being especially stingy and greedy, enjoying a brawl and taking advantage of one's ignorance to fill their pockets (Zumthor, 1963; Huizinga, 1968).
Sailors were found in the provinces of Holland,
Zeeland and Friesland. Their life was a harsh one, with much of their time spent on rough and dangerous seas. They were superstitous and ill-mannered as a result. The
captains might hope to acquire middle class status upon
retirement if they were able to put money away (Zumthor,
1963).
Living mostly in the eastern provinces, the peasants
were clean, diligent, slow but literate. The family unit
was of great importance to the peasant. A few lived off the
urban centers which provided a market for their produce and
a place for celebrating various holidays, but most 78 distrusted town dwellers (Zumthor, 1963? Huizinga, 1968).
Thus, Dutch society was characterized by a variety of lifestyle and pursuits. It was advanced in the relative freedom of upward mobility and yet many medieval ways hung on, such as the flourishing guilds and conservative ways of thinking. The Dutch, in spite of their prosperous and stimulating life, were suspicious of innovations, methodical, opinionated and proud of the narrowness of their judgement, almost as a national trait. Distinctions between classes were financially defined rather than traditionally or culturally established, and the divisions became more distinct after 1610. The prosperous province of
Holland accounted for more than 48% of the population in
the United Provinces and most abided in urban centers. A
look into the nature of daily living follows in the next
section.
Daily Life in the United Provinces
The details of daily existence lends special
understanding of the character of a society. A discussion
concerning the nature of Dutch life is presented in the
following section which is divided into four parts: The
Home, The Family, Education, and Leisure Diversions.
Throughout the discussion, reference will be made to the
social status and pursuits of women, the focus of the 79 present study.
The Home
A Dutchman's house was a great source of delight and pride, whatever his social standing. Typically, the narrow dwelling place provided a charmingly intimate atmosphere at a very human scale; few Dutch homes were grandiose or sprawling. The number and purpose of the rooms contained within a home varied with the social status of the owner.
No two rooms, however, were on the same level and were connected by stairways which, for the most part, were narrow, winding and "dangerously precipitous" (Zumthor,
1963, p. 42).
Each room had itsown character, although each was furnished with a table, chairs, and a cupboard. The latter
symbolized the good fortune of the family, if not their
social ambitions, as they were quite expensive. The
furniture was heavy and massive in design at the beginning
of the seventeenth century, although the lighter influences
of English and French styles were increasingly seen as the
century progressed (Zumthor, 1963).
The houses and their furnishings were kept spotlessly
clean by the mistress of the house. This obsession with
cleanliness was the brunt of many teasings and many
foreigners found it difficult to believe. There were daily 80 cleaning rituals as well as seasonal overhauls. In a typical routine, thirty to forty buckets of water were used daily which, combined with fairly poor ventilation, made for a damp atmosphere in which to live. Rheumatism was a common complaint (Zumthor, 1963).
Family Life
The family unit was extremely important to the Dutch, often the sole center of social existence, The roles in the family were part of long traditions and were specifically spelled out. Following the dictates of the Old Testament, the Dutch believed that the father was the master of the family and was to be obeyed by both children and wife. He presided at prayers and meals as if the high priest of some cult. The mother exerted complete moral domination in the home, however. She taught her children prayers and taught most of the skills her daughters would need when they married (Zumthor, 1963; Mook, 1977).
As might be expected, marriage was seen as a sacred
institution, although young people were given comparatively
free reign in the choice of partners when compared to the
practices in other parts of Europe. While there were many
moral obstacles to be overcome, young people met through a
variety of holiday gatherings and games. When engagements
occurred, they were cause of very solemn celebration.
Breaking off an engagement was viewed as a criminal offense 81
(Zumthor, 1963).
The pride and joy of the Dutch were their children.
Brought into the world with the entire family present
(including grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins who had been invited in very specific order) their arrival was a time of great celebration and public announcement. Zumthor
(1963) stated that children were adored and spoilt in many ways. They were allowed to play in the streets (so as not to dirty the house) and the gangs that collected were responsible for the disrespectful treatment received by strangers which contributed to the European belief that the
Dutch were rowdy and undisciplined.
Meals were always taken as a family and were
gatherings no one dared miss, even though conversation was
most often sparse. The Dutch consumed huge amounts of food,
spreading their intake over four meals; an early, simple
breakfast, the midday or de neon which was the principal
meal of the day consisting of two to four courses, an
afternoon snack, and finally a late evening meal which was
similar to the midday. A prayer began and ended each meal.
The diet of the Dutch was essentially vegetarian.
Indeed, they consumed more vegetables than any other
Europeans. Breakfast began at 5:00 or 6:00 in the morning
and consisted of cheese, coarse bread, much butter
(believed to clear the skin) with milk or beer. The midday 82 included a vegetable soup, fish, salad or fruit, and occasionally a dessert of pancakes, waffles, or rice pudding. The afternoon snack taken around 3:00 included bread, cheese, almonds or some such treat, and hot beer.
The evening meal often occurred at 8:00 or 9:00 in the*
evening and might consist of leftovers, or new fixings,
depending on the course of the day (Zumthor, 1963; Braudel,
1979).
The mistress of the house was responsible for the
cooking which was never fussy. The "ingredients were
varied, solid, nourishing, and carelessly prepared"
(Zumthor, 1963). Dairy products were fundamental to the
diet and produced in enough quantities to be exported. The
Dutch ate much fish of many varieties, but especially
herring. Meat was rarely consumed, except in November when
cattle were slaughtered. Accompanying every meal was the
ever present beer, considered the national drink. In 1600,
the taverns of Haarlem alone required the equivalent of
5,500,000 gallons to keep their patrons in drink ! (Zumthor,
1963).
Education
The education of children in the United Provinces was
under the control of the reformed church and occurred in
three stages. The higher the social class, the higher level
of schooling the children were able to pursue. If girls 83
•wished to pursue the highest levels, private tutors had to be retained.
The nature of the Dutch intellect is reflected in the
academic pursuits which interested the faculties and
students at institutions of learning. While exploring
subjects such as astronomy, botany and anatomy, the Dutch
had an affection for the concrete and for reality. They
were preoccupied with experimentation and its practical
application. Such curiosity lead to the invention of the
telescope, the microscope, and the pendulum clock, as well
as logarithmic, integral, and differential calculus
(Zumthor, 1963).
The success of the trading economy and the variety of
cultural representation have been credited for the unusual
intellectual stimulation the Dutch experienced and enjoyed.
As previously noted, the Dutch had a large literate
population. This, together with the stimulation resulting
from significant leisure time and a varied culture, lead to
an advanced publishing industry unsurpassed in all of
Europe. In these ways, the Dutch impress one as having been
enthusiastically curious about the world in which they
lived and found ways to explore and enjoy it without ever
losing sight of the everyday problems that needed solving
(Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974). 84
Diversions
The Dutch worked hard, but they also played hard in ways that reflected their middle class origins. Throughout
Europe, game hunting was the tradional sport of kings. In the United Provinces, however, hunting other than fowl was prohibited. The Dutch much preferred line fishing for sport. A favorite summer pasttime was going on outings to the country, whether for a day of games or picnicking. In the winter, when most business slowed, the entire country went skating. Skating was enjoyed by all classes and thus had an annual unifying effect on the Provinces. The skaters typically wore extra layers of wool under their indoor clothes so that the indoor clothing remained visible and, thus, the colors added an air of festivity to the drab winter countryside (Zumthor, 1963).
While their regular diet was comparatively frugal, the
Dutch used any excuse to have a feast at which they would
"gulp down incredible quantités of food and drink"
(Zumthor, 1953, p. 170). These festive indulgences provided an occasion for social interaction beyond the normal
confines of the family. Drunkeness, especially among the
lower classes, was common for both men and women at such
gatherings. Beer, wine (in upper classes), and hollands gin were popular and effective intoxicants. Temple (1964/1689)
noted that the consumption of beer was the one joy and
luxury enjoyed by people who lived otherwise austere and 85
simple lives. Zumthor (1963, p. 182) suggested that
festivals continued as a traditional form of release for
the Dutch, describing them as more than just a holiday but
a "drunken spree serving to liberate all of the vulgar passions normally held in check."
The Dutch had still other ways of having fun. They
were inveterate gamblers, even betting on the outcome of
battles during the war with Spain. They enjoyed dice and a
variety of dice games. The evening was a favorite time for
games, either in the home with family or friends or in the
taverns. (Zumthor, 1963).
Music and flowers provided other leisure pursuits for
the more gentile. Sing-alongs were a common evening
activity. Both profane and sacred music was popular and
plentiful. Even though the Reformed Church disapproved of
singing as a spontaneous human display, it was preferable
to drinking or gambling.
Gardens were a common decoration for court and front
yard in Dutch homes, even though the Reformed Church,
again, saw flowers as an improper indulgence. The Dutch had
a passion for them. The rose was most popular until 1615
when the tulip began to make inroads in Dutch gardens.
The tulip was first brought from Turkey to Germany in
1559 and found its way to the Provinces in 1593. When Louis
XIII of France took a fancy to the flower, it became all 86 the rage in Paris. The Dutch, with some expertise in botany, were very clever at creating exotic hybrids so that by 1625 when the passion and demand for the tulip spread across Europe, the Provinces were the main supplier. Exotic varieties fetched enormous prices and many Dutch bourgeoisie saw an opportunity to partake in the profits to be had in bulb trading. Bulbs were bought and sold many times over in a single day, all on credit. Fortunes were made and lost overnight.
The market seemed to saturate in 1636 when sellers could not find buyers. Panic set in almost immediately and the government grew concerned. The entire Dutch economy was based on credit and panic might spread. Dealers met and worked out a more stable marketing strategy which resulted
in a drastic drop in prices. Many fortunes were ruined, but
a few remained and managed to continue trading in bulbs in
a more sane, if not spectacular, world market (Zumthor,
1963; Huizinga, 1968).
The daily life of the Dutch was rigorous, but enhanced
with scholarly pursuit and literature, as well as leisurely
indugences. The family was the center of social
interaction, religious activity, and the celebration of
rites of passage. While the father was master of the
family, the mother had dominance within the home where most
Dutch women spent their entire lives. Children, though
indulged, received a comparatively favorable education. 87
Artistic contributions, reflective of Dutch history,
culture and daily life, are yet another aspect which
flourished in the United Provinces in the first half of the
seventeenth century. In the following chapter, the
development of the uniquenesses of Dutch art, the painters
of the United Provinces, and their position in the Baroque
movement are presented. CHAPTER IV
ARTISTIC SETTING
There is much about seventeenth century Dutch painting that was innovative and distinctive in relation to coeval art which was produced in other European countries including the neighboring southern provinces. Such distinctiveness stemmed from the fact that seventeenth century Dutch culture was far removed from the ideals which directed artistic developments in the southern provinces and throughout Europe (Rosenberg, Slive, and ter Kuile,
1966). Dutch culture was founded on the need for securing the loyalty and support of common, independent people during crises of internal and international politics as well as crises of religion (Zumthor, 1963). In addition, the traditional patrons of the arts, namely the Catholic
Church and wealthy royalty and/or nobility, were not common
in the Dutch Republic during the seventeenth century
(Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974; Wright, 1978; Montias, 1982).
Furthermore, the Dutch were little impressed with the
literary or artistic achievements of the rest of Europe since the functions or meanings of such achievements did not relate to the Dutch culture (Price, 1974).
88 89
The innovations in Dutch paintings of this period both responded to and reflected the concerns of seventeenth century Dutch society (Price, 1974; Kahr, 1978), and represented the tastes of people in comparatively moderate circumstances (Kahr, 1978). The pictures produced by the
Dutch artists were simple, straightforward records which made few intellectual demands on the viewer (Wright, 1978).
The main type of subject to merit attention was the citizen, clad in true costume and carrying out daily activities. Such subject matter represented a total break with Renaissance traditions (Zumthor, 1963).
Still, Dutch paintings were not ordinary or insignificant. Indeed, Price (1974) referred to the works of Dutch seventeenth century artists as the Motherland's
...greatest cultural achievement,...marked by a freshness and originality rare in the history of art...the roots (of which) lay in the nature of Dutch society which produced and maintained this school, and specifically in the social position of it's artists and in the nature of the market for painings (p. 119).
In this chapter, Dutch paintings from the period
1600-1650, are discussed with special attention focused on
the ways in which Dutch artists and their paintings reflect
the nature of Dutch culture. Through such exploration,
understanding can be gained of one medium in which Dutch
costume is preserved, thereby facilitating the cultural
analysis of that costume. 90
The discussion focuses on two major sections: a)
Baroque Painting and b) Dutch Painting 1600-1550. In the first section, the general characteristics of the Baroque are briefly presented as a foundation for understanding the position held by Dutch artists of the same period. The second section includes discussions regarding the characteristics, functions, and traditions of Dutch paintings from the first half of the seventeenth century, the unique nature of training and perception of Dutch artists, and the cultural influences which gave rise to the development of the seventeenth century Dutch school of painting.
Baroque Painting
The seventeenth century is commonly recognized as the
period during which art described today as Baroque was
produced (Bohen, 1914; Martin, 1957; Rosenberg, et al.,
1966; Kahr, 1978; Wittkower, 1978; Held and Posner, n.d.).
As with most other art movements, the Baroque was not
recognized as a unified style until the mid-nineteenth
century (Held and Posner, n.d.). The term, baroque, has
been used since the late eighteenth century to connote
something as strange or bizarre. Such connotation provides
insight into the movement's early unpopularity (Bohen,
1914; Held and Posner, n.d.). 91
Describing the Baroque style of art is a difficult task since it embraces a variety of dichotomies: classicism and reality, naturalism and allegory, humanism and imposing display. Martin (1957) suggested that the movement could be more easily understood as an unified outlook or way of thinking rather than as an unified artistic style. There are, however, identifiable characteristics which reflect the Baroque outlook. Their similarity to seventeenth century scientific interests speak to the close
relationship between the fields of art and science.
Among the first things that strikes one about Baroque
art is the apparent fascination with naturalism and the
accurate representation of appearances (Martin, 1957; Held
and Posner, n.d.). Such a fascination with reality also
gave rise to the physical sciences: "the artistic vision
of the age that gave birth to the physical sciences was
shaped by a respect for visible, material reality" (Martin,
1957, p. 173). The artistic result was an expansion of
subject matter in painting, including an increase in
landscape and genre painting, as well as the depiction of
the broad spectrum of social classes (Wittkower, 1978;
Elsen, 1972). However, alongside the current of naturalism
flowed an equally strong current of allegory, sometimes
concealed in naturalistic settings. Martin (1957) stated
that such interest in allegory echoed the philosophical
interest in metaphysics and the coeval outlook that a 92 questioning mind (rather than one lead by faith) was a sign of progressive intellect.
The Baroque outlook also embraced an interest in
emotional reality of the human being, i.e. psychology
(Bohen, 1914; Martin, 1957; Held and Posner, n.d.). Bohen
stated that there was in the seventeenth century an
awakening consciousness of, and a revelling in,
individuality which would seem to have led to an interest
in depicting the human psyche in Baroque art. The depiction
of mixed or extreme emotional states became the true
subject matter in artistic works, rather than the occasion
or event which gave rise to such feelings. Favorite
religious subjects included visions, ecstacy, death, and
martyrdom. Humor appeared for the first time in secular
caricatures such as those done by Annibale Carracci.
In contrast to naturalism and tangible reality,
seventeenth century artists were intrigued with the concept
of the infinite which was expressed through the
manipulation of light and space, as well as various
references to time (Martin, 1957; Held and Posner, n.d.).
Specifically, light eminating from real but sometimes
unseen sources was used as a device for expressive power by
many artists, Rembrandt (1606-1669) and Michelangelo Merisi
da Caravaggio (ca. 1565-ca.l609) among the most
significant. Indeed, light itself became symbolic of the
infinite. 93
Held and Posner (n.d.) stated that the heretofore normal spatial limitations were disregarded in many ways in
Baroque art with the specific intent of making the viewer part of the work of art and vice versa. The subject of the painting and the viewer were brought together through several techniques. For example, Caravaggio used foreshortening and outreaching gestures to place the action of his paintings in the foreground, very close to the viewer. Velazques often painted mirrors into his works which contained his own image reflected from the viewer's
plane. Many other artists, including Frans Hals
(1581/2-1666), portrayed their subjects so that the
subject's focus of attention was in the viewer's plane or
beyond the boundaries of the painting. Sometimes, the
subject would even appear to look directly at the viewer,
as if the viewer had interrupted or entered the momemt
depicted in the painting (Held and Posner, n.d.).
Analogies of space were also made on less literal
bases than those mentioned above. Traditional limitations
on space were dissolved through the depiction of areas with
indefinite boundaries. Artistically vague representations
of ill-defined rooms or areas beyond those of primary
interest referred to the limitlessness of space (Martin,
1957; Elsen, 1972; Held and Posner, n.d.). 94
A sense of the infinite was alluded to through the element of time. The depiction of a single instant, frozen forever, was popular with many Baroque artists working in portrait, religious, and even genre subject matter. The timeless stature of European royalty or characters from literature was sometimes related through the figure's attire. Clothing from a specific period of time in the past was sometimes used. Occasionally, the figure would be dressed in clothing that could not be associated with a specifc era, so that the reference to a particular time period was vague (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; DeMarley, 1980).
The Baroque movement was launched in direct opposition to the principles of mannerism which preceded it (Martin,
1957). Indeed, artists such as Caravaggio and Carracci were viewed as revolutionary. Many variations in style existed under the Baroque umbrella each of which reflected an exuberance for life and its experiences. Common themes, however, including an interest in realism and verisimilitude, allegorical study, the representation of
emotional states, and the exploration of the infinite can be identified in the art of the seventeenth century.
Secular subject matter, such as landscapes, genre, still
lifes, and themes revolving around the satisfaction of the
senses, though not completely new, gained in importance
during the Baroque period. Dutch painting of the
seventeenth century was both a part of, and removed from. 95 the movement. The following section presents a discussion of the nature of Dutch painting and the ways it reflected the Dutch way of life.
Dutch Painting: 1600 - 1650
Dutch painting of the seventeenth century is
distinguishable from the art of other European countries by
special characteristics which are linked with the unique
nature of Dutch culture of the same period. The number of
paintings which Dutch artists produced has never been
matched before or since by any other school (Wright, 1978).
In addition, the innovations which occurred in Dutch
painting developed within only two generations (Held and
Posner, n.d.). This section is organized into the following
topics of discussion: Characteristics and Traditions of
Dutch Painting, The Artist, Purposes of Paintings, and
Dutch Artistic Schools of Painting.
Characteristics and Traditions of Dutch Painting
There are several unique aspects of Dutch painting
which make it both a part of, and separate from, the
Baroque movement of the seventeenth century. The
achievements in style and subject matter of the period were
foreshadowed in paintings from the Low Countries which date
from the fifteenth century (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 96
1978; Wright, 1978). Wright also noted that the artistic traditions were partly determined by the political history and geography of the Low Countries. Price (1974) suggested that the strong artistic traditions of Dutch painters fed their continued independence from world wide trends which developed in the seventeenth century.
During the 1400's, most of the artistic activity occurred in the southern provinces with such painters as
Jan van Eyck, Rogier van der Weyden, Hans Meimlic, Dieric
Bouts and Hugo van der Goes. Developments which did occur
in the northern provinces during this period are hard to
trace since much art was destroyed in the 1566 destruction
of Catholic art in churches by Calvinist reactionaries. The
unique characteristics of Dutch painting are presented in
this section together with references to their development.
Special attention is given to the development of
portraiture and genre painting, as these were seen as
especially pertinent to the present study.
The Baroque outlook embraced both naturalism and
classicism, but to the Dutch, realism was the more
important of the two. Indeed, Rosenberg, et al. (1966)
noted that Dutch realism was unmatched in its pervasiveness
of subject matter and the intimacy with which depictions
were rendered. The paintings provide a complete visual
record of the daily details of Dutch life and reveal a
"sensitive feeling for the painterly beauty of everyday 97 life" (Rosenberg, et al., 1966, p. 4). Kahr (1978) also stated that Dutch painters clearly worked from careful observation of the natural world, which would seem to stem from the affection for concreteness and reality which
Zumthor (1963) and Price (1974) described as indigenous to the Dutch intellect.
The realism was, however, somewhat selective. Scenes of hard or unpleasant living and working conditions were
rarely painted. Battles were a common occurrence in the
Netherlands early in the first half of the seventeenth
century, but very few Dutch paintings record such events.
Cheerful representations were popular instead (Rosenberg,
et al., 1966). The Dutch disliked sentimentality and
mysticism and were fond of harmonious design and rich
colors. In this way, the artists' taste was determined by
the prevailing tastes of their countrymen, and Dutch
realism was therefore a reflection of the unity between art
and society (Zumthor, 1963; Erlanger, 1967).
Dutch painting represented an unprecedented breadth of
subject matter, surpassing even the expansion brought about
by the Baroque movement. All social classes were depicted
in the pursuit of many activities and diversions, with a
primarily bourgeoisie character and taste. Rosenberg, et
al. (1966) stated that this bourgeois character had long
standing tradition in Dutch art, having first appeared in
the fifteenth century. Perhaps the Baroque movement 98 legitimatized such tradition. Rosenberg, et al. also noted two factors as possible explanations for the variety of subject matter: a) the multifarious population in the
Netherlands with diverse interests and activities from which to draw inspiration and b) the comparatively democratic attitude which existed in the Netherlands.
Kahr (1978) suggested that the commercial motivation behind the production of paintings might also explain the different subject matter. Paintings were viewed in the seventeenth century as an economic commodity by Dutch artist and procurer alike. Works were produced for trade in an open market which was quite different from the traditional system of royal and religious patronage that existed elsewhere in Europe (Rosenberg, et al., 1966;
Price, 1974; Kahr, 1978; Held and Posner, n.d.). Montias
(1982) stated that many artists died with significant numbers of completed paintings still in their inventories which indicated they were not produced for specific patrons.
Held and Posner (n.d.) stated that, as with other goods, an over supply of paintings resulted in low prices.
