Islamic Discourses of Power and Freedom in the Iranian Revolution, 1979-81
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Islamic Discourses of Power and Freedom in the Iranian Revolution, 1979-81 A thesis presented by Mahmood Delkhasteh to The Sociology Department in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Sociology London School of Economics and Political Science London, UK © 2007 Mahmood Delkhasteh All Rights Reserved 1 UMI Number: U613375 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613375 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TttBSC^ F I ' S W l Abstract This thesis has two aims: to expand scholarly understanding of the Iranian Revolution up to its transition to religious totalitarianism, and second, to present a non- deterministic theoretical framework for understanding revolutions more generally, which incorporates both structure and agency. Relying on a combination of extended interviews with leading participants and some hitherto unused primary sources, and with the help of secondary texts, it reconstructs the intense political struggles from 1979-81 and the ideological formations which shaped the revolutionary process, in four steps: (1) an analysis of the ideological foundations of competing discourses of Islam, in particular those of Khomeini, Shariati, Motahari, Bazargan and Banisadr; (2) a narrative of historical events and socio-economic and political changes which set the stage for the Iranian Revolution; (3) a narrative of the process of revolution itself; and (4) a narrative of the emergence of political struggle within the revolutionary movement, which drew on two competing discourses of Islam, those of power and of freedom. The analysis of this evidence seeks to demonstrate that dictatorship was not an inevitable consequence of the revolution, but due to four main causes: (1) lack of unity within the democratic camp, (2) poor use of available resources and opportunities, (3) specific, critical decisions, and finally (4) international factors. It also suggests a theoretical framework which makes it possible to critically analyse the process of revolution, which takes account of unique socio-historical contingencies. 2 Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................... 2 Table of contents............................................................................................................3 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................4 Introduction.................................................................................................................... 7 Structure, culture and agency in the 1979 Iranian Revolution.................................. 27 The Iranian Revolution in historical context...............................................................55 Islamic discourses on revolution: the political culture of opposition........................80 Revolutionary process: from “nights of poem” to the overthrow..............................112 The end of consensus: emergence conflict amongst revolutionary elites................. 142 Leadership of the revolution: the struggles for principle and power.........................179 Was democracy doomed? Explaining the outcome of the revolution.......................224 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... 284 Bibliography.................................................................................................................. 297 3 Acknowledgements This research could not have been possible without the financial, intellectual and emotional support and contribution of certain organisations and individuals, whom in the long journey of this research provided the conditions that enabled me to complete it. The grants, which I received from the London School of Economics and the Ernest Gellner Foundation and which enabled me to decrease my working hours, allowing me to devote more time to my research, are appreciated. I also would like to thank my friends in the LSE Graduate Office, among them Daniel, Michel, Matthew, Catherine, Shola, Julia and Rose, who during years of work helped me to ease the boredom of doing some of the most boring jobs on earth so that I could finance my research. They also helped me overcome difficult bureaucratic issues and provided me with lasting friendship. Their contribution to this research could by no means ever be underestimated. I also would like to thank Dr Margaret Reeves, who at the height of our financial difficulties provided my wife and I with an ideal space in her house, where for the first time after years I could concentrate on the most difficult part of my research without interruption. Her curious, sharp intelligence is matched only by her generous soul and passion for justice. Her support not only helped me to finish this research but also ensured that we have gained a long-lasting friendship. Also special thanks to Dr Zhand Shakibi, who critically interacted with one of my chapters, and Lena Royant, who volunteered to read this thesis, made valuable remarks, and most of all enjoyed reading it! I also would like to give my heartfelt thanks to Professor Eileen Barker, who through excruciating difficulties, especially during two years of my research in the Sociology Department, provided me with honest and courageous support. This support proved to be crucial in the continuation of my research. Furthermore, I have to thank my supervisor Michael Burrage, whose guidance proved decisive in the direction the thesis was to take and as a result provided me with one of the main conditions for developing a theoretical framework for my research. His open- mindedness, relaxed attitude and ability to structure and clarify ideas and thoughts provided a pleasant atmosphere for intellectual debate. I would also like to thank Dr Hassan Rezaei, whose in-depth knowledge of Islamic theology and Islamic law and his generous behaviour added so much to my knowledge of the field. He deserves special thanks. Furthermore, I gathered extensive data through interviews with some of the leaders who were directly involved in the revolutionary events during 1979-81 and who hence have enriched the research extensively and substantially. Therefore, special thanks are needed for Dr Abdolsamad Taghizadeh, Nobel Prize nominee (1971) and head of the National University during the most turbulent time of revolution in 1979; Mr Mohammad Jaffari, chief editor ofEnghelabe Eslami from 1979-81, whose years of imprisonment under horrendous circumstances only sharpened his ability for critical analysis; and Dr Reza Hussein Zadegan, who was head of the Revolutionary Guards in Tehran during this same period. Each provided detailed accounts of the events at the time and their genuine decency, honesty and courtesy made a deep impact on me. I also to would like to thank Jaleh Vafa, whose expertise in regard to oil issues and the Iranian economy from 1979-81 provided me with much-needed new information. I would also like to thank Eric Rouleau, one of the few genuine western experts on Iranian affairs, who observed the unfolding process of revolution during its most vital years, for sharing his observations and knowledge with me during a difficult period of illness. I further thank Dr Ahmad Salamatian, Banisadr’s special envoy to the UN during the hostage crisis and an MP in the first parliamentary election. His patience and direct approach to questions during many interviews, and his ability to analyse the events, helped to enrich this research. Lastly I would like to thank Mr Abolhassan Banisadr, the first president of the republic, whose immense patience and tremendous ability to self-criticise (an asset which most theoreticians and politicians lack) made it possible gain some of the most untold details of some of the most vital events during this period of revolution. Despite an extremely heavy work schedule, he never showed any impatience with my numerous requests. I 5 would also like to thank him for providing me with some vital unpublished documents relating to this research. I have to thank my wife Dr Sarah Amsler, my soul mate and myhams afar, without whom this research either wouldn’t be done or would be very different. Her tremendous passion and knowledge of theory, her creative interaction of theory with practice, and her open-mindedness, which enriched countless and sometimes heated talks and debates, made an invaluable contribution to this research. Her emotional support in difficult moments proved to be as invaluable. It was through this relationship that I better understood that when free relations replace power relations, human potential can be enhanced without limits. 6 Introduction Neither “consciousness ” nor “existence ” altogether determines the other. They interact, as Marx more or less consistently knew. But “intervening variables ” are also at work: the means