In addition, the market for paintings was large enough that
artists could address groups other than the educated elite,
permitting the depiction of subjects not traditionally
considered appropriate. Paintings were not only hung on
walls, but were used as collateral for loans, payment of 99 debts, as well as sources for investment (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Price, 1974; Held and Posner, n.d.).
The production of paintings as commercial merchandise resulted in specialization among Dutch artists that was not seen elsewhere in Europe. Artists had to produce quickly and economically to earn a living and hence, had little time for experimentation (Held and Posner, n.d.). In addition, Montias (1982) suggested a stylistic leaning occurred towards painterly technique which was faster and easier than the linear precision pursued by earlier Dutch
artists.
Dutch artists brought to their work an unsurpassed
level of human experience. There was a homey quality in
Dutch painting which put even the grandest events in human
scale (Bohen, 1914; Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Price, 1974).
The subject of Dutch painting had to be meaningful to a
wealthy but unsophisticated consumer (Held and Posner,
n.d.). For example, Kahr (1978) noted that even in the
fifteenth century, the Holy Family was depicted by Dutch
artists as ordinary people in humble surroundings doing
humble things. Thus, subjects of the paintings reflected
experiences, feelings, and thoughts common to many bringing
a very human touch to their depiction.
Another way in which the human touch was manifested
was in the size of most Dutch paintings. Most paintings 100 were fairly small in comparison to works created elsewhere
in Europe. Rare was the Dutch portrait which depicted the
sitter in life size dimensions, contrary to the grand
impression inherent in the Baroque outlook.
Kahr (1978) noted that during the fifteenth century,
an important religious movement occurred in the Low
Countries which was a precursor to Protestantism. The
movement stressed individuality in devotion rather than
participation in church dogma. Human nature was taken into
account and strict religious practices were consequently
relaxed. Personal contact with the scriptures was
emphasized over another's interpretation. This movement
might be an explanation for the origin of the human touch
Kahr found characteristic of seventeenth century Dutch art
as well as the searching introspection apparent to
Rosenberg, et al. (1966).
The Development of Dutch Portrait Style
Dutch artists produced and sold extraordinary numbers
of portraits in the first half of the seventeenth century
(Kahr, 1978). The traditional goals of portraiture include
the preservation of a person's face for posterity (Elsen,
1972), the placement of a sitter in history (Kahr, 1978),
and the documentation of the sitter's environment
(Rosenberg, et al., 1966). The Dutch enjoyed paintings of
themselves for all of these reasons. 101
Important and innovative Dutch portraitists brought an expression and animation of personality that was first seen in fifteenth century portraits (Elsen, 1972). While
Renaissance style tended to disguise the natural potential of the flesh, thus, altering nature, the Baroque outlook embraced the enhancement of natural endowments with graceful, revealing clothes and textures which flattered the flesh. Dutch tastes before 1650, however, ran to the depiction of themselves as simple people with frugal habits
(Held and Posner, n.d.) which may have been a result of
Calvinist Puritanism (Rosenberg, et al., 1966).
The Dutch culture was reflected in several unique aspects of Dutch portraiture. Full length portraits were rare in the Netherlands, partly because the Dutch homes were too small to accommodate them. In addition, the full length portrait was too close to the official state portraiture which was so much a part of European court life, yet so far from the philosophical foundations of the
Republic (Rosenberg, et al., 1966). Furthermore, small paintings which depicted only part of the figure were much more intimate and in keeping with the human scale preferred
by the Dutch than life-sized renditions (Kahr, 1978).
Developments in group portraiture were extensive in
the seventeenth century. Such forms were popular among the
various civic groups to which the Dutch belonged. Indeed, 102 the portrayal of groups had been popular in the Netherlands since the fifteenth century. Given the relatively democratic nature of the Dutch, it is not surprising that each sitter in a group merited equal importance and prominence almost to the neglect of the group's depicted activity (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978; Wright,
1978).
Frans Hals and Rembrandt represent the most signficant developments in Dutch seventeenth century portraiture. Hals early work with genre became merged with his portrait form
resulting in a spontaneous, exuberant depiction of the
sitter which also revealed much about the psyche behind the
face. Rembrandt developed unmatched skill in exploring the
introspective nature of portraiture through the use of
light and facial expression. This aspect of his work
developed in his later years, however. Rembrandt settled in
Amsterdam in 1632 and soon became an established and very
successful portraitist for members of society. While his
works from this period lack the insight of later work, they
do reveal the skill of a consummate observer of human
nature (Rosenberg, et. a., 1966; Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
Rosenberg, et al. (1966) remarked that the numerous
minor portraitists active in the Netherlands during the
first half of the seventeenth century provide a more
reliable record of the nature of the Dutch than the
unparalleled innovations of Hals and Rembrandt. The work of 103 artists such as Michiel Jansz. van Miereveld (1567-1641),
Nicolaes Elias called Pickenoy (1590/1-165<1/6 ), Thomas de
Keyser (1596^7-1667), Johannes Cornelisz. Verspronck
(1597-1662) and Dirck Dircksz. Santvoort (1610/1-1680) provide a competent (if dry) record of people who radiate a
sense of pride and personal independence so in keeping with
the Dutch outlook.
The Dutch gradually came to prefer the aristocratic
elegance and luxury rendered by more polished styles in the
latter half of the seventeenth century. Price (1974) noted
that as the century waned, the need for propagandist art
increased for the Dutch, but was very removed from Dutch
traditions. Thus, the national character of Dutch
portraiture dissipated (Kahr, 1978).
Genre
The category of art embraced by the term "genre"
represents a variety of specializations. The word, "genre",
is French meaning sort, or kind, and relates to the
depiction of scenes from every day life (Rosenberg, et al.,
1966; Kahr, 1978). The depiction of everyday life existed
in the Renaissance period, but was under the guise of
seasonal cycles, allegory, and morality paintings. The
Italian painter Caravaggio was the first to paint genre for
its own sake (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Wittkower, 1978).
The Dutch genre artists adopted the category easily, again 104 finding traditions in fifteenth century Flemish artists such as Pieter Bruegel the Elder (ca. 1525-1569). The skill developed by the Dutch genre painters, however, surpassed all others who tried to paint in this category (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
The genre of the Dutch took many forms. The so called merry company originated from the parables of the Prodigal
Son and depicted various types involved in general merry making of more or less innocent motivation. Early artists active in this specialization included Esias van de Velde
(c. 1591-1630), Willem Buytewech (1591/2-1624) from whom only ten works are known, Hendrick Gerritsz. Pot
(1585-1657), and Dirck Hals (1591-1656), who was Frans
Hals' younger brother. While these and other artists were active trail blazers during the period 1600-1650, their accomplishments in genre pale incomparison to the Leiden genre painters of the following generation (Rosenberg, et
al., 1966; Kahr, 1978).
The depiction of peasants and low life was another
important form of genre for which Pietmr Bruegel the Elder
provided an important foundation. Artists who specialized
in the depiction of low, grotesque peasant types included
Adriaen Brouwer (1605/6-c.1638), who was actually Flemmish,
but worked in Haarlem and Amsterdam, and the brothers
Adriaen van Ostade (1610-1685) and Isaack van Ostade
(1621-1649). Isaack van Ostade showed more promise than did 105 his brother and left works which combined the genre and landscape forms (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978).
The unique characteristics of seventeenth century
Dutch painting might be summarized to include selective and cheerful realism, an unprecedented breadth of subject
matter, the production of paintings for the open market without the traditional system of royal or religious
patronage, specialization of artists, and the rendering of
subject matter with an unmatched human touch. The
developments in Dutch painting of the seventeenth century,
however, represented a continuation of traditions from the
previous two centuries.
The Dutch Artist
The nature of the training and background of most
Dutch artists led to the unique characteristics found in
Dutch painting from the seventeenth century. Many Dutch
artists were considered by others as well as themselves to
be craftsman rather than artists; most painters were seen
as lower in status than playwrights (Erlanger, 1967; Price,
1974). Many came from middle class origins and had parents
who were closely allied with the craft of painting. As
such, there was little money for extensive artistic
education in the European art centers. The alternative was
the guild system which continued to exist in the 106
Netherlands throughout the seventeenth century (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Price, 1974; Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
The Guild of St. Luke was the guild to which Dutch painters belonged. Developed during the middle ages, the guild was an economic organization set up to regulate competition, control standards of workmanship, and establish rules for training fledgling members. Each town. had its own chapter of the guild with separate rules stipulating the conditions for the sale of paintings and the number of students a painter could take on. The latter was to control the share of the limited market held by a single painter in any one town. In addition, painters were prohibited from selling their paintings in towns where they were not members of St. Luke's Guild (Kahr, 1978). Hence,
Price (1974) suggested one purpose of the guild system was to insure the equal distribution of potential profits.
The guild also regulated the nature of apprenticeships which, while locally controlled, were fairly uniform
throughout the Netherlands. Kahr (1978) suggested that this
might be an explanation for the over-all high quality which
characterized Dutch painting in the seventeenth century.
Boys became apprentices at the age of ten or twelve at
which time they came to live with their master. Girls were
excluded from the guild and had to resort to learning from
their fathers. Apprentices learned first by imitation,
copying existing works, studying perspective, anatomy and 107 other theoretical principles, as well as grinding colors and preparing canvases for their masters. After four to six years of training, application for guild membership could be made.
Price (1974) indicated that the guild system isolated young Dutch artists from the trends and traditions in
European art. He also noted that the existence of rich indigenous traditions in Dutch art provided vast resources upon which painters could draw. The perpetuation of the technique of the masters encouraged by the guild system, together with the perception of artist as craftsman, may well have contributed to the development of specializations
as discussed earlier in association with the economic
expediences of developing expertise (Montias, 1982; Held
and Posner, n.d.).
The purpose for which most Dutch artists studied
painting was the production of merchandise to sell to
people who had disposable income but perhaps could not
afford the works by the Flemish or Italian masters. The
subject matter and treatment thereof had to appeal
specifically to this customer. Such direct influence might
help to explain the human scale or level of most Dutch art
as discussed by Kahr (1978). The great Flemish and Italian
painters, in contrast, perceived themselves as artists with
an exalted conception of the artist's task and function of
art. The theories with which they were impressed held 108 little meaning for the typical Dutch citizen.
Although the demand for such painting was significant enough to support many painters, the prices fetched were fairly moderate. Consequently, many painters also became dealers in the materials of their trade or took on second jobs to make ends meet. This was common practice with other craftsmen as well, and served to enforce the perception of the painter as craftsman (Price, 1974).
While most Dutch artists were essentially craftsman who viewed travel and education as too costly and time consuming, there were significant artists who aspired to greater pursuit. Many were aware of developments in the important European centers of art through engravings of great works, especially those of Michelangelo and Raphael from the sixteenth century, as well as important seventeenth century artists. Some, including Rembrandt,
Gerrit (also spelled Gerard) van Honthorst (1590-1556), and
Hendrick Terbruggen (c. 1588-1629) were influenced by these
important centers (the latter two artists even traveled to
Italy); others, including Frans Hals, were remarkedly
untouched by them (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978;
Wright, 1978). 109
Purposes of Dutch Painting
Most of the paintings purchased by the Dutch people were used to decorate their homes (Kahr, 1978; Wright,
1978). Zumthor (1953) and Price (1974) indicated that the home was the center of family life, and the sums of money spent to enhance the home environment were surprising to other Europeans. The Dutch lived with a paradox, however.
Calvinist doctrine taught that worldly possessions were evil, yet the Dutch felt a deep appreciation for, and rejoiced in, the life God had given them. Only consumer goods which enhanced the comfort and appearance of the home fell within the limitations set by the structure and morality of Calvinism (Zumthor, 1963). Paintings were such
consumer goods and were widely purchased.
The purchase of paintings was also a way for the Dutch
bourgeoisie to display their wealth and surround themselves
with signs of luxury (Zumthor, 1963). In a similar vein,
paintings were used as a form of financial investment
(Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974).
Rosenberg, et al. (1966) and Kahr (1978) suggested
that Dutch paintings had an instructive or didactic element
relative to behavior that was considered either appropriate
or inappropriate. Puritanism stressed the internalization
of feelings and emotion, highlighting yet another paradox
of Dutch life: the Dutch were known to be of energetic. 110 almost savage temperament which contrasted with the formalistic, orthodox, almost pompous behavior they strove to display (Zumthor, 1963). Price (1974) believed the
instructive element was too formalized to be the essential message. Many subjects in Dutch painting were depicted with
an earthy humor and satire that originated with such
sixteenth century artists as Hieronymus Bosch and Pieter
Bruegel the Elder (Kahr, 1978).
Wright (1978) noted that Dutch painting did not serve
the purpose of glorifying the political, historical, or
religious ideals of the Netherlands. Such interests
required patrons of significant stature. The stadholders
were not always knowledgeable or interested in the arts.
Indeed, Prince Maurits hardly had the financial resources
to patronize the arts. Frederick Henry had the resources
and aspired to the art collections of the French and
English crowns with whom he frequently dealt. The tastes of
Frederick Henry and the educated elite in and about The
Hague leaned toward the Flemish and Italian artists,
however, and had little to do with Dutch artistic
traditions or national character (Zumthor, 1963; Price,
1974; Wright, 1978).
In regards to religious patronage, the Calvinist
church was uncomfortable with the painting of religious
subject matter and most churches were bare of decoration.
Consequently, the religious works which occurred with some Ill frequency in the Netherlands were not so much for worship or glorification as they were for contemplation, in keeping with the reticent Dutch nature (Rosenberg, et al., 1966;
Price, 1974; Wright, 1978).
Dutch Artistic Centers of Painting
Throughout the northern provinces there existed several distinct centers of artistic importance, each with its own characteristics or subjects of interest. The urban centers, though close together by today's standards, remained remarkedly isolated from one another in the seventeenth centuries (Wright, 1978). Some of the centers were found to be more pertinent than others to the present study for two reasons: a) important developments occurred during the period 1600-1650, or b) the subject matter emphases related closely to the study of costume. This section presents a discussion of the development of the artistic centers which held the greatest relevance to the present study, including Haarlem, Leiden, Utrecht,
Amsterdam, and a brief section on other centers which were of less importance.
Haarlem
Of all the important artistic centers in the prominent
province of Holland, Haarlem was the fastest to recover
from the destruction of the 1566 Iconoclast. Haarlem 112
attracted artists from all over the northern provinces and reflected a strong current of the Mannerist style from the
sixteenth century (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978;
Wright, 1978). Haarlem gained prominence early through the
efforts of Carel van Mander (1548-1606), Hendrick Goltzius
(1558-1617), and Cornelius van Haarlem. Carel van Mander
produced art in the Mannerist style, but is best known for
the book he published in the first decade of the
seventeenth century, Het Schilderboeck, which contained
bibliographies on contemporary artists as well as
discussions of Mannerist theory. Hendrick Goltzius was an
accomplished engraver and the key figure in bringing
naturalism to Dutch painting. Cornelius van Haarlem trained
Pieter Lastman who later trained Rembrandt. An academy of
art was founded in Haarlem by van Mander, Goltzius, and van
Haarlem which at the time trained many artists in the style
of the three founders. The reputations of such trainees has
long since been lost.
The reputation of the academy and its founders,
however, did serve to attract many important young artists
whose work helped define the characteristics of the Haarlem
school. A broad range of subject matter came from Haarlem,
reflecting an individualistic approach to painting (Kahr,
1978; Wright, 1978). (The development of individual
pursuits seems ironic given the dictatorial training at the
academy). Naturalistic landscapes and scenes from everyday 113 life were given impetus by Esias van de Velde (c.
1591-1630) who came to Haarlem in 1600; Frans Hals arrived in about 1591 and spurred important developments in both genre and portraiture. Other contributors to the development of genre in Haarlem included William Buytewech
(c. 1591/ 2-1624) (who, like van de Velde translated naturalism in landscapes to naturalism in the depiction of social gatherings), Jan Miensz. Molenear (c. 1609-1668),
Adrian van Ostade (1610-1685), and Judith Leyster
(1609-1660). Developments in still life and architectural painting also occurred in Haarlem during the first two decades of the seventeenth century.
Leiden
Leiden was one of the most important cities in the northern provinces during the middle ages (Wright, 1978).
Artistically, the city is important because Rembrandt was
born there in 1606 and apprenticed there with Jacob
Isaacsz. van Swanenburgh (c. 1571-1638). After a year of
study with Pieter Lastman (1583-1633) in Amsterdam,
Rembrandt worked from 1624 to 1632 in Leiden. Rembrandt
moved to Amsterdam in 1632 at which time Gerrit Dou
(1613-1675) came to dominate Leiden with his style of
minute detail, apparently having absorbed little from
collaboration with Rembrandt (Rosenberg, et al., 1966;
Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978). Leiden was also an important 114 center for developments in genre painting which occurred in the second half of the seventeenth century in the hands of such artists as Jan Havicksz. Steen (1525-1679) and Gabriel
Metsu (1529-1557) (Rosenberg, et al., 1955; Kahr, 1978;
Wright, 1978).
Utrecht
The city of Utrecht, located in the province of the same name, was unique in the northern provinces because the
Catholic church continued as the dominant religion throughout the seventeenth century. In addition, the
influence of Italian artists, especially Caravaggio, was
strongly apparent in the works of many Utrecht artists.
Indeed, many were known as the Utrecht Caravagists
(Rosenberg, et al., 1955; Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
Utrecht artists such as Hendrick Terbruggen and Gerrit van
Honthorst traveled to Italy to study the works of the great
Italian artists. • The Caravaggiah influence they brought
home even becomes apparent in the work of their teacher,
Abraham Bloemart (1554-1551). Of special interest to the
Utrecht Caravaggists were the light effects and naturalism
introduced by Caravaggio.
Kahr (1978) stated that Gerrit van Honthorst was the
most successful of the Utrecht Caravaggists. In addition to
his travels to Italy Honthorst also traveled to England and
painted for the the court of Charles I . Due to the 115 pressures of numerous commissions, Honthorst's the
Caravaggist manner dissipated. In England his works were well received and he was well rewarded for them. In 1637 he became court painter to Frederick Henry. His style settled into a formula for his many portraits which Kahr indicated as "dull, dry, and cold in color" (p. 42). Rosenberg, et al. (1966) pointed out that the important years of the
Utrecht school were the 1620's which is also the time at which the career of Honthorst was at its peak.
Amsterdam
The appeal of Amsterdam for artists in the first half
of the seventeenth century seems to have been economic in
origin. Wright (1978) stated that Haarlem, Utrecht, and
Leiden were more important than Amsterdam for the
development of artistic innovations. Artists such as Pieter
Codde (1599-1678), Willem Duyster (c. 1599-1635), Pieter
Quast (1606-1647), and Pieter Lastman, all of whom were
born and worked in Amsterdam, continued the traditions of
Dutch genre. The most significant event for art in
Amsterdam, however, was Rembrandt's return to Amsterdam,
from Leiden in 1632. Not only did Rembrandt paint in
Amsterdam, but he was an important teacher as well. Govert
Flinck (1615-1660), Jacob Adriaensz. Backer (1608-1651),
and Ferdinand Bol (1616-1680) all worked with Rembrandt in
the 1630's and were very successful artists in their own 116 rights (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
Others
The city of Dordrecht in the province of Holland was dominated by the work of Albert Cuyp (1620-1691), who spent his entire life there having studied with his father, portraitist Jacob Gerritsz. Cuyp. The work which evolved in
Dordrecht retained its own style inspite of much contact with Amsterdam and Rembrandt, and is characterized by a sense of relaxation and calm (Wright, 1978).
Delft, in the province of Holland, was the center of important stylistic innovations brought by Johannes Vermeer
(1632-1675) in the 1650's, after the period in the present study. Early examples of Dutch portraiture, however developed in Delft in the first decades of the seventeenth century in the work of artists such as Michael Jansz.
Mierevelt (1567-1641) (Rosenberg, et al., 1966).
The province of Overjissel held no real importance to artistic innovations during the seventeenth century since it remained very isolated from the Dutch economic and cultural mainstream (Wright, 1978). In the city of Kampen, however, Hendrick Berentsz. Avercamp (1585-1634) worked in the tradition of Pieter Bruegel the Elder, painting witty, detailed depictions of peasant life as it was in the winter. His subjects were always on or near the frozen 117 canals and provide delightful insight into their diversions in an otherwise paltry life (Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978).
The preceding discussion is by no means comprehensive in regards to the artists active in the northern provinces during the first half of the seventeenth century. Instead, focus was given to the specializations and peculiar characteristics that developed in the various important urban centers during the first half of the seventeenth century, the period of interest in the present study. The various centers maintained an independence in their styles in spite of their close proximity and the mobile life style of many artists. In general, the artistic developments echoed the seventeenth century economic and cultural developments of each region, building on traditions which had existed in the Low Countries for two centuries. An
identifiable Dutch style evolved which was both a part of,
and separate from, the Baroque movement that occurred
simultaneously throughout Europe. CHAPTER V
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Cultural artifacts can be examined to gain knowledge about the nature of a society. The design of the present study included the consideration of both costumes and paintings as manifestations of seventeenth century Dutch culture. The period, 1600 to 1650, represented the zenith in the development of the Netherlands as a significant world power.
Chapter V is organized into two sections to present both the results of the investigation and discussion of those results. Initially, the paintings used in the study are described to provide an understanding of the framework from which results were drawn. Results and discussion are then presented in conjunction with the research objective to which they apply.
118 119
The Paintings Used in the. Study
The paintings used in the study were located in several museums. In the United States, paintings on public display at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and
The National Gallery of Art in Washington, D. C. were found to be 'useful. In the Netherlands, paintings were examined in The Rijksmuseum and the Amsterdam Historical Museum, both in Amsterdam; the Boymans van Beuningen Museum in
Rotterdam; and the Frans Hals Museum in Haarlem. The
Rijksmuseum was the most significant resource for paintings in terms of number, variety, and ease of accessibility. For example, the Rijksmuseum had a study collection of many paintings for which little clearance was required from the museum.
During the course of painting selection, 133 paintings were examined and considered based on the criteria established in Chapter II, Methods. Of the 133 paintings,
76 were actually used and represented 40 artists who worked
in nine different Dutch cities primarily in the schools of
portraiture, genre, and landscape (see Table 1). The
majority of paintings used were portraits, particularly by
artists who worked in Amsterdam and Haarlem. Paintings of
the merry company genre by artists working in Haarlem were
also useful, as were landscapes from The Hague and Kampen.
The greatest number of artists and paintings were available
for study from two subperiods; 1626-1635 (13 artists and 120
Table 1 Artist studied by Subperiod, Painting Type or School, and City
Painting Type or School
Artist by Portraiture Genre Landscape Marine Architec Subperiod ture Merry Company Low Life
1600-1618 (6 paintings)
Ketel Amsterdam Breen The Hague Voort Amsterdam Hals, Frans Haarlem Moreelse Utrecht Venne The Hague
1619-1625 (11 paintings)
Mesdach (3) Mlddleburg Elyas, Isaac Haarlem Hals, F. Haarlem Hals, Dlrck Haarlem Valckort Haarlem Venne (3) Amsterdam Avercamp Kampen
1626-1635 (21 paintings)
Rembrandt (3) Leiden Leiden Amsterdam Hals, D. (5) Haarlem Ellas, P. (2) Amsterdam Bloot cuyp, J. Dordrecht Keyser Amsterdam Hals, F. Haarlem Potter Willaerts, Adam Utrecht Wlllaerts, Abr. Utrecht Palmadsz. Delft Santvoort Amsterdam Codde Amsterdam
1636-1647 (22 paintings)
Hals, F. (2) Haarlem Luttichuys Delen (2) Verspronk (3) Haarlem --- — ------— — - ---- Mierevelt Utrecht — — —— — — —— — — —— — — —— ---- Seanredam — — — — — — —— — — — “ — — —— — — - Haarlem Santvoort (2) Amsterdam — — —— — — —— — ------•*• ---- Rembrandt Amsterdam .... Voskuyle Palmadsz. Delft — — —— - --- Codde Amsterdam Ter Borch L o o , J . Honthorst (2) The Hague ------Fllnk Amsterdam Bloot 121
Table'1 (continued)
Painting Type or School
Artist by Portraiture Genre Landscape Marine Architec Subperiod ture Merry Company Low Life
1648-1650 (6 paintings)
Victors ------Haarlem Droochsloot Bol (2) Amsterdam Heist Amsterdam ------Honthorst The Hague
1600-1635 (8 paintings)
Avercamp (5) ---- Kampen Arentsz. Velde — ------Haarlem — ------
21 paintings) and 1535-1647 (15 artists and 22 paintings).
Over half of the paintings used (54.7%) were on public display because of their importance in the representation of particular artists or artistic schools as determined by the musuems. Others were found in study collections (25.7%) which included paintings of secondary importance or were in storage (18.7%) because they were of tertiary importance.
One of the paintings used was hung in the office of the curator of paintings for the Rijksmuseum.
The paintings that were not used were rejected for a variety of reasons. Some were found to be excessively dark
from age or lighting so that it was impossible to discern
costume characteristics. Others were inaccessible to the 122 researcher because they were under restoration or on loan to other museums. Another reason for rejection was that when the painting was viewed, the female subjects in the paintings were obscurred by other subjects or were portrayed with their backs to the viewer, limiting the visibility of their costume and making analysis of the costume difficult.
Results and Discussion by Research Objective
The results from the present study are presented and discussed according to the research objectives that provide
the framework for the study. The information is presented
in three subsections according to the objective to which
the information corresponds.
Objective I
Identify characteristics of women's costume as portrayed in paintings by Dutch artists based on an objective method used to analyse costume within a cultural context: content analysis.
This first objective was accomplished through the
systematic determination of costume attributes. The costume
data were first categorized according to specified UNITS
such as bodice, skirt, and outerwear; SUBUNITS such as
collar and sleeve ; AUGMENTATIVE UNITS, such as protective
wear and outerwear; and ACCESSORIES such as cap and jewelry
(see Appendix C for an outline of the form used for the 123 initial organization of data into categories). An inventory of the costume components (UNITS, SUBUNITS, AUGMENTATIVE
UNITS, and ACCESSORIES) and their ATTRIBUTES was then developed from which a worksheet was designed. Frequencies of costume attributes were tabulated on the a worksheet to determine common forms of dress and their attributes by subperiod. An example of the worksheet used to tabulate the frequencies of costume characteristics can be found in
Appendix D.
Based on the literature and the data, four common dress forms were identified for the period in the study and are described in the first section. Dress Forms. Other garments and accessories which completed the dress forms were noted and are discussed in the second section.
Augmentative Units and Accessories. In the third section.
Dress Forms and the Research Variables, a discussion is presented which explores the relationship between the dress forms and the subject's age and social class. A sample of the worksheet used to compile the frequencies which facilitated the identification of such possible relationships can be seen in Appendix E.
Dress Forms
Three Dutch costume types identified by
Kinderen-Besier (1950) were used in the present study as
the basis for the identification of dress forms. A fourth 124 form was identified based on the present data. The dress forms, distinguished primarily by a unique combination and arrangement of units and subunits, are described in general terms in the following sections.
Dress Form A; bodice and skirt. Dress Form A consisted of a bodice and closed skirt which were usually of the same color. The skirt was sometimes lifted and secured to expose colorful petticoats whereas at other times the petticoats were not exposed. The sleeves
(sometimes the same color as the bodice and other times the color of an exposed petticoat) and collars (nearly always white) varied greatly in design from subject to subject but did remain consistent in terms of proportional emphasis or size. The units were very similar in design and silhouette from subject to subject and painting to painting within subperiods, especially 1600-1618 and 1626-1635. The overall
silhouette and design details of Dress Form A changed during the 50 year subperiod in the study, but the unique
arrangement of the units (bodice and skirt) continued
throughout the subperiod. Figure 1 illustrates three versions of Dress Form A.
Form B; the flyergown ” vliegerkostuum". The flyergown
consisted of three units including a bodice, skirt, and
sleeveless, floor length overgown which evolved directly
from women's costume of Spanish origin (Theinen, 1951;
Payne, 1965). The overgown was seen both loose and 125
Redrawn from Prie Figuren in sen Polderlandschap. (Hendrick Avercamp. n. d. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)
Redrawn from Willem II and Redrawn from De Maasmord his Wife Henrietta Maria Stuart, bij Den Briel. (Abraham (Garard van Honthorst. 1647. Willaerts. 1633. Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) Boymans van Beunigen Museum)
Figure 1 Dress Form A 126 constricted at the waist at different times. For winter, the overgown was lined with fur. The three units of the flyergown were frequently black in color and were set off with a white ruff or millstone collar and white cuffs of varying dimensions. There was some variation in the design of the sleeve, although not to the extent of the variation seen in Dress Form A. In addition. Dress Form B remained very consistent in silhouette over the fifty year period studied, with one exception.
A variation of the flyergown developed in which was echoed the fashion trends in color and silhouette observed in the other forms of dress. But the pseudogown, as
Kinderen-Besier (1950) referred to it, still had the three units of bodice, skirt, and sleeveless overgown. The pseudogown did not replace the true flyergown, for it continued to exist throughout the subperiod of the pseudogown's popularity. Figure 2 is an illustration of the flyergown.
Dbq,ss Form C; bodice and split skirt. Dress Form C was similar in many respects to Dress Form A except that the skirt in Dress Form C was often open from waist to hem
in the front to expose an underskirt of another' color or
texture. Like Dress Form A, the bodice and skirt silhouette
and design changed from. 1600-1650 but remained similar in
attributes from subject to subject and painting to painting
within a given intermediate subperiod of time. Sleeves, 127
Figure 2 Dress Form B The Flyergown Redrawn from Cornelia Vooght Claesdr. (Frans Hals. 1637. Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum) 128 collars, and other subunits varied in design but there was a consistency of proportion as was seen in Dress Form A.
Dress Form C is illustrated in Figure 3. The form originated in styles worn by the Spanish, as was the case with Dress Form B (Payne, 1965).
Dress Form D; jacket and skirt with apron. All costumes which did not fit into one of the three categories identified by Kinderen-Besier (1950) were initially assigned to the category of "Other" for data collection. A review of the costumes placed in this category indicated that there were similarities in the combination and arrangement of units, subunits, and attributes; consequently the title, "Dress Form D," was used for the data analysis process.
This costume differed from the previous three in that a jacket or vest was combined with a skirt and apron. Since it was observed only on subjects depicted in outdoor scenes the jacket or vest was assumed to be a unit of outerwear.
The jacket or vest extended below the waist in the manner
•of a pleated peplum or flounce. The skirt was simple,
extending only to mid-calf length in soft gathers. A protective apron, often cream in color, was secured around
the waist, either on top of, or underneath the jacket.
Collars were not often seen on Dress Form D, but a chemise
was frequently visible underneath the jacket at the
neckline or lower edge of the sleeve. This Dress Form was 129
Figure 3 Dress Form C Redrawn from Anna Bouden Courten (Soloman Mesdach. 1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) 130 usually depicted in browns/ rusts, and reds and remained consistent in arrangement, silhouette, and design throughout the period studied. Dress Form D is illustrated in Figure 4.
Augmentative Units and Accessories
For the present study, the observed costumes were defined to include outerwear, protective wear, accessories which were worn such as head coverings or jewelry, and
accessories which were carried such as fans. The following
section contains brief descriptions of the additional items
observed which completed the costume of Dutch women in the
subperiod 1600-1650.
Outerwear. In paintings which depicted situations
where subjects were outdoors, some subjects wore a hooded
cloak or huik. This unit was a substantial piece of
typically black cloth which was gathered and attached to a
flat cap topped with a pompom. The cloak hung as a cape
almost to the ankle. Kinderen-Besier (1950) noted that this
unit was very costly based on her research of extant estate
inventories. Other forms of outerwear included a
waistlength cape which was closed at the neckline and a
blanket-like unit which was casually draped around the
subject. See Figure 5 for illustrations of these units of
outerwear. 131
Figure 4 Dress Form D Redrawn from The Pig Butcher (Jan Victors» 1648» Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) 132
Blanket Wrap Redrawn from River Landscape with Gypsies. (Arent Arentsz. n. d. Amsterdam, the Rijksmuseumt
Huik redrawn Short Cape . from The Vijerburg. (Adam van redrawn from Winter (Aâîien Breen. 1618 Amsterdam, van de Venne. 1625. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) Rijksmuseum)
Figure 5 Outerwear 133
Protective wear. The only unit of costume worn to protect against dirt or danger rather than weather was an apron. The apron was a fundamental unit of Dress Form D as noted previously.
Underwear. Very little in the way of undergarments was visible in the paintings selected for study. Only in Dress
Form D was a chemise visible; it was apparently worn beneath the jacket and showed only at the neckline and cuff or occasionally when the jacket was opened at the neck.
Accessories worn and carried. A vast majority of the subjects in the paintings studied wore caps which varied in design but were typically white. Caps were usually depicted as being made of delicately sheer fabrics and were frequently decorated with elaborate lace or embroidery.
According to Kinderen-Besier (1950), unique names were not given to the different styles of caps when mentioned in estate inventories.
The greatest variety in cap style appeared with Dress
Forms A and C. These included three basic styles: a) diadem or high arch caps which covered the back half of the head and were decorated with a high arch of supported fabric, b) a chignon which covered just the back of the head enclosing a bun of hair, and c) a cap which formed an
arch at the back of the head with the hair combed onto the
cap so that only the outer edge of the arch was visible. 134
Occasionally no cap was worn with Dress Form A and C, especially in the latter stages of the period examined.
For Dress Form B, the most commonly seen cap was one that covered the entire head and had cupped or flat flaps at each ear. Occasionally the cap which formed an arch at the back of the head, as described for Dress Form A and C, was seen with Dress Form B.
Dress Form D was accessorized with a simple cap of
apparently course fabric, unlike the delicately sheer
fabrics seen in the caps described previously. The cap
covered most of the head and typically had ties to fasten
the cap under the chin, although these were not always put
to the intended use.
A limited number of subjects were depicted wearing
broadbrimmed hats which were usually black in color and
worn with a cap. The broadbrimmed hat was seen on a few
subjects wearing Dress Forms A or B, some of whom were
depicted in landscape paintings, some -in portraits. Other
versions of the hat included ones made of a light material,
apparently straw, and ones with the back turned up against
the crown. Subjects depicted wearing these versions were
also depicted in Dress Form D. Kinderen-Besier (1950)
suggested that the reason so few of the broadbrimmed hats
were seen on women was because the hat was a male accessory
and therefore a woman wearing such a hat would equate her 135 status with that of men. See Figure 6 for illustrations of the caps and the hats worn with the caps.
The jewelry worn by the women depicted in Dutch paintings included a variety of recognizable forms. Strands of pearls were popular and were worn around the neck, on both wrists, in the hair, and on pins and pendants. Gold chains also appeared in similar ways, but with far less frequency than the pearls. A gold chain was sometimes secured around the waist early in the seventeenth century and was seen on subjects wearing Dress Form B. The chain at first was worn under the gown, and later worn over the gown to help constrict it about the waist. Rings were frequently visible even when no other type of jewelry was visible.
Several other types of accessories were seen in the selected paintings. Muffs and gloves were both worn and carried by many subjects, especially when depicted in outdoor winter scenes. Gloves were a popular accessory to hold in a portrait, as were various types of fans. Long
scarves of a light weight sheer material were seen only on
a few subjects, such as young women enjoying playing
musical instruments, and prostitutes. The scarf was draped
about the neck and hung down to the floor, or each end was
redraped over the opposite shoulder. In a few paintings,
subjects were depicted carrying a straw-colored bag which
may have been like a purse, as such subjects were portrayed
in circumstances which made reference to wealth or 136
Broadbrimmed Hat Redrawn from De Maasmord bii Den Briel 1633. Rotterdam, Boymans-van Beunigen Museum)
Diadem cap Redrawn from Wintervermaak (Breen. 1611. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)
Back Arch Cap Redrawn from Willimina van Braeckel. (J. C. Tied Cap Verspronck. 1637. Redrawn from The Pig Haarlem, Frans Hals Butcher. (Victors. Museum) 1648. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)
Cupped Earning Cap Redrawn from Portrait of a Chignon 54 year old woman. (Thomas Redrawn from de Keyser. 1630. Rotterdam, Fourmenois. (Soloman Boymans-van Beunigen Museum) Mesdach. 1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) Figure 6 Caps and Hats 137 mercantile transactions.
Press Forms and the Research Variables
Certain tendencies can be identified in terms of the observed frequencies of Dress Forms and different social groups and subject ages. Summaries of observed frequencies are presented in Tables 2-5 to facilitate the discussion of the possible relationship between costume characteristics and the variables presented in the following section.
Dress Form A was observed on 59 subjects (42.4%);. with
44 subjects observed wearing Dress Form B (31.7%). Dress
Form C was the least frequently observed of the four identifiable unit combinations having been depicted on only nine of 139 subjects used in the present study (6.5%).Dress
Form D was observed on 25 subjects (18.0%). Two costumes
(1.4%) were unique in appearance and did not fit into the four categories and were not included in the determination of typical dress forms. The two costumes are discussed in relation to the third research objective.
As can be seen in Table 2, Dress Form A was most
frequently observed on young bourgeoisie women. Such women were frequently seen to be participating in leisure
pursuits, such as social gatherings or playing musical
instruments. Kinderen-Besier (1950) referred to them as
"worldly." Furthermore, the women in three paintings of 138 nobility examined in the study were depicted wearing Dress
Form A. Dress Form A changed in silhouette during the period in the study, reflecting European fashion trends (to be discussed in association with Objective II). This use, then, would seem to imply that Dress Form A was closely associated with fashionability and fashionable behavior.
Table 2 Observed Frequencies for Dress Form A by Research Variables
Frequencies by Subperiod
Research Totals 1600- 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- Variables 1635 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650
Subject's Age
Young 49 3 7 7 27 5 0 Middle Age 8 1 3 0 2 2 0 Elderly 2 0 0 1 0 0 1
Totals 59 4 10 8 29 7 1
Subject's Social Class
Mobility 3 0 0 0 0 2 1 Patrician 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bourgeoisie 51 4 10 8 24 5 0 Commoner 5 0 0 0 5 0 0
Totals 59 4 10 8 29 7 1
Dress Form B remained evident with almost equal
frequency to Dress Form A throughout the period in the
study as presented in Table 3. The dress form was observed
on primarily middle aged and elderly women, most of whom
(65.9%) were bourgeois, although about one third were of 139 the patrician class. The patrician class was made up of conservative Orthodox Calvinists, particularly after 1618 when the Remonstrants were removed from all such positions.
Table 3 Observed Frequencies of Dress Form B by Research Variables
Frequencies by Subperiod Research Totals 1600- 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- Variables 1635 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650
Subject's Age Young 10 2 2 2 1 3 0 Middle Age 17 0 0 1 5 11 0 Elderly 17 0 1 1 3 10 2 Totals 44 2 3 4 9 24 2
Subject's Social Class Nobility 0 0 0 • 0 0 0 0 Patrician 15 0 2 1 5 7 0 Bourgeoisie 29 2 1 3 4 17 2 Commoner 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Totals 44 2 3 4 9 24 2
The number of observances of the flyergown increased
in the latter subperiod studied, with 54.5% of the costumes
observed in the subperiod 1636-1647. This may be partly due
to an increase in the number of group portraits done at
that time, which increased the number of subjects per
painting. Another explanation might be that having one's
portrait painted became popular for the patrician and
beorgeois classes in the 1640's (Kahr, 1978). 140
Dress Form B remained essentially the same throughout the first half of the seventeenth century with only subtle changes in such details as cuff size, sleeve width, and hip padding. The lack of significant changes in the costume was not surprising since the flyergown was worn by middle aged and elderly women who were members of a conservative social group. Such findings concurred with Theinen (1951), who also found the changes in the costume to be minimal and slow to appear.
One change which did occur in Dress Form B was in the appearapce of the pseudogown in the 1630's which echoed some of the characteristics of changes in Dress Form A. The sleeveless overgown was maintained, however. The pseudogown was typically observed on young women of the patrician class.
Dress Form C was the least commonly observed costume
(see Table 4). This may have been since the origins of
Dress Form B were in Spanish costume of the sixteenth century and the Dutch were in the midst of expulsing Spain.
The form of dress was observed primarily on young women
from a variety of social classes, as was the case for Dress
Form A. The silhouette and design of Dress Form C also
changed during the period in the study (see the discussion
of Objective II). The changes echoed those seen in Dress
Form A although occurring somewhat later than they appeared 141 in Dress Form A.
Table 4 Observed Frequencies of Dress Form C by Research Variables
Frequencies by Subperiod
Research Totals 1600- 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- Variables 1635 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650
Subject's Age
Young 6 0 2 1 1 2 0 Middle Age 3 0 0 1 2 0 0 Elderly 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 9 0 2 2 3 2 0
Subject's Social Class
Nobility 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Patrician 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 Bourgeoisie 5 0 2 1 0 2 0 Commoner 3 0 0 0 3 0 0
Totals 9 0 2 2 3 2 0
Dress Form D was observed primarily on a single type
of subject; commoners. Although it was observed on subjects
of all ages relevant in the study. Dress Form D was seen
particularly on middle aged women (see Table 5). Like Dress
Form B, Dress Form D remained essentially unchanged
throughout the period in the study. Since it was observed
on primarily working women, the lack of change is in
keeping with the fact that clothing was essentially
functional rather than for the sake of fashion. That
underwear in the form of the chemise was visible only in 142
Dress Form D supports the perception of the commoner as earthy.
Table 5 Observed Frequencies of Dress Form D by Research Variables
Frequencies by Subperiod
Research Totals 1600- 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- Variables 1635 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650
Subject's Age
Young 8 2 0 1 Middle Age 13 4 1 1 Elderly 5 1 1 0
Totals 26
Subject's Social Class Nobility 0 0 0 0 0 0 Patrician 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bourgeoisie 3 0 0 1 0 0 Commoner 23 8 3 3 2 2
Totals 26
Dress Forms A, B, and C completely covered the body,
leaving only the hands and face exposed. This was the case
for almost all subjects, except the portraits of Amalia van
Solms, wife of Frederick Henry, stadholder from 1626-1647.
Amalia was depicted in Dress Form A with a low neckline
that exposed the flesh. She was very interested in
imitating the French, thus it is not surprising that she
would adopt such a style. The upper torso appeared to be
greatly constricted by the units which covered that area. 143 particularly in Dress Form B. The movement of the women in
Dress Forms A and C seemed to be unhampered, however, which may have been related to artistic concerns and is therefore
discussed in relation to Objective III.
The natural anatomy of Dutch women was not evident
except that the knees of portrait sitters were not held
together, as revealed by the drape of the skirts. The
stomachers, sleeves, some collars, and padding concealed
the form of the body. Indeed, Zumthor (1963) noted that not
a few brides were able to hide advanced pregnancies under
the voluminous layers and constricting bindings. He also
described the Dutch as almost compulsive cleaners of their
homes, but that their personal toilet habits were minimal.
The lack of personal hygiene and alteration of the form of
the body may both be reflections of the moral attitude
against the pleasures of the flesh even to the extent of
apparently denying its existence.
In conclusion. Objective I was met by determining the
characteristics of costume worn by Dutch women as depicted
by Dutch painters. Characteristics were established
according to the variables in the study which related to
the subjects' social positions subject age and social
class. Four forms of dress were identified based on the
literature and the data from the present study. Dress Form
A was observed in the greatest numbers, most often on young 144 bourgeoisie women. Dress Form B, the flyergown, was also frequently observed on bourgeoisie women, but they were typically middle aged or elderly. Dress Form C was seen in only limited numbers on young or middle aged bourgeoisie subjects. Dress Form D was seen primarily on middle aged commoner women.
The bourgeoisie was well represented in the paintings examined, comprising almost two/thirds of the subjects used. Several portraits were of members of the patrician
class (11.5%) and only a very few nobility were depicted
(2.2%). Commoners were seen fairly frequently (22.4%).
Subjects of all ages relevant to the study were observed,
but young women were depicted most often (52.9%) with
middle aged subjects totalling 29.7% of those used, and
only 17.4% were elderly.
The distribution of subjects according to social class
certainly reflected the essentially middle class nature of
Dutch society in the first half of the seventeenth century.
In addition, of the subjects for whom religious affiliation
could be determined, the vast majority were Protestant,
thus reflecting the predominance of the Protestant faith in
the most prominent of the provinces in the Dutch Republic.
It would also seem the Dutch preferred to look at paintings
of young women, given the distribution of subjects
according to age. 145
The task remained to examine the changes in the four dress forms over the 50 year period in the present study.
In addition, possible relationships were explored between historical and cultural events and the identified changes in the dress forms. The following section presents a discussion of these facets as the accomplishment of
Objective II.
Objective II
Analyze the costume characteristics within the context of cultural environments, specifically, the historical, political, social, economic, and religious nature of the period.
Objective II was accomplished by examining existing literature on the historical and socio-cultural nature of the Dutch during the period, 1600-1650, as presented in
Chapter III, and relating the costume characteristics to
the culture. The discussion which follows is presented as a
chronological examination of the changes in the identified
costume characteristics and the accompanying historical and
socio-cultural nature of the Dutch.
The process of examining the ways Dutch costume
reflected the historical and socio-cultural development of
the Dutch Republic included several steps. First, the
events which were identified as a part of The Motherland's
historical development from 1600-1650 were listed and 146 placed on a time line (see Appendix F). According to this time line, subperiods were established to provide a basis for studying the changes which occurred in identified costume characteristics. The subperiods established were as follows:
1600-1609 when the truce was signed with Spain
1610-1618 when Johan Oldenbarnevelt was slain at the hands of Prince Maurits signaling the beginning of the prominence of Calvanist orthodoxy amongst public officals
1619-1625 when Prince Maurits died and was replaced by his younger brother, Frederick Henry
1626-1635 when Frederick Henry signed a treaty with France thereby creating an alliance with a country willing to support Henry's dynastic aspirations
1636-1647 when Frederick Henry died and a very young William II is elected to replace him
1648-1650 during which time the Dutch received their independence from Spain.
Based on the data available from the paintings
examined, the six identified subperiods were collapsed to
include four important subperiods: 1600-1618, 1619-1625,
1626-1635, 1636-1647. The fifth subperiod, 1648-1650,
represented a comparatively short time frame and was not
weighed as heavily in the cultural analysis of the costume
as were the other four subperiods. In addition, a
subperiod of 1600-1635 was subsequently established to
accomodate a number of undated paintings. The productive
span of the artists of these paintings began and ended 147 within the thirty-five year subperiod, and represented an
important artistic school. This subperiod was considered
important in the identification of costume characteristics,
but not in the cultural analysis of costume since the
specific dates of the costumes could not be determined.
The second step in exploring the cultural context in
Dutch costume consisted of tallying the observed
frequencies of the attributes for the costume units and
subunits of the four dress forms and plotting them on a
form (see Appendix D). The form was designed to facilitate
the determination of the most common attributes for each
dress form during each historical subperiod in the study.
The complete description of the identified typical or
common dress forms by historical subperiod can also be
found in Appendix G (Tables 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11).
The third step was to examine the identified typical
dress forms for each subperiod in relation to the time
line, as shown in Appendix F. Such examination provided
insight into how the events occurring during the various
intermediate subperiods were reflected in the observed
costumes.
By examining the changes in costume over the four
major subperiods in the study, a clear change in the
typical attributes of Dress Forms A and C can be seen to
have occurred from the first to the third subperiods. In 148 addition, the introduction of the pseudogown (the variation in Dress Form B, the flyergown) was first observed in the third subperiod. In contrast, the second and forth subperiods appeared as ones of transition in costume, with changes beginning to appear but former styles also observed. Indeed, it appeared that a third change was completed in the fifth subperiod in the study. However, the three year duration of the fifth subperiod and the limited number of subjects makes such a conclusion difficult to substantiate. The discussion which follows is organized into four sections; a)Dress Forms: 1600-1618, b) Dress
Forms in Transition: 1619-1625, c) Dress-Forms:
1626-1635, and d) Dress Forms in Transition: 1636-1647.
Data to support the discussion in presented in Appendix G
(Tables 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11).
Dress Forms: 1600-1618
In the subperiod 1600-1618, the bodices of Dress Forms
A, B, and C were tight and stiff with high closed necklines
and normal placement of the waistline. Dress Forms A and C
had flat, pointed extensions of the bodice at center front
while the flyergown had a rounded stomacher with a
protruding extension which made the stomach look very
large. In keeping with the narrow, tight bodice the sleeves
were narrow and full length ending in small to medium cuffs
of white, delicate fabrics. Collars, as discussed 149 previously, varied with whisks, closed and open ruffs, and medicis observed in small to medium proportion. The seam or transition between bodice and sleeve was strongly marked with flaps in Dress Forms A and C and wheels or brajoenen on Dress Form B.
In contrast to the tight and narrow effects of the bodice and sleeves, the skirts in this subperiod were fully padded at the hip, extending horizontally from the normally positioned waist. An extreme of the style can be seen in the painting, Wintervermaak (Adam van Breen. 1611.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) (see Plate I). No other costume was seen to have hip padding to such an extreme; perhaps the exaggerated effect was a result of Breen's reaction to the
style.
The horizontal fullness of the skirt was further
emphasized in Dress Form *A by the practice of tucking the
overskirt hem up to the waist, exposing the underskirt.
This was not widely observed in the other Dress Forms of
this subperiod, but one Dress Form B was observed in a
later subperiod where the skirt was not lifted but the
flyergown was (Dirk van Delen, A Family Beside the Tomb of
Willem I. 1645. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum). Dress Form B
carried through the squarely padded hip with the protruding
stomacher. The flyer gown hung straight from the shoulder,
however, softening the squareness of the hip somewhat. Plate I Wintervermaak. Adam Van Breen. 1611, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum.
ai o 151
Dress Form D/ worn by commoners, showed some similarity to the other three forms in that the neckline was high and closed and the sleeves were narrow. The seam between sleeve and bodice was decorated by flaps similar to those seen on Dress Forms A and C . The waistline was normal in location, although the skirt was not padded at the hip and was much simpler than the other Dress Form skirts. In addition, the skirt hem fell only to mid-calf, exposing leggings and roughly made shoes. Aprons were frequently
seen and were sometimes worn over the jacket and other
times tied under the jacket.
In Dress Forms A, B, and C the outer layers of
clothing were frequently black. Underskirts, when exposed,
were usually colored and often matched the hue of the
sleeves attached to the bodice. Presumably this indicated
that sleeves, underskirts, and bodices were interchangeable
and thus provided a way to bring variety to the wardrobe.
In Dress Form B, the flyergown component (the sleeveless
robe) was always black but the skirt and sleeves were
sometimes colored. The bodice of Dress Form B was commonly
brightly colored during the subperiod 1500-1(518. Dress
Form D was typically earthy in color with various
combinations of browns, rusts, oranges, and creams
observed. 152
Many have written on the meaning of black and its predominance in costume of this subperiod. Bell (1976) and
Hollander (1978) stated that the use of black for mourning began in the Burgundian courts as early as 1468. Hollander further indicated that such use of black provided a foil against which the color and individual qualities of the face of the mourners could be enhanced. This relationship was later further exploited by the Dutch portrait artists such as Frans Hals who explored the psychology of human facial expression. The Spanish used black as a fashionable color in the sixteenth century (Bell, 1976; Hollander,
1978) and Braudel (1979) suggested the common appearance of black at the turn of the seventeenth century was a sign of the political preponderance of the Catholic Spanish king's vast empire.
The accessories and augmentative units worn during the first subperiod were characterized by the situation depicted in the painting. Many of the Dress Forms A and C were depicted in outdoor settings, so the appearance of the hooded cloak or huik and muff seems most logical. Most figures were small or depicted in the distance of a
landscape, so jewelry could not be seen. High arched caps were seen often with Dress Forms A and C, while the cupped
earwing cap was observed on Dress Form B and the plain caps
on Dress Form D. Waist chains were worn under the
sleeveless gown in Dress Form B, with necklaces and rings 153 commonly visible. These types of jewelry would be expected in portraits, the only type of painting in which Dress Form
B was seen.
The subperiod 1500-1618 was marked by several significant events which represented a change in focus for the Dutch from the events preceding the advent of the seventeenth century. In 1602, the Dutch East India Company was established which reflected the economic strength and determination of the fledgling nation. Another important economic development in this subperiod was the establishment of the Exchange Bank of Amsterdam in 1609.
This achievement represented the vast capital wealth of The
United Provinces, especially that of the province of
Holland. Furthermore, the Exchange Bank was the first such institution and served other European countries and the world as an international source of borrowing.
Two other events which signaled change for the Dutch were political in nature. A truce was signed with Spain in
1609, mainly through the efforts of Johann van
Oldenbarnevelt, Grand Pensionary of Holland. Oldenbarnevelt was anxious to bring an end to Spain's domination so that
Holland could focus energy on economic development and the
expansion of the shipping trade. Prince Maurits, the
stadholder of Holland and Zeeland, was not as enthusiastic
about the truce since he; feared The Republic's internal 154 problems would destroy what unity existed among the provinces if attention was diverted from the efforts to expulse Spain.
In addition to the truce with Spain, the political balance between the nobility and urban governments was revised in 1609. The voting representation of the nobility was reduced and that of the urban citizens was increased.
This contributed to a decline in the political, economic, and cultural importance of the nobility in the United
Provinces.
Religious strife was apparent in the first subperiod in the present study. In 1610, the Remonstrants issued a treatise before the States General calling for an end to the debate over the question of salvation which had occurred between themselves and the Orthodox Calvininsts, bringing the Republic close to civil war. The religious strife heated to the point of violent conflict when in 1618
Oldenbarnevelt was put to death by Prince Maurits.
Oldenbarnevelt had been politically supported by the
Remonstrants and therefore was associated with that group.
The Orthodox Calvinists supported Prince Maurits and pressured him (albeit reluctantly) into the execution.
Afterwards, they forced all Remonstrants out of political
positions within the government replacing them with members
of their own religious group. 155
Thus, the subperiod of 1600-1618 can be seen as one of economic growth and development for the bourgeoisie, decreased but continued dominance of the Dutch by the
Spanish. In addition, the first subperiod marked the beginning of the prominent roll of Orthodox Calvinists in the Republic's provincial government. Evidence of Spanish domination can be seen in Dutch costume during this subperiod. For example, the styling and arrangement of units in Dress Forms B and C can be traced to Spanish sixteenth century costume forms that came to the Dutch
Republic by way of the southern provinces which were much more loyal to Spain than was the Dutch Republic
(Kinderen-Besier, 1950; Theinen, 1951; Payne, 1965). The frequent occurrence of the color black and the tight, narrow bodice effects of the dress forms together with the padded skirt evolved from the severe sixteenth century
Spanish ideals of beauty.
Dress Forms in Transition; 1619-1625.
The six year duration of the second subperiod in the study is much shorter than the eighteen year duration of the first subperiod. The same number of subjects were observed but in almost twice as many paintings.
The typical dress form was more difficult to determine
in the second subperiod since there was not a clear 156 majority of costume attributes for some of the units and subunits. Dress Form D remained very much the same in styling and appearance in the second subperiod. The only change observed was the disappearance of flaps at the sleeve seam. Except where important for purposes of contrast, the following discussion will focus, then, on
Dress Forms A, B, and C.
The tight and stiff bodice seen in most Dress Forms in the previous subperiod was observed again, especially in
Dress Forms B and C . In Dress Form A some of the bodices began to appear broadened in effect and • looked less constricting or looser than before. However, the bodices were still stiff, concealing any feminine curves that might otherwise be visible. While the neckline remained high and closed with a variety of collars, a trend toward
larger, wider collars was seen. Indeed, some of the collars
covered the armscye seam in both Dress Forms A and C. The
marked break from bodice to sleeve was still apparent in
Dress Form B, but with a high sleeve cap, as if the
brajoenen were covered by the sleeve. The ruff collar
remained small and thus, did not obscure this stylistic
emphasis.
The sleeves continued to be narrow in costumes with
tight and stiff bodices, but a wider sleeve appeared with
the bodices that were loose. The sleeves ended in a large 157 funnel cuff which had been smaller and straighter in the first subperiod.
Most Dress Forms showed normally positioned waistlines, although a slightly raised waistline was associated with the loosened bodice seen in Dress Form A.
The bodices ended in a variety of treatments, with a trend seen toward a horizontal effect accomplished either with flaps (basques) extending below the waist or with the bottom of the bodice coming to the waist. This was in contrast to the pointed and protruding stomachers seen in the first subperiod.
The padding at the hips softened in most of the Dress
Forms observed in the second subperiod. The custom of
raising a black overskirt to expose a colored underskirt
continued in most Dress Forms A and C. The skirt styling in
the Dress Form B was also similar to the previous
subperiod, and the flyergown continued to hang from the
shoulder unconstricted at the waist. The color black
predominated in Dress Form B, although colorful stomachers
were still seen.
Hooded cloaks were seen on figures in outdoor scenes
and were worn with Dress Forms A and B. The styling of the
cloak remained the same as it had been in the first
subperiod. Broadbrimmed hats appeared in several paintings,
associated with all Dress Forms. The versions of the broad 158 brimmed hat seen with Dress Form D, however, were much more floppy and rumpled than those seen with Dress Forms A, B, and C. Muffs were also observed as accessories on Dress
Forms A, B, and D. Jewelry was worn with Dress Forms A, B, and C, including pearl necklaces, rings, and bracelets; a waist chain was worn with Dress Form C . The increase in the visibility of jewelry can be attributed to the addition of
portraits of subjects depicted in Dress Forms A and C. In
the first subperiod these Dress Forms were not observed in
any portraits but rather in merry companies and landscapes.
The events which occurred in the second subperiod
were fewer in number than in the first, partly due to the
shorter duration of the second. Still, the events reflect
the nature of concerns on which the Dutch focused between
1619 and 1625. In 1621, the twelve year truce with Spain
came to an end and without Oldenbarnevelt to pursue the
continuance of peace, the war for independence from Spain
resumed. However, the Dutch for the most part were not
involved in the fighting. Mercenaries were hired and the
Dutch concentrated instead on economic development. Indeed,
the Dutch West India company was established the same year.
The hiring of mercenaries may help to explain the lack of
artistic records of battles and other military events which
occurred during the long struggle for independence. 159
In 1625, Prince Maurits died and was succeeded by his younger brother, Frederick Henry. This was an important milestone for the Dutch since the aspirations of the two stadholders were quite different. Prince Maurits was by many accounts not interested in nor moved by the arts. His main contribution to Dutch history was essentially the continuation of the predominance of the House of Orange in centralizing the Republic's provincial government during times of crisis. Frederick Henry had much grander plans for an Orange dynasty, and with the urging and efforts of his wife, Amalia van Solms, attempted to imitate the court of
France. The attempts at imitation fell short, since the
House of Orange was comparatively poor (the Dutch merchants were vastly more wealthy).
Another economic occurrence in 1625 heightened the
Netherlands' prominence as a world class trading nation.
The tulip craze peaked in Europe and The Republic became the main supplier of bulbs. Tulip bulbs were both traded as a commodity and used as collateral for financial transactions, furthering the wealth and world-wide contacts of the bourgeois and patricians.
Thus, the subperiod 1619-1625 was seen to be one of transition for the Republic in many ways. Events which contributed to a sense of ëi change in focus for the Dutch included the resumption of the war with Spain albeit with 150 largely mercenary forces, the aftermath of the death of
Oldenbarnevelt, the continued economic growth of the bourgeoisie, and especially the death of Prince Maurits.
The subjects depicted in Dress Forms A and C were largely non-Orthodox Calvinists and were shown pursuing worldly pleasures such as enjoying parties, musical sing-alongs, even flirting; activities that the Orthodox
Calvinists considered to be of questionable morality. Dress
Forms A and C changed as historical circumstances changed for the Republic. Spain's influence on fashion in the
Republic faded as the struggle with Spain waned in importance and the stature of the Spanish empire declined.
The Netherlands was without strong leadership from either the nobility, who were poor by European standards and lacked power in the government, or from the stadholder who lacked imagination and intellegence. Without strong leadership there was a lack of clear direction in costume change during the subperiod 1619-1625.
Dress Form B remained virtually unchanged during the second subperiod. Thus, the stage was set for an association between Dress Form B and a particular group of people who had religious and moral convictions in commmon. 161
Dress Forms; 1626-1635
More paintings were available for examination and consideration from the subperiod of 1626-1635 since Dutch artists were gaining increasing importance as an accomplished group. For the third subperiod, 21 paintings and 49 subjects were studied. Most subjects were depicted in Dress Form A which showed a clear change from the first subperiod. The typical bodice in Dress Form A had broadened in effect, and looked less constricting or looser than before, a trend which had been seen in the preceding subperiod. A change in the neckline occurred from high and closed to low and square, although any flesh that might have been exposed was covered with a dickey that was tucked into the bodice. When collars were seen, they were large falling collars which concealed the armscye seam. The
strong demarkation of the shoulder as seen in the first
subperiod was softened by the falling collar and square neckline.
The sleeves became very wide during the third
subperiod. Vertical slashing of the sleeves to expose an
underlayer became popular as shown in Plate II on the
second woman from the right. In addition, the wide slashed
sleeves were frequently bound by a ribbon at the elbow. The
ribbon was tied into a large decorative roundel bow. The Plate II The Garden Party. Dirck Hals. 1627. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum.
cn to 163 cuff at the bottom of the full length sleeves were most often shaped as a large funnel and the outer edge decorated with lace in a fashion similar to the collar.
The waist placement was high during the third subperiod so that the proportions of the upper torso and area below the waist were considerably changed. The waist was frequently bound by a ribbon and bow similar in appearance to that seen at the elbow. The lower edge of the bodice was most often seen to end either at the high waist or to extend beyond the waist in squared off flaps or basques. The overskirt was most commonly seen to be worn down and concealed petticoats in contrast to the exposed petticoats observed in ear1er subperiods. The skirt was no
longer padded at the hips but typically hung in a manner that suggested several petticoats were worn since the skirt was very full, especially at the hem.
A change in the silhouette was noted from the first to
the third subperiod in the study. The silhouette was
comparatively slender in the first subperiod, but in the
third subperiod, the effect was widened by the fullness of
the skirt, the wide sleeves, and the high waist. The
broadening of the silhouette was further emphasized by the
square neck, the slashing in the sleeves, and the
horizontal lower edge of the bodice. Plate III illustrates
the widened silhouette. A change in the predominant color 164
Plate III Cavaliers.and Ladies. Pieter Codde. 1635. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. 165 was also noted. Black was replaced as the most common color by a variety of bright colors in bodice, sleeves, and skirt.
Dress Form B remained much as it was in the previous subperiod. The changes which did occur were subtle and found primarily in detail attributes rather than in silhouette. The more obvious change in the typical flyergown included the appearance of a large ruff, called the millstone collar, and the reappearance of the wheels or brajoenen which were flattened to a horizontal plane rather than vertical plane seen in the first subperiod.
Black predominated as the color of Dress Form B. Even the stomacher was most frequently black, occasionally trimmed in gold. The use of black was in no way an aspiration toward courtly fashion as had been the case earlier in the seventeenth century Dutch costume. Instead, the black costume stood out against the colorful dress of others as if to classify those wearing Dress Form B as members of a special group (Bell, 1976; Hollander, 1978), which indeed they were. Those depicted in Dress Form B were frequently of the Orthodox Calvinist faith and held important positions in the urban oligarchies. They represented the conservative, aging bourgeoisie and patrician classes of Dutch society, perhaps the most nationalist of the Dutch; fiercly independent, committed to 166 the financial strength of the Republic, and not interested in international alliances. Thus, the flyergown began to take on the appearance of an uniform which identified this group.
Although Dress Form B did not change significantly, a variation did appear which seemed to a reaction to the unchanging sameness which characterised the flyergown.
The variation was called the pseudogown by Kinderen-Besier
(1950) and was very similar to Dress Form A in terms of silhouette and detail attributes. The pseudogown was characterized in the third subperiod by the loose bodice, large falling collar, wide sleeves with slashing, large funnel cuffs, high waist, and full skirt. The sleeevless robe was worn over the bodice and skirt and was sashed at the high waist. The waist sash was typically tied with a roundel bow, as was the elbow area of the slashed sleeve.
The neckline was high and closed on the pseudogown as in
Dress Form B, but a pointed small chest piece that extended below the waist sometimes replaced the large stomacher of
Dress Form B. The women portrayed standing in Plate IV are wearing the pseudogown.
The changes in Dress Form C followed in many respects
those seen in Dress Form A. However, the bodice remained
tight and stiff and instead of a falling collar, a kerchief
was draped over the shoulder and secured under the chin Plate IV The Family of Dirck Bas Jacobsz. Dirck D. Santvoort. 1635. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum.
mm:
o> 168 with a brooch. The wide sleeves were combined with an oversleeve that split at the top of the sleeve cap and hung open to the ground. A small funnel cuff was observed most commonly, rather than the large funnel cuff seen on Dress
Form A. Black overskirts were still seen, while colored underskirts were exposed through the slit.
Dress Form D stayed essentially the same in the third subperiod as it had been in the first and second subperiods. Unlike Dress Form B, there were no updated versions nor any concessions to the changes that had occurred in the other Dress Forms. Since Dress Form D was associated with the commoner who had neither time nor money to spend on fashion, the lack of change was expected.
The accessories and augmentative units showed some change in the third subperiod. The typical Dress Form A was depicted without a cap of any kind while Dress Form B was still depicted with the cupped earwing cap. Fans and gloves became popular props to hold in portraits. Jewelry appeared more frequently than before, especially with Dress Form A; pearls continued to be popular. The hooded cloak or huik was not observed in the third subperiod. In addition, an unusual black cap, tied under the chin, was observed in
association with one Dress Form C.
The historical events of the subperiod 1626-1635 were
centered mainly around the new stadholder, Frederick Henry 169 and his wife, Amalia van Solms. Frederick Henry was elected stadholder in five provinces, giving him a broader power base than his older brother. Prince Maurits. Frederick
Henry was a more ambitious man than Prince Maurits and was also more interested in patronizing the arts, especially if they could further the grandness of his position. Amalia van Solms viewed her husband as a great hero and leader deserving of adulation. She worked hard to promote her
image of Frederick Henry and to establish a court
atmosphere at their residences, especially at The Hague.
The stadholder wooed the French heavily as an ally
against Spain and as an equal to the French court. French
was spoken at The Hague residence, French food was eaten,
and French lifestyle in general was adopted by the
stadholder and his followers. The French influence on Dutch
costume was a logical step and became very strong around
1630, especially on Dress Form A. Kinderen-Besier (1950)
noted the more rotund Dutch women did not always do the
look justice. As noted earlier, the Dutch diet included
much dairy fat and frequent meals were eaten which might
explain the large silhouette exhibited by the Dutch.
The efforts to gain France as an ally were culminated
in 1635 when a treaty was signed in The Hague between
Frederick Henry and the French which stipulated that France
and the Republic would come to a joint peace agreement with 170
Spain rather than establishing separate agreements. While
Frederick Henry saw the treaty as his means of establishing a Dutch dynasty, the province of Holland was concerned that such an agreement would make The Netherlands vulnerable to
French domination. That the treaty was signed in The Hague may well have focused additional Dutch attention on the clothing of the French who were present at the signing,
thereby further encouraging the Dutch emulation of French
fashion.
The Dutch imitation of the French court was viewed by
historians to be a hollow mimicry. Whether the patricians
viewed it that way can only be surmised. The lifestyle that
the stadholder experienced was totally removed from that of
other Dutch citizens. The fact remains that the women
depicted in Dress Forms A and C were typically involved in
leisurely pursuits while those in Dress Form B were
portrayed in charity efforts or serious portraiture
providing insight into the different value systems followed
by the women wearing different costume forms. Such insight
can be gained by studying the artistic depiction of costume
in paintings. Studying the costume alone would make such
insight difficult to gather. 171
Dress Forms in Transition; 1636-1647
In the fourth subperiod, 22 paintings were examined in which 34 subjects were usable. The majority of subjects were seen in portraits dressed in Dress Form B. The predominance of such paintings during this subperiod reflected the fact that having one's portrait painted had become a very popular practice among the regents (Kahr,
1978). The typical dress form was difficult to determine
for Dress Forms A and C, as was the case in the second
subperiod, since clear majorities did not occur for some
attributes. The fourth period was therefore determined to
be a second period of transition.
Dress Form A again proved to change more than any of
the four Dress Forms identified in the present study. In
the fourth subperiod, the bodice showed some evidence of
returning to the tight and narrow constriction of the first
subperiod, although the former loose style was observed
with equal frequency. The neckline remained low and square,
but was filled in with either a dickey or rabat collar.
Also commonly seen was a large folded kerchief draped about
the shoulder and sometimes held together under the chin
with a brooch, as in Dress Form C in the previous
subperiod. The shoulder area was totally obscurred by the
large kerchief and rabat collars. Indeed the location of
the shoulder itself was not apparent in the fourth 172 subperiod because of the collar treatment.
Sleeve attributes became varied in the fourth subperiod. Most sleeves were still wide, though rarely slashed. Some sleeves were shortened to three/quarter length and ended in a variety of cuff treatments. The large funnel cuff seen in the preceding subperiod was still observed, but a new treatment was also common. Instead of a cuff, the sleeve was turned back to reveal the underlayer, both of which were attached in some way in the region of the elbow. Even the funnel cuff had to be made wider to accommodate the shorter length sleeve which ended without constriction at the wrist.
While the waistline continued to be positioned higher than normal, the normal waistline was also seen. The bottom of the bodice was characterized by a change from the emphasis on horizontal to a more pointed termination, emphasizing instead a narrow, vertical effect. The narrow effect was echoed by an unpadded skirt which fell closer to the body than in the preceding subperiod and gave the appearance of a less full skirt.
Dress Form B was depicted in much the same form as in previous periods. One small concession to fashion was that
the waist position was frequently observed in a position higher than normal, although the high waist never reached
the extreme seen in Dress Form A. In addition, some 173 subjects were depicted in bodices that were rounded at the bottom, rather than ending in a horizontal manner at the waist.
One subject was portrayed by Dirck van Delen (A Family
Beside The Tomb of Willem I . 1645. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam) wearing an unusual version of Dress Form B. The stomacher is dusty rose in color in a costume where black was the usual color and her sleeveless robe is tucked up to the waist. The millstone collar and other unit attributes,
including the high waist, are normal for the subperiod. The
anomaly may be attributed to Delen's expertise in
architectural painting rather than figure painting. »
The pseudogown, a variation of Dress Form B was again
observed in the fourth subperiod with many of the new
attributes seen in Dress Form A. The bodice was still loose
in nature but the sleeves were typically wide and three
quarter in length. The cuff treatment was most typically
the turned back style which was observed on a few subjects
depicted in Dress Form A. The waist continued at a higher
than normal position, but the pointed, narrow chest
extending below the waist was a frequent occurrence. The
sleeveless robe was still constricted at the waist,
emphasizing its position.
Dress Form C was observed infrequently as in previous
subperiods, but some changes were identified. The bodice 174
■was looser than in previous subperiods and the neckline was low in nature, although like other low necklines worn by
Dutch women, the decollete was filled in with a dickey. The collar treatment obscurred the sleeve seam, but wide sleeves were observed with large funnel cuffs. The waist was in a high position, but the end of the bodice was narrow and pointed as a result of the design of the chestpiece.
Dress Form D again showed minimal change. The position of the waist did appear slightly higher, however, in the fourth subperiod. The position of the waist was determined in Dress Form D by the placement of the apron and its ties.
This placement could be easily changed and would thus represent a means by which the commoner could respond to fashion change.
Accessories and augmentative units showed little change in design or usage. Many accessories such as gloves
and fans were held in portraits to occupy the hands. Caps were generally absent from Dress Form A and remained
unchanged in Dress Form B. One cap observed with Dress Form
C had an elongated crown which came to mid-forehead and was
black in color.
The historical events which occurred in the fourth
subperiod represented both a shift in Dutch loyalties away
from the French and the decline of Frederick Henry as well 175 as the power of the stadholder positon. In 1641, Frederick
Henry made inroads to the English monarchy by arranging for his son, Willem II, to marry Henrietta Maria Stuart, daughter of Charles I of England. The establishment of royal status for the House of Orange seemed thereby secure, and the dynastic ambitions of Frederick Henry fulfilled.
In 1644, Spain succeeded in ending the alliance between France and the Republic by promising France much of the southern provinces if she would come to a peace agreement separately from the Republic. In addition, representatives of the Republic learned that Frederick
Henry had been talking secretly with Spain for the possession of Antwerp. As a result, representatives of the
Republic began separate negotiations with Spain in which
Frederick Henry was permitted little or no imput.
In 1646, a draft for peace with Spain was completed by
representatives of the Republic and Spain. The draft was
signed two years later in 1648. Also in 1646 the Republic
officially stripped Frederick Henry of most of the power he
had amassed as punishment for the covert dealings with
Spain that had been discovered in 1644. Frederick Henry
died a broken man in 1647 and was succeeded by his very
young son, Willem II. Willem's tenure as stadholder was
short-lived as the station was eliminated in 1651. 176
The events of the subperiod, 1636-1647, reflected again the conflict which continued between the provincial representative government and the centralized position of the stadholder. Furthermore, foreign allegiances were confused or changing, creating additional turmoil. In the fourth subperiod, the depiction of women showed that changes in Dutch costume, especially in Dress Forms A and
C, accompanied periods of political turmoil, making it difficult to determine the typical dress form. Dress Form B and D continued to retain most of the attributes seen in the preceding subperiods.
The fifth subperiod, 1648-1650, represented too short a duration and too few subjects to warrant extensive discussion, but some points should be made. The trends in
Dress Form A and C seen during the previous subperiod seemed to be carried through in the tightening of the bodice and design of the sleeves. In general, the silhouette appeared more slender than the previous subperiod; Kinderen-Besier (1950) noted that the slimmer
style was the result of a pendulum swing. The silhouette
could get no broader, so the trend toward a more vertical,
less horizontal effect was a logical direction. The
pseudogown was not seen in the paintings examined from the
fifth subperiod; the continuation of Dress Form B with
little change was also noted. Dress Form D also was 177 observed with very little change from the first subperiod.
In conclusion. Objective II was accomplished through the determination and examination of typical versions of dress forms in association with societal, historical, economic, and religious variables. The four Dress Forms identified in the study exhibited varying kinds of change over the years included for study, providing insight into the nature of Dutch society in the period 1600-1650. Dress
Form A and Dress Form C, to some extent, proved to be the most sensitive to changes in political circumstances. Other
dress forms showed remarkable consistency.
When conflicts occurred within the Republic or between
the Republic and her allies, typical descriptions for A and
C were difficult to establish, indicating that periods of
political turmoil are accompanied by turmoil in fashion
direction. Richardson and Kroeber (1940) reported similar
results in their study of costume from a period of over 300
years, 1605 to 1936.
The conflict also served to remind one that the Dutch
were without a single leader in the sense of traditional
European monarchies. Fashion direction was therefore taken
by some groups of Dutch women from other countries, such as
France. Still other groups seemed to evolve an unchanging
national uniform which ironically originated in Spanish
fashions of the sixteenth century but became synomymous 178
•with Dutch Calvinist morality.
The costume attributes for Dress Forms B and D remained stable with only minor concessions to changing fashion. In the case of Dress Form B, the lack of change might be attributed to members of a particular social and political group bound by conservative philosophical, moral, and religious convictions. The stable appearance of Dress
Form D certainly reflected the poverty experienced by the commoner and the resulting lack of resources to change wardrobes with changes in fashion. However, the standard appearance of the commoner may also have been a result of a generic kind of portrayal for that social class. The tendency of Dutch artists to emphasize the positive and cheerful image rather than an unpleasant reality has been noted.
In the present study, the nature of changes in the
Dress Forms (or lack of them) as well as the timing of the changes coincided with those noted in previous studies by
Kinderen-Besier (1950) and Thenien (1951), even though
several differences among the studies have been noted. For
example, the subperiods in the present study differed
somewhat from those of Kinderen-Besier (1950) and Thenien
(1951) in two ways. The previous studies were divided into
subperiods deliniated on the basis of apparent fashion
changes whereas the subperiods in the present study were 179 based on historical events. The subperiods in the present study were also of shorter duration in the present study than in the previous works.
Ill addition, the present study focused on the determination of a single "typical" version of each Dress
Form through which changes might be monitored. Both
Kinderen-Besier and Thenien described the gradual evolutionary changes seen over time; Kinderen-Besier emphasized fashion change itself, while Thenien emphasized the subtle changes in the costume of the regents and their association with changes in Dutch aesthetic values. The similarity of results between t. . present and past studies supports the reliability of the methods used in the present study is provided.
The most important influence on Dress Form variation seemed to be the change in stadholder that occurred in 1626 and the resulting change in leadership style and interests.
A clear change, especially in Dress Form A, was seen following the death of Prince Maurits. The two
international fashion sources which influenced Dutch costume proved to be Spain and France, who influenced
fashion in other countries as well. The international
fashions were tempered by the Dutch, however. For example,
the Dutch filled in the low square neckline with dickeys or
rabat collars which may have reflected the more prudish 180 morality of even the most liberal or enlightened Dutch
•women; the French costumes which had the low neckine style were not filled in) thus, the flesh was left exposed.
In the following section, a discussion is presented of the research findings relevant to Objective III. Objective
III was focused on the association between artistic
concerns and costume information, of primary importance to
the study of costume through the visual medium of painting.
Objective III
Analyze the costume characteristics within the context of the artists' perception and portrayal of costume as affected by training and background.
Objective III was accomplished by examining existing
literature on Dutch art in the northern provinces from the
period 1600-1650, as presented in Chapter IV, and relating
the costume characteristics to the collected information on
Dutch art and artists. The discussion is linked with the
chronology of the period studied and is divided into two
sections based on the artistic research variables in the
present study: a) Dress Form and Situation Depicted and b)
Dress Form and the Artist 181
Dress Form and Situation Depicted
Certain Dress Forms tended to be depicted in specific types of situations. A summary of the Dress Forms as depicted in specific situations is presented in Table 6. As can be seen, Dress Forms A and C appeared in the greatest variety of situations with genre (merry company and low life genre), landscapes, and portraits the most numerous.
Most Dress Forms A and C appeared in the merry company genre especially in the subperiod, 1626-1635, on subjects
involved in a variety of diversions. Such activities
included the popular Dutch evening pasttimes of card playing or gatherings for musical sing-alongs or instrument playing. A number of indoor and outdoor gatherings were
also seen in the merry company genre where subjects were
involved in activities of eating, drinking, and otherwise
elegantly lounging.
Landscapes painted in the first two subperiods
(1600-1618 and 1619-1625) and the subperiod 1600-1635,
which included the- undated paintings of Avercamp and
others, were also a common foil for the depiction of Dress
Form A. In such landscapes, the subjects served to populate
the countryside. Sometimes the artist portrayed the
subjects as participants in some event, such as the return
of Prince Maurits in the painting by Adam van Breen
(Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) or Adriaen Pietersz. van de 182
Table 6 Observed Frequencies of Dress Form by Painting Type
Frequencies by Subperiod Dress Form/ Painting Totals 1600- 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- Type 1635 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650
Dress Form A
Portraiture 12 0 0 1 6 4 1 Merry Company 25 0 1 3 18 3 0 Low Life 3 0 0 .0 3 0 0 Landscape 17 4 9 4 0 0 0 Marine 2 0 0 0 2 0 Ü Architecture 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 59 4 10 8 29 7 1
Dress Form B Portraiture 41 0 3 3 9 24 2 Merry Company 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Low Life 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Landscape 3 2 0 1 0 . . 0 0 Marine 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Architecture 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ''‘Tcs'1-àls 44 2 3 4 9 24 2
Dress Form C
Portraiture 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 Merry Company 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Low Life 3 0 0 0 2 1 0 Landscape 3 0 2 1 0 0 0 Marine 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 Architecture 1 0 0 0 0 1 0
Totals 9 0 2 2 3 2 0
Dress Form D
Portraiture 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Merry Company 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 Low Life 4 0 0 0 0 2 2 Landscape 16 8 3 4 1 0 0 Marine 4 0 0 0 4 0 0 Architecture 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 26 8 3 4 7 2 2 183
Venne's depiction of Prince Maurits and Frederick Henry at the Valkenburg horsefair (Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum). Other landscapes provided a glimpse into life beyond the reaches of the cities, such as when the canals froze and rich and poor alike came out to skate or otherwise cavort on the
ice.
The landscapes were typically painted in the studio
but were based on actual observation, which reflected the
Dutch penchant for naturalism. The artists worked in the
traditions of Pieter Brugel the Elder, the great Flemish
artist of the sixteenth century. The Dress Forms remained
recognizeable, however, from artist to artist which would
indicate some degree of accuracy in depiction. The detail
in the costume in many landscape paintings was astonishing,
even though many of the landscapes were small, so that the
figures were very small.
The merry company genre paintings that were the
innovation of artists coming from Haarlem were also studio
paintings and generally contained well defined backgrounds
as settings for the jolly gatherings. Early artists working
in the merry company genre, such as Willem Butewych,
painted the costumes in great detail. Dirck Hals, brother
of Frans Hals, was less concerned with details; he
sometimes left the features of faces vague as well as
costume details. 184 Dirck Hals and other genre painters exhibited a tendency to paint figures that were similarly attired in different paintings. For example, the costumes portrayed in
The Garden Party (Dirck Hals. 1627. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)
(Plate II) are very similar to those seen in a later work.
Merry Company (Dirck Hals. 1633. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum).
In addition, the costumes seen in these two works were more typical of the first subperiod (1600-1618) than of the third subperiod (1626-1635) during which they were painted.
Such similarities between paintings and the lack of change in the costumes indicated that Dirck Hals worked in his studio without directly observing the scene.
Occasionally, artists would join efforts and share the
depiction of such groups. For example, in Elegant Company
in a Classic Interior (1628. Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum)
the background was painted by Dirck van Delen, an artist
who specialized in architectural paintings, while the
figures were painted by Dirck Hals. Inspite of the common
subject matter and sometimes formula-like depictions, the
Dress Forms remained recognizeable.
In the third and fourth subperiods examined in the
present study (1626-1635 and 1636-1647), Dress Form A was
also seen with some frequency in portraits of actual
individuals. The women were members of the House of Orange
or very rich bourgeois, but were neither Orthodox 185
Calvinists nor patricians. Comparisons between the portraits and the merry company genre of the subperiod
1635-1647 show similar depictions of Dress Form A, again indicating the verisimilitude of the merry company genre painters.
Dress Form B was seen primarily in portraits and very
few other situations. Even the few landscapes which
included figures in Dress Form B were most often portraits with a landscape as the background. At no time was the form
seen in the genre works, either merry company or low life.
The nature of the social group that wore the flyergown
(conservative Orthodox Calvinists frequently of the
patrician class) would not have lent itself to inclusion in
that kind of work or activity. The greatest number of
observed portraits (24) were painted in the fourth
subperiod (1636-1647) when, as Kahr (1978) noted, having
one's portrait painted became popular among even the staid
conservative bourgeoisie.
Important innovations were brought to the portrait by
Frans Hals of Haarlem and Rembrandt who worked in Leiden
and Amsterdam at different times. The unique qualities of
each artist was discussed in some depth in Chapter IV,
which provided the basis for the summary statement included
here. Frans Hals developed a sense of unparalleled
spontaneity and vitality which gave new intimacy and 186
feeling to the portrait. Rembrandt explored the emotive
qualities of the face, using light and shadow to express
emotion. The costumes painted by Frans Hals were painted with accuracy, and the commissioned portraits by Rembrandt
from the 1630's also show costumes which are coeval and
easily recognizeable. Many of Rembrandt's costumes were,
however, reminiscent of oriental garb which he collected.
Dress Form C, the dress form observed with the least
frequency, was seen most often in low life genre and
landscapes. The low life genre examined in the present
study were typically scenes of men procuring the services
of prostitutes and were painted in the second and third
subperiods studied (1619-1625 and 1626-1635). This low life
theme was fairly common both in Haarlem and Utrecht,
although the styles of painting were quite different.
Utrecht artists worked in the tradition of Caravaggio, that
is, painting life-sized figures with vague backgrounds. The
costumes depicted by the Utrecht artists tended to be
unclear in design and origin. In addition, the figures were
often depicted only to the waist, limiting the visiblity of
the costume, making their inclusion in the present study
inappropriate.
The Haarlem painters produced much smaller works with
detail and depiction in keeping with Dutch traditions. That
prostitutes would be portrayed in the dress forms most 187
closely associated with fashionably attired women may have
been part of the message in the painting regarding the
undecorous behavior of such social groups. The costumes were recognizable as Dress Form C, but the bodice had
higher waistlines which were almost empire in effect. In
addition, the depiction of a long scarf which draped about
the neck and' hung to the length of the hem was seen in only
one other painting; a merry company in which the subjects
were dressed in Dress Form A.
Dress Form D was observed primarily in landscapes in a
more or less generic style of depiction. The majority of
figures in Dress Form D were seen in paintings by artists
active within the subperiod 1600-1635, but the paintings
were not dated. The standard portrayal of the commoner
appeared in several artistic schools and situations, and
may have been a result of the tendency of Dutch artists to
emphasize the positive and cheerful image rather than an
unpleasant reality.
In summary, specific tendencies were identified in
which the dress forms were observed in association with
certain types of paintings. Specifically, Dress Forms A and
C appeared in the greatest variety of situations with genre
(merry company and low life), landscapes, and portraits the
most numerous. Dress Form B was observed almost exclusively
in portraits. Dress Form D appeared mostly in landscapes. 188
Dress Form and the Artist
Dutch artists specialized in the type of painting they produced as discussed in Chapter IV. The type of painting as well as the artistic school in which the artist trained sometimes affected the way in which costumes were depicted.
The discussion which follows touches on both sources of variation in styles of depiction since the two interrelate.
Hollander (1980) stated that art created for different purposes yields different kinds of information. The types
of paintings the Dutch bought, and the situation depicted
in them, varied. The paintings were put to many uses,
including the decoration of their homes, as a reminder of
morality lessons, and the preservation of subjects'
likenesses for posterity. Certain differences in the
costumes contained in such paintings can be noted, in
addition to the variety of dress forms dicussed previously.
The differences seen are discussed in the following
section.
The merry company genre and the portrait exhibited
some differences in the manner in which the costume was
painted. In spite of the fact that the two types of
paintings often portrayed different dress forms,
differences were apparent in the volume of the fabrics
indicated in the costume. For example, the costumes shown 189 in the merry company genre were painted in a way that the skirt, sleeves, and collars seemed more voluminous than those in the portraits. The atmosphere of the interiors in the merry company genre was also frequently sensuous. In
addition, light played with the folds and distortions of
the fabric in the merry company genre creating a sense of
movement, even agitation. Such characteristics can be seen
in paintings by Pieter Codde (Cavaliers and Ladies. 1635.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) (Plate III), Dirck van Delen
(Musical Group in a Renaissance Interior. 1636. Rotterdam,
Boysmans-van Beunigen Museum) and Dirck Hals (Elegant Group
in an Interior. 1628. Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum).
The casual poses often struck by the subjects in the
merry company genre might help to explain the greater
vivacity and agitation in the play of light across the
fabric. However, an enhanced depiction of fabric volume
would contribute to the representation of the pursuit of
luxury and the sensuous pleasures of textures. As discussed
earlier, the merry company genre were purchased and used as
didactic resources, reminding viewers of the painting about
the dangers of too worldly a focus. These paintings were
very popular; and thus it would seem many enjoyed looking
at, and thinking about, behavior that was not considered in
the best taste. 190
The sitters in portraits such as Feyntje van
Steenkiste (Frans Hals. 1537. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum),
Maria van Utrecht, the wife of Johann van Oldenbarnevelt
(Paulus Morleese. 1615. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum), or Trinjte
Tijsdr van Nooy (Nicolaes Eliasz. called Pickenoy. 1631.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) are portrayed in well executed costumes, but the nature of the drape of the fabric is not highlighted by the subdued light illuminating the area.
Instead, a stately effect is created in such works which lacks the agitation seen in the treatment of the costumes
in merry company genre but is in keeping with the presence radiating from the austere, serious personalities captured
in the portraits.
One portrait, however, by Frans Hals (Issac Massa and
Beatriz van der Laen. 1622. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) depicts
a young bride full of vitality and spontaneity as evidenced
by the glint in her eye and the casual pose of affection
for her hew husband. The painting illustrates important
changes in the nature of portraiture introduced by Hals
(see Plate V).
The pose of the sitter frequently also contributed to
the dignified image in the portraits. The sitter sometimes
stood which would naturally cause the fabric to drape
undisturbed to the floor. Even the subjects who were
portrayed in a sitting position exhibited a restraint and 191
Plate V Issac Massa and Beatriz van der Laen. Frans Hals. 1622. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. 192 confident reserve in keeping with their social position and philosophical outlook. Their dignity was not compromised by the fact that the knees were frequently observed spread.
Rosenberg, et al. (1956) suggested that a more accurate record of the Dutch and their costumes might be preserved in portraits that were painted without the extraodinarily innovative efforts of Hals and Rembrandt.
The minor portraitists active during the period in the study who strove to capture the likeness of the sitter for its own sake, may have been more meticulous in the depiction of the costume worn by the sitter. Such was in keeping with the Dutch fondness for practical, straightforward depictions of reality, as well as for the opportunity to show themselves in their best clothes, thereby displaying their wealth. The artistic developments of Rembrandt were probably beyond the understanding of the common bourgeoisie Dutch citizen (Rosenberg, et al.,' 1966?
Kahr, 1978). Furthermore, many could not afford the price
Rembrandt charged for a portrait.
Rosenberg's, et al. (1966) conclusion, while logical, is difficult to draw from the data in the present study
since a comparison of the same sitter in the same costume by different artists is not possible. The early portrait
styles of both Rembrandt and Hals exhibited careful detail
to costume depiction as a part of the image of the sitter 193
(Kahr (1978), a fact that was confirmed in the data collection phase of the present research in paintings such as Issac Massa and Beatriz van der Laen (Frans Hals. 1622.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) and Portrait of a Lady with a Fan
(Rembrandt. 1633. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art).
Rosenberg, et al. (1966) may well have been referring
to later works of the two masters. In the portrait of
Beatriz van der Laen (Issac Massa en Beatriz ven der Laen.
1622. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) the painterly style can be
seen for example, in the representation of the highlights
in the skirt and the depiction of the fabric which are both
fairly loosely accomplished with broad brush strokes. Some
of the portraits Hals painted were almost life size, which
may help to explain the loose technique: the work was not
meant to be examined at close range. In addition, Hals
portrayed the bride full of vitality and spontaneity as
discussed earlier. The loose painting technique enhanced
the momentary essence of interest to Hals. Still, the
costume is clear as regards the nature of the Dress Form as
well as detail attribute.
A much later group portrait by Hals of the Female
Regents of the Old Men's Home (ca. 1661. Haarlem, Frans
Hals Museum) was observed to have a very painterly
technique with broad brush strokes which only hinted at the
play of light on the fabric and the design of the costume. 194
Similar style changes can be seen in the later works of
Rembrandt as well. The costumes would indeed have been difficult to study from such broadly rendered depictions.
Rembrandt also enjoyed painting figures in cosutmes which were oriental in nature. His Musical Group (1626.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum), for example, depicts a woman in a costume of oriental textiles with only vague relation to coeval costume design. Such clothing would indeed have been difficult to identify as a typical Dutch costume.
Rembrandt's fondness for the oriental was not necessarily shared by the Dutch population in general.
It remains true that the work of such portraitists as
Santvoort, de Keyser, Verspronck, Mesdach, and Miereveld
(identified by Rosenberg, et al. (1966) as minor portraitists) preserved a record of people with a deep
sense of satisfaction in their accomplishments and
lifestyle. The main focus of these works was the
straightforward preservation of sitters in their best array
which reflected the period ideals of Calvinist conformity
as discussed by Hollander (1978). Clothing was one of few
ways the wealthy bourgeoisie, bound by rigid Calvinist
doctrine, could express their vast fortunes. The manner in
which the costume was painted reflects the sitter's
interest in a careful and thorough record in that the
costume was rendered in remarkable detail. The costumes 195
■were probably not simplified to speed the production process as DeMarly (1980) suggested, since such simplification would be detrimental to the clear representation of the sitters' socio-economic status as expressed through costume.
For example, in his portrait of Gatherina Fourmenois
(1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum), Mesdach painted the costume
in such detail that the individual yarns in the brocade
bodice are almost visible as can be seen in Plate V I . There
is similar verisimilitude in the costumes of the Family of
Dirck Bas Jacobsz. painted by Santvoort (1635'. Amsterdam,
Rijksmuseum) as illustrated in Plate IV. When works such as
these are compared with the portraits of Hals, one can see
that the record of costume left by the minor portraitist
may well have been more accurate than the record left by
Hals or Rembrandt, especially in the latter stages of the
innovators' life.
The differences in the nature of costume depiction
seen in the present study were most often greater between
artistic schools than between individual artists which is
in keeping with the way most Dutch artists trained.
Individualism was neither encouraged by the system of
apprenticeship nor practical in the nature of the art
market. The superior innovations by such artists as
Rembrandt seem to have more to do with individual 195
Plate VI Catharine Fourmenois. Soloman Mesdach. 1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. 197 intellectual genius than with native Dutch artistic developments.
During the first half of the seventeenth century, restriction of bodily movements which might have been
expected from the style of bodices in Dress Forms A, B, and
C was not apparent in the present data, particularly in the merry company genre. The poses painted showed subjects with
the ability to move with relative ease in that they were
seen to be reaching and leaning to a moderate extent. The
commoners, unencumbered by the stomachers of Dress Forms A,
B, and C, seemed to move about with apparently great ease,
as evidenced by their poses.
The use of visual imagery contributed to the
information gained relating to the family life of the
Dutch. In two paintings of family groups, a husband and
wife are shown holding hands: The Family Group of Dirck Bas
Jacobsz. (Dirck D. Santvoort. 1635. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)
as seen in Plate IV and The Meebuck Family Near the Gate of
Their Country Home on the Uitweg Near Amsterdam (Jacob van
Loo. 1645. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum). In the latter work, the
wife even removed her glove so that the gesture seemed more
intimate. In these and many other family portraits, the
husband and wife stand and/or sit side by side with their
children and grandchildren gathered about them. 198
The family portrait of Frederick Henry (1645. Gerard van Honthorst. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) presents quite a different view of the family, as can be seen in Plate VII.
Amalia van Solms dominates the painting as the central figure. Her husband, the stadholder, stands in front of columns which may be a symbol of strength, but he fails to be the central figure in the painting. The arrangement of figures in this painting is enlightening when one considers the fact that it was Amalia who strove to promote her husband's stature as a hero and great leader. Honthorst's portraits which were examined for the study were all close to life-size, in keeping with the official state portrait traditions of other European countries. Honthorst was court painter to both Charles I of England and Frederick Henry.
An interesting aspect of family dynamics apparent in the family portraits was the clothing worn by members of different generations. In the portrait by Santvoort, the daughters and daughters-in-law of Dirck Bas Jacobsz. were dressed in the updated version of the flyergown, the pseudogown, while the mother wore the old fashioned flyergown (see Plate IV). In the family portrait by Loo, the women of different generations were dressed alike, reflective of more conservative values than those of the
Dirck Bas Jacobsz. family. The daughters of the stadholder and his wife were dressed like their mother, indicative of 199
Plate VII Frederick Henry and his Family. Gerard van Honthorst. 1645. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. 200 her efforts to keep even the youngest girl fashionable (see
Plate VII).
Objective III was accomplished by the examination of
literature on the nature of Dutch painting in the first
half of the seventeenth century and comparing the results
of such literature searches to the paintings examined in
the present study. Differences were seen in the types of
situations in which the identified dress forms were
depicted. Also, some variation in the style in which the
costumes were depicted was noted. Such variation did not
inhibit the recognizability of the dress form, but
contributed to the understanding of the context in which
the costume may have been worn. The fact that the
identified Dress Forms were observed thoughout the period
of the study supports the contention that the Dutch artists
studied in the present study portrayed costume in a manner
that was in keeping with the Dutch perception of reality. CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, AND
QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY
The study was conducted to explore and examine the interrelationship between clothing and art as manifestations of culture. A summary of the study is presented as well as implications of the results and questions for further study.
Summary
The examination of artifacts left by past civilizations is but one of many avenues through which to study the nature of cultures which existed in the past. Two such artifacts are the clothing worn and the visual images painted by the participants of the culture. The summary of the study is organized into three sections: The Problem,
Methods, and Results.
201 202 The Problem
Many have written of the ways in which clothing represents the character of different cultures during various periods of time (Richardson and Kroeber, 1940;
Laver, 1945; Konig, 1973; Squire, 1974; and Bell, 1976.
Such authors discussed the ways in which clothing relates to the society from which it emanates. Although each author's perspective may have differed somewhat, they each proposed that the changes observed in clothing can be seen as reflections of changes in political, social, economic, or religious conditions. The relationship between clothing and these environmental forces was described not as one of cause and effect, but rather as a parallel path of development.
Like clothing, the visual image created by artists also provides a window through which to study past civilizations. Paintings serve as a record of life which provides the viewer the opportunity to see a period through the eyes of the artist (Rice, 1962) in that it is actually the artist's interpretation and perception of life that is recorded. Hollander (1978) suggested that clothing and art were both records of the visual aesthetetic of an age and to completely understand the record of costume left in the visual image, the history of the visual image must also be understood. 203
Therefore, questions may be posed as to how the environmental forces present in a specific society influence costume and how the artistic depiction of such costumes reflects the influence of environmental forces. In this way, then, study can be made regarding the nature of both costume and art as cultural manifestations.
The specific focus of the present research was the
Dutch culture of the first half of the seventeenth century.
The Dutch culture was selected due to the unique character of the nation in the context of seventeenth century Europe.
In addition, Dutch art presented a particularly intimate, accurate, and broad record of life in the Netherlands during the period 1600-1650. A review of the literature revealed, however, a limited amount of information on Dutch costume, particularly in the context of the visual image.
Two volumes were found which offered a wealth of information on Dutch costume, including the basic elements of costume, the changes in costume, and the constructive details of clothing of the period (Kinderen-Besier, 1950;
Theinen, 1930). However, the approach taken by the authors differed from the present research in focus and scope. The major focus of Kinderen-Besier (1950) was the changing
styles of Dutch costume throughout the seventeenth century
in the context of fashion movement. Hence, she studied the
costume of only those who were wealthy enough to keep up 204 with the changes in fashion. Theinen (1951/ 1930) was interested in the aesthetic aspects of life, and his discussion of costume reflected that interest. He drew parallels of style between clothing and art, as well as literature, in terms of the aesthetic ideals which influenced the evolution of specific styles during the seventeenth century. The bourgeoise ruling class, the regents, comprised the class on which Theinen concentrated; his discussion of non-regent classes was limited.
An objective study of Dutch costume as depicted in
Dutch painting of the first half of the seventeenth century was deemed appropriate. The study of Dutch costume was conducted in conjunction with an examination of the unique character of Dutch culture and visual imagery of the period. Such a perspective would further one's understanding of clothing and art, specifically paintings, as cultural manifestations. In addition, the use of an established system for the objective analysis of costume
information would minimize subjective judgements on the part of the researcher.
Based on the literature, the following objectives were
developed to help direct the research process.
1. Identify costume characteristics of women's costume as portrayed in paintings by Dutch artists based on an objective method used to analyze costume within a cultural context: content analysis.
2. Analyze the costume characteristics within the context of cultural environments, specifically, the 205 historical, political, social, economic, and religious nature of the period.
3. Analyze the costume chatacteristics within the context of the artists' perception and portrayal of costume as affected by training and background.
Methods
The historical researcher is faced with concerns such as the use of primary sources and external and internal validity. Such concerns, as well as the methods used to accomplish the present study are discussed in the following
sections: Use of Visual Imagery as a Data Source, Data
Collection, and Data Analysis.
Use of Visual Imagery as a Data Source
The use of visual imagery in paintings for the study
of costume has several advantages over the use of clothing
artifacts or written documents. The costume can be studied
in terms of a) its reality and b) how it was perceived at
the time, which is conveyed through the style in which the
costume was portrayed. The style of portrayal reflects the
acceptability of an image as a representation of something
real or identifiable to its coeval audience (Hollander,
1980). By studying the style of portrayal as part of the
manifestation of culture one might gain additional insights
into the forces which influenced the costume worn by people
of a specific culture and their perception of the costume. 206
Imagery is also useful for the study of costume in that a sense of context can be discerned from the painting,
■whereas the artifact in isolation provides little information to the researcher as to the type of occasion for which--the garment was worn or by whom. An additional
advantage of using imagery in the study of historic costume
is that the relationship of the body to dress can be
examined.
The researcher must be aware of two considerations
when interpreting the depicted costumes. First, there are
certain types of information about costume which can not be
discerned in a painting since the image is only two
dimensional. The depiction of different subjects may vary,
yielding different kinds of information. Hollander (1980)
suggested that certain types of paintings were especially
useful for the study of costume. Paintings in which scenes
of everyday life are depicted for their own sake are most
useful.
Portraiture was seen by Kinderen-Besier (1950) as the
most realistic painting to use in the study of costume,
since the sitters were real people. However, Hollander
(1980) suggested that the portraits of different classes
would present different images. A royal portrait may
contain unique forms of costume which emphasize the status
separation of royalty from lower classes. Representations 207 of the costume worn by the merchant class, or bourgeoisie,
Hollander suggested, convey period ideals of conformity.
The depiction of peasant dress is often inaccurate since
reality was improved or worsened, depending on the purpose
of the work of art.
A second consideration to be acknowledged is the
two-dimensional nature of a painting which may be seen as a
definite limitation in using such sources for the study of
costume. However, since focus was given to the
interpretation of costume and paintings as cultural
manifestations, the use of paintings was viewed as a vital
component of the present study. The paintings contribute
information regarding the way people wished to be depicted
and the perceptions of the artists, providing additional
insight into the culture, as well as the impact the culture
had on developments in costume and painting.
Data Collection
A model for the systematic study of artifacts as
cultural manifestations suggested by Flemming (1974) was
used in the present study. For the present research, the
clothing and the painting were not considered as two
distinct artifacts. The painting was viewed as the artifact
from which depicted costumes were studied. Of the five
artifact properties identified by Flemming (1974), three 208
•were considered pertinent to the study: history, d .sign,
and function. The paintings used in the study were selected
on the basis of completed identification and evaluation by
scholars in history of art. The identification step for
costume was developed to provide descriptive information
about costume characteristics. Cultural analysis of the
depicted costume was seen as the main focus of the present
research, and was conducted within the context of the
artistic artifact from which the costume was identified.
Original paintings by Dutch artists were selected as
the primary source for the study of the costume of Dutch
women. Although a painting might be considered a secondary
source for the study of costume itself, the interplay
between costume and paintings as cultural manifestations
was an important facet of the study. For the present
research, external validity was established by using
paintings which have been identified by scholars in the
field of history of art as authentic originals. Internal
validity was established with an in-depth examination of
the development of the Dutch nation, the nature of Dutch
culture, and the nature of Dutch painting in the first half
of the seventeenth century.
It was deemed necessary to use an established system
for objective categorization and description of costume, a
task which many researchers have undertaken. Roach and Musa 209
(1980) described a categorization system which combined both body coverings and articles of adornment. Wass (1975) and Wass and Eicher (1980) devised a categorization system designed specifically for the analysis of historic or contemporary dress from components of linguistic analysis.
The system permitted the identification of dress modes, alternatives, and additions to the modes.
Flemming (1974) suggested the use of content analysis in the third step of his model, cultural analysis. The use of frequencies and frequency distributions is a common tool in content analysis. The establishment of clear sampling and variable definition is a requirement of content analysis (Holsti, 1969; Kassarjian, 1977).
The sample used in the present study included paintings which were chosen on the basis of several criteria: a) painted by a Dutch artist working in the
Netherlands between 1600 and 1650, b) the painting portrayed Dutch women, and c) the painting revealed at
least threg/forths of costume. Paintings were also chosen
on the basis of their present locations, which for
logistical reasons were limited to the Netherlands or the
United States, and in particular. New York and Washington
D.C.
The focus of the present study was centered on the
examination of seventeenth century Dutch costume to 210 consider the association among five variables:
Social class. The subjects were assigned to one of four categories of social class based on Zumthor (1959) and Huizinga (1968), which included nobility, patricians, bourgeoisie, and commoners.
Age of subjects. The subjects depicted in the paintings were categorized into one of three age-groups: young, middle age, or elderly.
The situation depicted. The situation or circumstances depicted in the painting was seen as an important determinant in understanding the various forms of costume which were observed. Included in the variable was a consideration of the depicted event or circumstance as well as the nature of the painting.
Artistic school and artist. The consideration of the artists and the schools from which they emerged was seen as a means by which to gain insight into the artistic perception of Dutch costume as influenced by training, individual style, and the period studied. The major schools relevant to the present study included: Utrecht, Haarlem, Hals, Rembrandt, and Genre.
The religion of the subject(s) was considered when the subject could be identified, or when situational cues were found in the paintings. In addition, the apparent posture of the subject was also noted to determine the relationship between body and costume. Furthermore, the relation of the body size of the portrayed figure to life size was also considered and recorded, since the impact of the figure can be enhanced by increasing body size.
The data collection process for the present research
involved two emphases which were taken from Flemming's
(1974) model for artifact study: a) costume identification 211 or description, and b) cultural analysis of the costume and paintings in which they were depicted. The following
section includes a description of the methods used for both
costume identification or description and cultural
analysis.
Costume identification/ description. The data
collection process involved three phases; a) a preliminary
testing of the system for data recording, b) the collection
of data from paintings housed in selected museums in the
United States, and c) the collection of data from paintings
housed in selected Dutch museums. Each phase was designed
and accomplished to facilitate the development and use of
a data recording form which met the needs of the present
study.
In each phase, information regarding costume and the
variables in the study was recorded on a form using a
categorization system developed by combining methods of
Wass (1975) and Roach and Musa (1980). Mass's UNIT was
employed and consisted of the portion which was the
smallest meaningful item of dress, such as bodice or skirt.
Roach's and Musa's dress components represented a further
breakdown and included SUBUNITS of garments such as collars
and sleeves. ACCESSORIES and AUGMENTATIVE UNITS were
classified separately in the present study, and encompassed
jewelry and such items as outerwear, respectively. 212
ATTRIBUTES of dress were added to Mass's units in the present study and were seen as design details, included silhouette, color, texture, and surface patterns.
Refinements needed for the data collection form were also noted and accomplished to facilitate the recording of both costume information and information regarding the five variables in the study.
The opportunity to visit the Netherlands was deemed an invaluable experience for gaining insight into Dutch history and culture. The museums visited included the
Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, the Frans Hals Museum in Haarlem, and the Boymans-van Beuningin Museum in Rotterdam. The specific paintings examined in the study were selected from the most recently published catalogue of each museum.
Cultural Analysis. Information regarding Dutch culture and art during the first half of the seventeenth century was collected by examining the copious literature available on these subjects. According to Flemming's (1974) model for artifact study, such information would enhance the examination of the relationship among Dutch costume, painting, and culture.
Data Analysis
The first major task in the data analysis was the
compilation of a list or inventory of the observed costume 213 characteristics: UNITS, SUBUNITS, ACCESSORIES,
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS, and ATTRIBUTES. A vocabulary of terms developed by Buck (1982) was found to be useful as a
structural basis for compiling the costume descriptions
from individual paintings. The main garments depicted in
Dutch paintings were classified into one of four basic garment types based on the literature and the data from the
present study.
Costume attributes apparent from the selected
paintings were then identified through the use of frequency
distributions. Frequency distributions were developed for
each of the variables in the study, so that costume
characteristics could be identified for social class,
subject age, depicted situation, and artistic school and
artist.
The second major task in the data analysis was the
cultural analysis of the identified costume attributes. The
costumes were examined first in association with the
cultural environments of the period, including the
historical, political, social, economic, and religious
environments and events so that insight could be gained
into the ways the costume reflected the cultural influences
prevalent during the period 1600-1650. To facilitate such
analyses, the 50 year period was divided into several
subperiods which are discussed with the results presented 214 in association with. Objective II. The costumes were also examined in association with the artistic variables to understand the perception of clothing on the part of the artists.
A time line was developed on which were plotted the significant cultural and artistic developments of the period against which costume characteristics were compared.
Analyses were made as to the form and attributes of costume apparent at the time of the plotted cultural and artistic developments to determine the ways in which costume reflected the developments.
Results
The discussion which follows represents a brief summary of the results gathered in the present study. It is divided into three parts: a)Temporal and Cultural Setting, b) Artistic Setting, and c) Costume Characteristics.
Temporal and Cultural Setting
The historical-cultural background of the Netherlands was investigated in depth so that an understanding of Dutch
culture could be established. Two directions were taken in
the exploration of Dutch culture and are discussed below in
two sections: a) The Dutch nation and b) Daily life in the
Netherlands. 215
The Dutch nation. Several ways in which the
Netherlands was unique were identif ied. One unusual characteristic was the lack of a sense of strong national identity. An identity as a unified nation had existed for a comparatively short time prior to the seventeenth century.
Brought under common rule over a long period of years, the seventeen provinces known as the Low Coutries were allowed much freedom in governing themselves, leading to a fierce streak of independence in the Dutch. The government was based on civilian representation rather than a monarchy, resulting in a remarkably democratic outlook for the time.
Yet, a centralized position, the stadholder, was created in the election of the same man by several provinces late in the sixteenth century to unify the seven northern provinces in an effort to bring an end to the domination of Spain. As the province of Holland gained economic prowess, the Grand
Pensionary of Holland often challenged the stadholder's decisions, including ones that added to the power of the stadholder. The rivalry between these two offices was a source of internal strife for the Netherlands.
Another way the Dutch were unique is that the middle
class outdistanced the nobility in terms of financial
status. The mercantile class amassed great wealth from the
sea through fishing and shipping; such economic prowess
resulted in virtual political and economic control of the 216 country. In addition, the Netherlands became the principal
seafaring nation in the world in the span of a single generation and built an extensive colonial empire (Boxer,
1965). The Netherlands established the Dutch East and West
Indies Companies to further the growth of wealth from
.trade. Many Dutch became managers of money, establishing a
bank in Amsterdam which became the world's first financial
trade center.
Yet another uniqueness found in Dutch culture was a
spirit of religious freedom unknown in other countries in
the seventeenth century. Such freedom took the form of
quiet tolerance; even though many faiths were required to
practice in private, the followers of such faiths were for
the most part not molested. As a result of the religious
freedom, there was an influx of immigrants to the
Netherlands, and they brought to Dutch society a wide
mixture of cultural backgrounds which many (Geyl, 1961;
Zumthor, 1963; Huizinga, 1968; Price, 1974) have cited as a
source for the rich diversity and developments the Dutch
made in the arts and sciences.
The Dutch history is marked by several outstanding
events. At the turn of the seventeenth century, the Dutch
were preoccupied with expulsing Spain from the northern
provinces, a process that began early in the second half of
the sixteenth century. Although a twelve year truce was 217 implemented in 1609, the fighting resumed in 1621. The
Dutch hired mercenaries to do their fighting after 1621, but the war still represented a significant drain on the
Dutch financial resources.
When the Dutch were not preoccupied with the expulsion of Spain, internal strife threatened to topple the fledgling nation. The strife centered around such issues as the conflict between various factions of the Calvinist faith, and Holland's position as the richest and most powerful of the seven northern provinces. The latter conflict was highlighted with the succession of the House of Orange in the postion of stadholder. Two brothers held the position during the 50 year period in the study. Prince
Mauritz and Frederick Henry had quite different leadership styles and aspirations which had ramifications for the
Dutch and their costume.
Daily life in the Netherlands. The daily life of the
Dutch was rigorous, but enhanced with scholarly pursuit and literature, as well as leisurely indulgences. The Dutch took great pride and joy in their homes, the care, upkeep and decoration of which was almost an obsession. The family was the center of social interaction, religious activity,
and the celebration of rites of passage. While the father was master of the family, the mother had dominance within
the home where most Dutch women spent their entire lives. 218
Children, though indulged, received a comparatively favorable education. The Dutch worked hard, but they also played hard in various ways such as gambling, singing in groups, skating on frozen canals, and gardening. The success of the trading economy and the variety of cultural representation have been credited for the unusual intellectual stimulation the Dutch experienced and enjoyed.
Artistic Setting
There is much about seventeenth century Dutch painting that was innovative and distinctive in relation to coeval art which was produced in other European countries, including the neighboring southern provinces. The innovations in Dutch paintings of this period both responded to and reflected the concerns of seventeenth century Dutch society (Price, 1974; Kahr, 1978), and represented the tastes of people in comparatively moderate circumstances (Kahr, 1978). The pictures produced by the
Dutch artists were simple, straightforward records which made few intellectual demands on the viewer (Wright, 1978).
The main type of subject to merit attention was the citizen, clad in true costume and carrying out daily activities; the subject represented a total break with
Renaissance traditions (Zumthor, 1963). 219
Dutch painting of the seventeenth century is distinguishable from the art of other European countries by special characteristics which arc linked with the unique nature of Dutch culture of the period. The number of paintings which Dutch artists produced has never been matched before or since by any other school (Wright, 1978).
In addition, the innovations which occurred in Dutch painting developed within only two generations (Held and
Posner, n.d.).
There are several unique aspects of Dutch painting which make it both a part of and separate from the Baroque movement of the seventeenth century. The unique charateristics of seventeenth century Dutch painting might be summarized to include selective, cheerful realism; an unprecedented breadth of subject matter; the production of paintings for the open market, without the traditional system of royal or religious patronage; specialization of artists; and the rendering of subject matter with an unmatched human touch. The developments in Dutch painting of the seventeenth century represented a continuation of traditions from the previous two centuries.
The nature of the training and background of most
Dutch artists lead to the unique characteristics found in
Dutch painting from the seventeenth century. Many Dutch
artists were seen and considered themselves as craftsmen 220 rather than artists (Erlanger, 1967; Price, 1974). Many came from middle class origins and had parents who were closely allied with the craft of painting. As such, there was "little money for extensive artistic education in the
European art centers. The alternative was the guild system which continued to exist in the Netherlands throughout the seventeenth century (Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Price, 1974;
Kahr, 1978; Wright, 1978). While the guild system tended to isolate the young artists from European developments, rich and varied traditions existed in earlier Dutch art upon which to draw.
Most Dutch artists' purpose in studying painting was the production of merchandise to sell to people who had disposable income, but could not afford the works by the
Flemmish or Italian masters. The subject matter and treatment thereof had to appeal specifically to this customer.
Most of the paintings purchased by the Dutch people were used to decorate their homes (Kahr, 1978; Wright,
1978). The purchase of paintings was also a way for the
Dutch bourgeoisie to display their wealth and surround
themselves with signs of luxury (Zumthor, 1963). In a
similar vein, paintings were used as a form of financial
investment (Zumthor, 1963; Price, 1974). 221
Rosenberg, et al. (1966) and Kahr (1978) suggested that Dutch paintings had an instructive or didactic element relative to behavior that was considered either appropriate or inappropriate. Wright (1978) noted that Dutch painting did not serve the purpose of glorifying the political, historical, or religious ideals of the Netherlands.
Throughout the northern provinces there existed several distinct centers of artistic importance, each with its own characteristics or subject of interest. Several of
the centers were located in the wealthy province of
Holland, such as Haarlem and Amsterdam. The various centers maintained an independence in their styles inspite of their
close proximity and the mobile life style of many artists.
In general, the artistic developments echoed the
seventeenth century economic and cultural developments of
each region, building on traditions which had existed in
the Low Countries for two centuries. An identifiable Dutch
style evolved which was both a part of, and separate from,
the Baroque movement that occurred simultaneously
throughout Europe.
Costume Characteristics
The following section presents both the results of the
investigation and discussion of those results. Initially, 222 the paintings used in the study are described to provide an understanding of the framework from which results were drawn. Results and discussion are then presented in
conjunction with the research objective to which they
apply.
The paintings used in the study. The paintings used in
the study were located in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in
New York and The National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.
C., The Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, the Boymans-van Beunigen
Museum in Rotterdam, and the Frans Hals Museum in Haarlem.
The Rijksmuseum was the most significant resource for
paintings in terms of numbers, variety, and ease of
accessibility. During the course of painting selection, 133
paintings were examined, 76 were actually used and
represented 40 artists who worked in nine different Dutch
cities primarily in the schools of portraiture, genre, and
landscape. The majority of paintings used were portraits,
particularly by artists who worked in Amsterdam and
Haarlem. Paintings of the merry company genre by artists
working in Haarlem were also useful, as were landscapes
from The Hague and Kampen. The paintings that were not used
were rejected for a variety of reasons, such as excessive
darkness from age or lighting, inaccessibility due to
restoration or loan to other museums, and incomplete
visibility of the female subjects in the paintings. 223
Results and discussion by objective. The results from the present study are presented and discussed according to the research objectives that provided the framework for the study. The information is presented in three subsections according to the objective to which the information corresponds.
Objective Is Identify characteristics of women's costume as portrayed in paintings by Dutch artists based on an objective method used to analyse costume within a cultural context: content analysis.
This first objective was accomplished through the systematic determination of costume attributes. The costumes were categorized according to specified UNITS such as bodice or skirt; SUBUNITS such as collar and sleeve;
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS, such as protective wear, and outerwear; and ACCESSORIES such as cap and jewelry. Frequencies of costume attributes were tabulated on a worksheet to determine common forms of dress and their attributes.
Four forms of dress, distinguished by a unique
combination and arrangement of units, were identified based
on the literature and the data from the present study. The
combination of skirt and bodice was termed Dress Form A. A
three piece dress, composed of skirt, bodice, and
sleeveless robe which was called a flyer, was noted as
Dress Form B. Dresses that were observed to include a 224 bodice, split skirt, and exposed underskirt were called
Dress Form C. The dress referred to as Dress Form D was comprised of a jacket or vest, skirt which came to midcalf, and apron. In addition to the Dress Forms, augmentative units such as outerwear and a variety of accessories were observed.
Costume attributes were established according to the variables in the study which related to the subjects'
social position and age. Dress Form A was observed in the
greatest numbers, most often on young bourgeoisie women.
Dress Form B, the flyergown, was also frequently observed
on bourgeoisie women, but they were typically middle aged
or elderly. Dress Form C was seen in only limited numbers
on young or middle aged bourgeoisie subjects. Dress Form D
was seen primarily on middle aged commoners.
The bourgeoisie was well represented in the paintings
examined, comprising almost two/thirds of the subjects
used. Members of the commoner class were the second most
frequently observed, followed by the patricians and
nobility. Subjects of all ages relevant to the study were
observed, but young women were depicted most often; middle
aged and eldery subjects were less frequently observed. The
distribution of subjects' social class and religion (for
those whose religious affiliation could be identified) was
seen to reflect the essentially Protestant middle class 225 nature of Dutch society. It also seemed that the Dutch preferred to look at paintings of young women.
Objective II ; Analyze the costume characteristics within the context of cultural environments, specifically, the historical, political, social, economic, and religious nature of the period.
, Objective II was accomplished by examining existing
literature on the historical and socio-cultural nature of
the Dutch during the period, 1600-1650, and relating the
costume characteristics to the culture. According to a time
line developed from outstanding historical and cultural
events, and based on the availability of paintings, four
major subperiods were established as a basis for studying
changes which occurred in identified costume
characteristics. The four subperiods were:
1600-1618 when Johan Oldenbarnevelt was slain at the hands of Prince Maurits signaling the beginning of the prominence of Calvanist orthodoxy amongst public officals
1619-1625 when Prince Maurits died and was replaced by his younger brother, Frederick Henry
1626-1635 when Frederick Henry signed a treaty with France thereby creating an alliance with a country willing to support Henry's dynastic aspirations
1636-1647 when Frederick Henry died and a very young William II is elected to replace him.
A fifth subperiod, 1648-1650, during which time the
Dutch received their independence from Spain, represented a 226 comparatively short time frame and was not weighed as heavily in the cultural analysis of the costume as were the other four subperiods. In addition, a subperiod of
1600-1635 was subsequently established to accomodate a number of undated paintings. The productive span of the
■artists of these paintings began and ended within the thirty-five year subperiod, and represented an important
artistic school. This subperiod was considered important in
the identification of costume characteristics, but not in
the cultural analysis of costume since the specific dates
of the costumes could not be determined.
The second step in exploring the cultural context of
Dutch costume consisted of determining the most common
attributes for each dress form during each historical
subperiod in the study. The third step was to examine the
identified typical dress forms for each subperiod in
relation to the time line. Such examination provided
insight into how the events occurring during the various
intermediate subperiods were reflected in the observed
costumes.
The four Dress Forms identified in the study exhibited
various kinds of change over the years included for study,
providing insight into the nature of Dutch society in the
period 1600-1650. Dress Form A, and less so C, proved to be
the most sensitive to changes in political circumstances. 227
The other two dress forms showed remarkable consistency.
Dress Form A was observed primarily on young women in leisurely settings, illustrating a life style that valued worldly pleasures and satisfactions. The attributes for
Dress Forms A and C were easily typified in the subperiods when crises provided a more or less singular focus that unified the Dutch. However, when conflicts occurred within the Republic or between the Republic and her allies, typical descriptions for A and C were difficult to establish, indicating that periods of political turmoil are accompanied by turmoil in changes in costume. Richardson and Kroeber (1940) found similar results in their studies of costume in another time period.
The conflict between the stadholder and Grand
Pensionary of Holland also served to remind one that the
Dutch were without a single leader in the tradition of
other Europeans monarchies.• Accordingly, there seemed to be
two bases of clothing expressions a) the stadholder who
mimicked French fashion and b) the patricians and bourgeois
who evolved an unchanging national uniform which ironically
originated in Spanish fashions of the sixteenth century;
For Dress Forms B and D, the costume attributes
remained stable with only minor concessions to- changing
fashion. In the case of Dress Form B, the lack of change
might be attributed to members of a particular social and 228 political group bound by conservative philosophical, moral, and religious convictions. The stable appearance of Dress
Form D certainly reflected the poverty experienced by some women and the resulting lack of resources to change wardrobes with changes in fashion. But the standard appearance of the commoner may also be a result of a generic kind of portrayal for that social class. There was a tendancy by Dutch artists to emphasize the positive and cheerful image rather than an unpleasant reality.
The subperiods in the present study were delineated on the basis of historical events, rather than apparent changes in fashions as Kinderen-Besier (1950) and Thenien
(1951) had done. In addition, the present study focused on the determination of a single "typical" version of each
Dress Form through which changes might be monitored. Both
Kinderen-Besier and Thenien described the gradual evolutionary changes seen over time. Kinderen-Besier emphasised the way fashion changed while Thenien emphasised the subtle changes in the costume of the regents and their
association with changes in Dutch aesthetic values.
Nonetheless, in the present study the nature of changes (or
lack of them) as well as the timing coincided with those
noted in both previous studies. Thereby, credence in the
reliability of the methods used in the present study was
provided. 229
The most important influence on Dress Form variation seemed to be the change in stadholder that occurred in 1626 and the resulting change in leadership style and interests.
A clear change, especially in Dress Form A, was seen following the death of Prince Maurits. The two international fashion sources which influenced Dutch costume proved to be Spain and France, who influenced fashion in other countries as well. The international fashions were tempered by the Dutch, however. For example, the Dutch filled in the low square neckline with dickeys or rabat collars perhaps reflecting the more prudish morality of even the most liberal or enlightened Dutch women; the
French versions from which the low neckine was taken did not have the low neckline filled in.
Objective III: Analyze the costume characteristices within the context of the artists' perception and portrayal of costume as affected by training and background.
Objective III was accomplished by examining existing literature on Dutch art in the northern provinces from the period 1600-1650 and relating the costume characteristics to the artistic setting of the period. The discussion was
linked with the chronology of the period studied.
Certain types of Dress Form tended to appear in
specific types of situation, and not depicted in other
situations. Dress Forms A and C appeared in the greatest 230 variety of situations with genre (merry company genre and low lifes), landscapes, and portraits the most numerous.
The majority of Dress Forms A and C were observed specifically in the merry company genre in the 1625-1635 subperiod on subjects involved in a variety of pursuits.
Such activities included the popular Dutch evening pasttimes of card playing or gatherings for musical sing-alongs or instrument playing. A number of indoor and outdoor gatherings were also seen in the merry company genre where subjects were involved in activities of eating, drinking, and otherwise elegantly lounging.
Dress Form B was seen primarily in portraits and very few other situations. Even the few landscapes which
included figures in Dress Form B were most often portraits with a landscape as the background. At no time was the form
seen in the genre works, either merry company genre or low
life. The nature of the social group that wore the
flyergown (conservative Orthodox Calvinists frequently of
the patrician class) would not have lent itself to
inclusion in that kind of work or activity. The greatest
number of observed portraits (24) were painted in the
fourth subperiod when, as Kahr (1978) noted, having one's
portrait painted became a popular activity for even the
staid conservative bourgeoisie. 231
Dress Form C, the least frequently observed Dress
Form, was seen most often in low life genre and landscapes.
The low life genre examined in the present study were
typically scenes of men procuring the services of
prostitutes and were painted in the second and third
subperiods studied.
Dress Form D was observed primarily in landscapes in a
more or less generic style of depiction. The majority of
figures in Dress Form D were seen in paintings completed in
the subperiod 1600-1635 which included undated works by
artists active within the confines of those dates. A
similar typical appearance of the commoner was observed in
several painting types and artist. For example, the
commoners appeared to wear the same units in the same
arrangement in landscapes and marine scenes throughout the
period studied (1600-1650). Such a standard appearance for
the commoner may have been a result of the tendency of
Dutch artists to emphasize the positive and cheerful image
rather.than an unpleasant reality.
Dutch artists specialized in the type of painting they
produced. The type of painting as well as the artistic
school in which they trained sometimes effected the way in
which costumes were depicted. The merry company genre and
the portrait exhibited some differences in the manner in
which the costume was depicted. In spite of the fact that 232 different Dress Forms were portrayed in the two types of paintings (Dress Form A in the merry company genre and
Dress Form B in the portraits), a variation in the way the costumes were painted was noted. For example, the costumes in the merry company genre seemed to be greater in texture and volume than did the costumes in portraits. The casual poses often struck by the subjects in the merry company genre might help to explain the greater vivacity and agitation in the play of light across the fabric.
An enhanced depiction of fabric volume would contribute to the image of a pursuit of luxury and the sensuous pleasures of textures. The merry company genre were purchased and used as didactic resources, reminding some of the dangers of too worldly a focus. These paintings were very popular, and it thus would seem many enjoyed looking at and thinking about behavior that was not
considered in the best taste.
Rosenberg, et al. (1966) suggested that a more
accurate record of the Dutch and their costumes might be
preserved in portraits that wez-e painted by minor
portraitists such as Mesdach's portrait of Catharina
Fourmenois (1619. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) in which the
costume details were recorded meticulously. The artistic
innovations of Rembrandt and Hals brought a psychological
depth and intimacy previously unknown in portraiture. 233
However, such innovations were probably beyond the understanding of the common bourgeoisie Dutch citizen
(Rosenberg, et al., 1966; Kahr, 1978). Furthermore, many could not afford the price Rembrandt charged for a portrait. Rembrandt was also fond of dressing his subjects in costumes which were oriental or classical in effect to obscure the temporal context of the painting and the
subject. Such costumes did not relate closely with coeval
attire seen in other paintings.
Differences in costume depiction seen in the present
study were primarily attributable to differences in the
school within which an artists trained, rather than to
differences among most artists. Individualism was neither
encouraged by the system of apprenticeship nor practical in
the nature of the art market. The superior innovations by
such innovators as Rembrandt seem to have had more to do
with individual intellectual genius than with native Dutch
artistic developments.
Differences were also seen in the types of situations
in which the identified dress forms were depicted. Also
some variation in the style in which the costumes were
depicted was noted. Such variation did not inhibit the
reconizability of the dress form, but contributed to the
understanding of the context in which the costume may have
been worn. The fact that the identified dress forms were 234 observed thoughout the period of the study supports the contention that the Dutch artists studied in the present study portrayed . costume in a manner that was in keeping with the Dutch perception of reality.
Implications
The study was undertaken to explore the ways in which
Dutch costume reflected the nature of Dutch culture in the first half of the seventeenth century. The source of costume information was the painted image created by Dutch artists. The costume was studied in conjunction with the historical development and character of the Netherlands.
Implications based on the results of the study are
presented and discussed below.
The results of the present study indicated that the
cultural analysis of Dutch costume as depicted in paintings
by Dutch artists was enhanced since the nature of the
representational images produced by a culture was
understood. For example, the background research conducted
on Dutch artists and painting in the first half of the
seventeenth century revealed that the Dutch had a penchant
for realism rather than the classicism trends that were
also prevalent in Baroque art. Research also disclosed that
the typical Dutch artist was trained more as a professional 235 technician than as a student of art for art's sake. Indeed, many paintings examined in the present study were characterized by great detail, even though they were comparatively small.
From such information, one can surmise that the record of costume made by many Dutch artists was probably quite accurate. Even when the costume is distorted by stylistic or other considerations, the nature of distortion provided the researcher with information about how costume was perceived in its time. For example, in a painting by Adam van Breen, figures were seen whose hip area was extremely and squarely padded (Wintervermaak. 1611. Amsterdam,
Rijksmuseum). While a padded hip was appropriate to the date of the painting, no other figure was observed in the study with such an exaggerated angular effect. One can easily surmise that Breen was portraying the fashion as he perceived it: excessive and frivolous.
A second implication was seen in the results from the present study. Forms of Dutch dress which tended to
predominate in particular types of paintings by Dutch
artists (portraits, genre, landscape, marine and
architecture) did not appear in other of paintings. In
addition, the costumes in the present study, while
collected from various types of paintings, primarily
represented clothing that was for specific occasions such 236 as social gatherings (merry company genre) or sitting for a portrait. Such clothing would not necessarily be for casual wear or work. Dutch artists who speciallized in painting
Dutch interiors later in the seventeenth century provide a
rich resource from which to study, for example, clothing
that Dutch women wore about the home. The type of painting
selected for costume study can influence the type of
costume information collected, as has been suggested by
Hollander (1978). Thus, if limited types of paintings are
selected for study, one might compile or present incomplete
costume information.
The depiction of some aspects of costume was seen to
vary depending on whether a portrait or genre painting was
examined. For example. Dress Form B, which was seen
primarily in portraits, was usually not rendered with the
extent of apparent fabric volume and sense of texture
typically seen in Dress Form A, which was most frequently
observed in merry company genre paintings. In addition,
some artists such as Mesdach and Santvoort painted the
costume with great attention to the detail of fabric and
garment design. Other artists such as Frans Hals worked in
a painterly manner with broad strokes to indicate
highlights or textures. Again, a variety of paintings by a
variety of artists should be examined when studying costume
as depicted in the visual media to insure an accurate and
well supported analysis of costume. 237
Thus, recommendations may be developed for both research and instruction in historic costume. Studying costume through the visual images and artifacts such as paintings places the costume into temporal, cultural, and artistic perspectives. When emphasized, such perspectives can provide the student or researcher with the needed basis for a complete understanding of the context within which the costume was used. This approach differs from the highly focused examination of the design and materials of the depicted or extant costume. It allows for a well rounded data base which greatly facilitates the student's and researcher's interpretive abilities.
The present study also had implications for the study of fashion behavior. Fashion as defined by Nystrom (1928) is the prevailing style at any given time as influenced by, among other forces, dominating personalities. There seems to have been two distinct power bases in the Netherlands.
One was a wealthy merchant class which was bound by common
conservative morals and religious beliefs and whose
financial status was unprecedented, even outdistancing that
of the nobility. A second power base was the nobility who
aspired to royalty (and eventually achieved it in the
latter half of the seventeenth century).
Correspondingly, the Dutch exhibited two aspects of
fashion behavior. One Dress Form that was almost a national 238 uniform vas accepted by the conservative bourgeoisie who resisted change. A second Dress Form was accepted by groups who were interested in a display of fashionable behavior and the Dress Form changed over the period in the study in ways that echoed the styles of the French monarchy. The depiction of each group by Dutch artists tended to be concentrated in portraiture and merry company genre respectively.
Usually, middle classes are not widely seen in portraiture. However, the bourgeoisie in the Netherlands was uniquely powerful both economically and politically, even to an extent that surpassed the nobility. In addition, the bourgeoisie was much more concerned with maintaining a
Dutch culture than was the nobility who strove to mimic the
French. Therefore, it is not surprising that the preservation of the bourgeoisie in paintings by Dutch artists would outnumber the portraits of nobility who preferred the styles of European trained artists. Another possible explanation for the predominance of bourgeoisie
portraits in the present study is that public collections
were used as a source for paintings. Portraits of nobility
may still be held in family collections. Hence, a knowledge
of the nature of Dutch art thus enhances one's
understanding of the culture which Dutch art represents and
the cultural and temporal forces which in turn shaped the
developments in Dutch painting during the first half of the 239 seventeenth century.
Questions for Further Study
While the findings of the present study indicated some definitive concepts regarding costumes and paintings as cultural manifestations, additional study is indicated in related areas so that the findings of the present study might be expanded. Questions are herein posed for further research and are grouped together in terms of the main focus each implies.
Several questions relate to the study of different populations. For example, the Dutch represent only one of a miriad of cultures that have existed. One obvious approach would be to apply the methods of the present research to other cultures from different periods of history to see if the methods are applicable and if similar insights could be gained regarding the cultures studied. Other approaches might be to further pursue information on Dutch costume as
a cultural manifestation by examining the costume of both
men and children, groups that were omitted in the present
study. The examination of material culture would also
enhance the understanding of costume as a cultural
artifact. 240
The provincial character of the Netherlands and spirit of independence of the Dutch would make it interesting to determine and compare dress forms based on regional origin.
One might expect that the costumes from the prominent province of Holland, and in particular the city of
Amsterdam, would differ in attributes and level of sophistication when compared to Overjissel, a poor, rural, and isolated province in the Netherlands.
Many of the merchant class made their fortunes in the first quarter and/or half of the seventeenth century and occupied themselves with managing their fortunes thereafter. It might prove interesting to see how their
clothing changed with a change in financial status and
accompanying lifestyle. The case study approach might be
used to examine a single person or family over a period of
one or several generations. Given the popularity of sitting
for one's portrait, such an investigation would be
feasible.
Cultures from which there remains a significant
collection of extant garments present yet another
possibility for further research. Descriptive information
regarding clothing as depicted in paintings could be
compared to the actual artifact. Although few garments from
the seventeenth century remain which can be identified as
having been depicted in a specific painting, comparisons of 241 general costume characteristics gathered from the extant clothing would provide the opportunity to comment specifically on the accuracy of the costume as depicted.
Such comparisons would also enhance one's understanding of the way in which the costumes were perceived and presented.
The present study focused on the cultural analysis step in Flemming's (1974) model for artifact study. Other steps proposed by Flemming, such as evaluation or interpretation, could provide guidance in focusing on another aspect of costume. An approach of this sort might be best applied to a single painting, the work of a single artist, or a single type of costume. For example, Dutch peasant costume from the seventeenth century could be compared to Dutch peasant costume still used today, a comparison suggested by Flemming's interpretation step.
Questions also arise relevant to the artistic medium through which costume was studied in the present study. For example, study could be made of the way in which artists who were not Dutch depicted the Dutch. Slightly different perceptions might be anticipated. The Flemmish artists from the southern provinces of the Low Countries would be one choice for such a focus, as the development of the two countries was closely interrelated.
A final research question would require a look at the
Netherlands in a later period than in the present study. 242
Eventually, in the second half of the seventeenth century, the Netherlands established a monarchy. A study might be conducted as to how that change in the political structure was reflected in the clothing of the Dutch.
In conclusion, research questions have been posed related to a variety of foci. Some would require a change in the population studied. Others were proposed on the basis of a variation in methodology. Still others were concerned with the further exploration of paintings and other art as the source for data collection. The investigation of historic costume is an on-going process which brings meaning to present day life, as indicated by
Flemming's Model for Artifact Study. It encompasses a vast number of perspectives and approaches, each of which provides unique understanding of the ways in which the near environments in which humans live express their cultural,
temporal and artistic heritage. APPENDIX A
INITIAL FORM DEVELOPED FOR
TESTING OF DATA RECORDING
243 144 mnrxiKt SUBJECT Sitloi of _ _ _ portrayed ArtlBti Tran the left) Datvi Name I typo I Age a KuGcuai Geoupationa Catalog it Occupation @f Husbanda On publie display? Religicna OlBonsionai Statusa Situationa APPENDIX B
FINAL FORMS USED FOR
DATA RECORDING
245 246
PAINTING
Title:
Artist:
Date: Dimensions: Type of work:
Museum: Catalog Number:
On public display} yes no Whv7
Situation:
Other:
Figure 7 Form for Recording Data Relevant to the Painting and the Costume Attributes 247
SUBJECTS
Ho. of women subjecto: ______No. of uoeable women aub.lecto: ___
Specific eubjects (left to right : 1 2 3 6 5 6 7 8 . 9 10 11)
(1) m. Heme:_ Other: ___ b. Age: Occupation: ______Huaband'a occupation Religion: ______Statua/rank/positlon:
(2) A. Name:_____ Other: b. Age: _____ c. Occupation: d. Buabsnd’a occupation: e. Religion: ______f . Statua/ranfc/poaitlon:
(3) a. Name: ______Other: b. Age: ______c. Occupation: ______d. Huaband'a occupation:_ e. Religion; ______f. Statua/rank/poaition:
(4) a. Name: ______Other: b. Age: ______c. Occupation: ______d. Huaband'a occupation: e. Religion: ______f. Statua/rank/positlon:
(5) a. Name: g. Other: b. Age: _ c. Occupation: d. Huaband'a occupation; e. Religion: ______f . Status/rank/posltlon:
Figure 8 Form for Recording Data Relevant to the Research Variables 248
SKETCH
Muséum: ______Catalog Number:
Specific subject ( 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11)
Figure 9 Form for Recording Supplemental Data and/or Sketching Costume APPENDIX C
OUTLINE OF FORM USED FOR INTIAL ORGANIZATION OF DATA
AND PREPARATION OF COSTUME INVENTORY
249 250
Painting Title Date Artistic School and Artist Situation Portrayed Subject (Number of how many used eg. 1 of 10) Subject's Age Main Garments Dress Form A B B' C D Bodice Collar Neckline Sleeve Armscye seam Waist location High Normal Low Skirt Outerwear Protective wear (Against dirt or danger, not weather) Underwear Supporting and or shaping structures Night and dressing wear Accessories Worn Carried Added to body or garments as adornment Used in care of person Used in making or adjusting clothing Other
Note; taken from Buck's (1962, pp.119-151) system for cataloging historic costume APPENDIX D
FORM FOR INITIAL ORGANIZATION
OF COSTUME INVENTORIES
251 252
Costume Characteristics of Dress Form by Subperiod Dress Form: (A, B, C, or D)
UNIT/Subunit Attribute •Frequencies by Subperiod 1600- 1619- 1626- 1636- 1648- 1600- 1618 1625 1635 1647 1650 1635 TSablCE----- obscured tight/stiff loose Neckline obscured high/closed medium/rounded low V-neck low square low rounded Collar ruff -small -medium -large open ruff -small -medium -large limp ruff -small -medium -large whisk -fan -square medici -Bupn ■ ,ed -flat falling band -small -medium -large rabat dickey folded kercheif Armscye "wheels" or brajonen seam -raised -flat high cap flaps plain attachment obscured by collar Sleeve not visible full length -wide -tight, narrow -narrow, horizontal gathers -wide, banded -wide 4 hanging oversleeves -wide, banded, multislashed -wide, banded, unislashed -medium wide -narrow, but loose three quarter length -narrow, but loose -wide, banded -wide, turned back half length -wide half length oversleeve Cuff none straight -small -medium funnel -small -medium -large small lace trim not visible Waist low location normal high not visible 253 Appendix D (continued)
«MIT/Subunit Attribut* -Praqusnclas by Subperiod 1600- 161S- 1626- 1636- 16*8- 1600- 1618 1625 1635 16*7 1650 1635 bottom protruding, round stomacher bodice flat, pointed stomacher horizontal end at waist horizontal flaps below waist chest piece with sharp point not visible SKIRT squared hip soft padding at hip full length mid-calf length pleated gathered Overskirt black colored Underskirt black colored FLYER loose at waist constricted at waist AUGMENTATIVE UNITS Outerwear Hooded cloak Short cape Jacket Vest Blanket/wrap Carpet Protective Wear Apron ACCESSORIES (worn) Headwear plain cap cupped earwing cap diadem cap flat arched cap flat earwing cap chignon cap at back of head broad brimmed hat floppy broad brimmed hat turban cap hair band broad brimmed hat turned up in back no cap no cap visible Muff Gloves Narrow apron Long scarf Waist sash Roundel bows -waist -sleeves -collar Shawl -shear Toer Jewelry necklace -pearl -gold chain -coral bracelet -pearl -gold -coral gold waist chain -under flyer -over flyer -without flyer rings ear iron pendant waist pendant flowers in hat ACCESSORIES (carried) Basket purse Fan Huff Gloves Kerchief Other APPENDIX E
FORM FOR TABULATING DRESS FORMS BY
RESEARCH VARIABLES AND SUBPERIODS
254 Social Class
Nobility Patrician Bourgeosie Commoner
Subperiod : Dress Form Dress Form D r e s s F o r m D r e s s F o r m
A B B' C D A B B' C D ABB' CD A B B' C D
Artistic school Subject's Age or Painting Type
Portraiture Y o u n g (Y) M i d d l e A g e (MA) Elderly (E)
Genre Merry Company Y MA E
L o w L i f e Y' MA E
L a n d s c a p e Y MA E
N a r i n e I MA E
Architecture Y MA E
N Lri U1 APPENDIX F
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS
AS DISCUSSED IN CHAPTER III,
TEMPORAL AND CULTURAL SETTING
256 257
Date Event
1602 — Dutch &s t India Ocnpany established
1609 — Truce with Spain oigned under the aihgiloes of Holland's Grand Ponslcnaryr Jchsm van OldenbamevBlt — Exchange Bank of Amsterdam established —P amr of nobility reduced in Holland ky daareaaing tislr voting zepresentatlcn and inoeasing that of the cities 1610 — fiencnstrants present the Bmcnstance to the Estates General
1618 — Death of Oldaibarnevelt at the hands of Prince Maurits — Pesonstants holding pnHtirnl positions replaoed by Ortboûax Calvinists
1621 — TVelve Year Truce with Spain ends, war resmes — Dutch West India Ccnpany established
1625 — Prince Maurits dies — Frederick Hpnty succeeds tburlts as Stadholder — The Netherlands becomes main supplier for European tulip craze
1635 — Frederick Henry signs treaty with France to secure his desires for a Dutch Dynasty 1636 — Tulip madot saturated
1641 — Frederick Henry succeeds in forming alliance with Ehgland by arranging norriage between his sen, Willem U and the daughter of Charles I, Henrietta lâria Stuart
1644 — Spain succeeds in causing rift betuem Franc» and the Dutch Republic by premising France nuch of the southern provinces — Frederick Hairy’a secret dealings with Spain for posassicn of Antwerp discovered by the R^ublic — The R^ublic begins separate negotiaticns with Spain in whicdi Frederick Henry has no input
1646 — The Re p l i e ooKpletes peace draft with Spain — Frederick Ifenry officially stripped by the Republic of much of his power due to covert dealings with Spain in 1644 1647 — Frederick Henry dies — William II succeeds father at very ytung age as stadholder 1648 — Treaty with Spain officially granting independenc» to The Netherlands is signed APPENDIX G
SUMMARIES OF DESCRIPTIVE INFORMATION
FOR THE FOUR DRESS FORMS IN THE STUDY
258 Table 7 Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form A by Subperiods in the Study
Attributes by Subperiod Costume ------Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
UNIT— BODICE tight/stiff, tight/stiff, loose/fuller, same loose, tight tight/stiff, tight/stiff, black black, color as skirt seen equally black black loose as common
SUBUNITS Neckline high/closed with high/closed with low/square, filled high/closed with low/square high/closed dickey dickey in with dickey dickey
Collar variety of styles variety of styles, variety with large variety of styles none ruff, small and increasing size falling collar medium in size
Armscye Seam decorated with obscurred by obscurred by obscurred by plain attachment decorated with flaps collar collar collar "wheels"or brajoenen
Sleeve tight/narrow, tight/narrow, wide, slashed and wide, variety of wide, turned back tight/narrow, same color as widening observed, banded at elbow lengths, few with exposing white same color as underskirt, variety of color, with bows/roundels, long oversleeves, underlayer underskirt full length full length full length full length full length
Cuff medium funnel, large funnel, large funnel, large funnel, none observed variety, white white white turned back ap- white pears, white all
Waist normal normal, high both high and high normal normal Location first appears normal
Bodice flat, pointed great variety ends at waist or variety and flat flat, pointed not visible Bottom extension below with basques (flaps) pointed waist below waist
UNIT—SKIRT overskirt pulled overskirt pulled overskirt down, overskirt down, overskirt down, overskirt pulled up, black with up, black with colored with colored with black with no up, black with colored undersk. colored undersk., little or no hip no hip padding, hip padding, colored under square hip pad softer hip pad padding, full full length full length skirt with hips full length full length length squarely padded, full It-ngth
to Ul to Table 7 (continued)
Attributes by Subperiod Costume ------Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS hooded cloak black black none observed none observed none observed black
ACCESSORIES caps high arch, white none observed none observed none observed variety, white (diadem) hat none observed broad brimmed, broadbrimmed, none observed none observed none observed black black muffs worn and carried worn and carried none observed none observed none observed worn and carried jewelry none observed pearl necklaces pearl necklaces pearl necklaces, pearl necklaces, none observed and earrings and earrings sashes none observed none observed banding high waist none observed none observed none observed with large bows and roundels shawl none observed none observed none observed sheer, colored none observed toer (scarf) none observed none observed none observed none observed tucked into bodice fans none observed none observed carried bodice none observed none observed
cn o Table 6 Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form B "The Flyergown" by Subperiods in the Study
Attributes by Subperiod Costume ------Components 1600—1618 1619-1625 1626—1635 1636—1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
UNIT— BODICE tight/stiff, tight/stiff, tight/stiff, tight/stiff, tight/stiff, tight/stiff, black black black black black black
SUBUNITS Neckline high/closed high/closed high and closed high/closed high/closed high/closed
Collar medium ruffs, small ruffs, millstone ruffs, millstone ruffs, millstone ruffs, small ruffs, white white white white white white
Armscye Seam decorated with high capped seam braioenen. and flattened flattened decorated with "wheels" or flat braionen braioenen braioenen and braioenen brajoenen plain attachment
Sleeve tight/narrow, tight/narrow, loose/narrow, loose/narrow, loose/narrow, loose/narrow, black in color, black in color, black in color, black in color, black in color, black in color, full length full length full length full length full length full length
Cuff small, straight, large funnel, medium funnel, large funnel, small and medium not visible white white white white funnel, white
Waist normal normal normal and medium medium high normal normal Location high
Bodice rounded, protrud- rounded, protrud- rounded, protrud- ends horizontally ends horizontally rounded, protrud- Bottom ing stomacher ing stomacher ing stomacher at waist at waist and with ing stomacher extending below extending below extending below flat, rounded ex- extending below waist waist waist tending below waist
UNIT— SKIRT pleated skirt, pleated skirt, pleated skirt, pleated skirt, pleated skirt, pleated skirt, black with padded black with padded black with little black with no hip black with no hip black with hip hips, full length hips, full length or no hip padding, padding, full padding, full padding, full full length length length length
UNIT—SLEEVE pleated, loose at pleated, loose at pleated, loose at pleated, constric not visible LESS GOWN waist, black waist, black waist, black ted at waist, "FLYER" black
to cn Table 8 (continued)
Attributes by Subperiod Costume ------Components lbOO-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS hooded cloak none observed black none observed none observed none observed none observed
ACCESSORIES caps cupped earv;ing, cupped earwing, cupped earwing, cupped earwing, cupped earwing, variety, white white white white white white muffs none observed worn and carried none observed none observed none observed worn and carried jewelry pearl necklace pearl bracelets pearl necklaces pearl bracelets rings rings rings rings rings gold waist chain under flyer gloves none observed none observed carried carried none observed worn
fan none observed none observed carried none observed none observed none observed none observed kerchief none obeserved none observed carried carried none observed
M MOi Table 9 Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form B "The Pseudogown" by Subperiods in the Study
Attributes by Subperiod Costume Con^nents 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1637-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
ONIT—BODICE no pseudogown no pseudogown loose loose no pseudogowi no pseudogown observed observed observed observed
SDBÜNITS high and closed low with dickey Neckline rabat Collar large, falling band, edge turned white up, white
obscurred by Amrscye seam obscurred by collar collar
wide, full Sleeve wide, one piece multislashing length and 3/4 length
open, loose, Cuff large funnel turned back
high Waist Location high pointed chest and Bodice Bottom pointed chest and horizontal at horizontal at waist waist
pleated, black pleated, black UNIT—SKIRT
UNIT—SLEEVELESS pleated, constricted GOWN "PSEDDOGOWN" pleated, con stricted at the at the waist, black waist, black M U) Table 9 (continued)
Atcr-ibutea by Subperiod
Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1637-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
AUGMENTATIVE none observed UNITS none observed
ACCESSORIES variety caps cap at back tied with roundel waist sash tied with roundel bow bow not visible chain at waist over flyergown variety jewelry not visible ostrich feather fan ostrich feather carried gloves none observed
M CTi Table 10 Observed Typical Attributes of Dress Form C by Subperiods in the Study
Attributes by Subperiod ^ Costume------■------Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626—1635 1636-1647 1648—1650 1600-1635
UNIT— BODICE tight/stiff, tight/stiff, tight/stiff, loose/stiff, tight/stiff, no Dress Form C black colored colored colored colored observed SUBUNITS Neckline low/V-neck low/V-neck low/square variety observed high/closed
Collar whisk, white open ruffs and dickey and folded variety, white folded kerchief, whisk, white kerchief, white white
Armscye Seam high capped seam obscurred and obscurred by obscurred by obscurred by flaps collar collar collar
Sleeve tight/narrow, tight/narrow, wide, 1/2 over- wide, colored wide, turned back, black in color, colored, full sleeve, colored, full length colored, full full length length full length length
Cuff small funnel, large funnel, small funnel, large funnel, turned back, white white white white white
Waist Locat'n normal normal high high normal
Bodice flat, pointed, flat, pointed, not visible not visible flat, pointed Bottom extending below extending below extending below waist waist waist
UNIT—SKIRT black or colored black or colored black and colored colored oversk., black overskirt, oversk., colored oversk., colored oversk., colored colored undersk., colored undersk. undersk., soft undersk., soft undersk., little soft hip padding, soft hip padding, hip padding, hip padding, hip padding, full length full length full length full length full length
U1 Table 10 (continued)
Attributes by Subperiod Costume------Components 1600-1618 1619—1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS none observed none observed none observed none observed none observed
ACCESSORIES caps diadem, white chignon, white chignon, black cupped earwing, cupped earwing, black black muffs worn none observed none observed worn none observed jewelry not visible pearl bracelets none observed gold necklaces pearl necklaces rings rings
fan none observed none observed none observed none observed carried
M
Attributes by Subperiod Costume------Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
UNIT— BODICE not visible not visible , not visible loose, earthy loose and tight not visible colors earthy colors
SUBUNITS Neckline high/closed not visible high/closed high/closed meduim low, high/closed rounded
Collar none observed none observed none observed rabat where rabat, cream none observed visible, cream
Armscye Seam decorated with plain attachment plain attachment not visible plain attachment plain attachment flaps and decorated ana decorated with flaps with flaps
Sleeve narrow, loose narrow, loose narrow, loose narrow, loose narrow, loose narrow, loose variety of color, variety of color, variety of color, variety of color, wide, turned back, variety of color, full length full length full length full length full length full length
Cuff none observed not visible none observed none observed short, straight none observed cream
Waist Locat'n normal normal normal high normal normal
Bodice Bottom not visible not visible not visible not visible not visible not visible
UNIT— SKIRT gathered, mid- gathered, full and gathered, mid- gathered, full gathered, mid- gathered, full calf length, mid-calf in length, calf in length, length, variety calf in length, length, variety variety of color, variety of color, variety of color, in color, no hip variety of color, of color, no hip no hip padding not hip padding no hip padding padding no hip padding padding
N) cn 'j Table 11 (continued)
Attributes by Subperiod Costume Components 1600-1618 1619-1625 1626-1635 1636-1647 1648-1650 1600-1635
AUGMENTATIVE UNITS protective wear apron cream, tied over cream, tied over cream, tied over cream, tied under cream, tied under cream, tied over jacket jacket jacket jacket jacket jacket outerwear jacket hip length jacket hip length jacket hip length jacket hip length jacket hip length vest hip length jacket brown brown brown brown brown and vest, brown underwear chemise cream cream cream cream cream cream
ACCESSORIES caps plain, cream plain, cream plain, cream plain, cream plain, cream plain, cream hats none observed broadbrimmed, broadbrimmed, broadbrimmed. none observed broadbrimmed. floppy, black back turned up. floppy, brown back tuned up. brown and straw brown turban none observed none observed none observed dirty peach none observed brown muffs none observed carried none observed none observed none observed none observed leggings brown, baggy black, baggy brown, baggy none observed brown, baggy brown, baggy
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