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In Plain Sight: the Development of Western Icelandic Ethnicity and Class Division I91o-20

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In Plain Sight: the Development of Western Icelandic Ethnicity and Class Division I91o-20 IN PLAIN SIGHT: THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN ICELANDIC ETHNICITY AND CLASS DIVISION I91O-20 Anclrea L. Mclntosh A dissertation submitted to the Faculry of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requiremenrs for the deEree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Programme in Anthropology Universiry of Manitoba Winnipeg, Manitoba September 2004 THE' ¡¡¡Y¡RSITY OF MANITOBA FACULTY OF GRADUATE STTIDIES coPYRrc;;iå*rrrro* IN PLAIN SIGHT: TIIE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN ICELANDIC ETHNICITY AND CLASS DTVISION 1910.20 BY ANDREA I,. MCINTOSII A ThesislPracticum submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba in partial fulfillment of the requirement of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHII,OSOPHY AI\DREAL. MCINTOSH @ 2OO4 Permission has been granted to the Library of the University of Manitoba to lend or sell copies of this thesis/practicum, to the National Library of Canada to microfilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and to University Microfilms Inc. to publish an abstract of this thesis/practicum. This reproduction or copy of this thesis has been made available by authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research, and may only be reproduced and copied as permÍtted by copyright laws or with express written authorization from the copyright owner. @ Copyright by Andrea L. Mclntosh September 2004 Abstract 'Winnipeg This dissertation is an ethnohistoric examination of the irnpact of the General 'Winnipeg Sn'ike and its associated rhetoric of class and ethnic relations on Icelanders as an ethnic group. As ethnography, the research examines the demographics, economics, social structures (business and voluntary associations) and ideologies as discernible through city archival materials, newspapeß, written anecdotal histories, and sets of interviews rvith elderly'Western Icelanders. It finds that while the ethnic ideology srressed social equaliry, honour, and nobiliry as the heritage of all lceianclers, urban life and the erhnic eco- nomic enclave of construction and real estate had produce economic stratification. This stratification was reflected in the composition of the leadership of voluntary associarions, newspaper editorial boards and church administration. As such, de facro socio-economic strâtification had etnerged, but was muted by various mechanisns of social discourse and pâtterns of interaction. The British Canadian rhetoric about class ancl ethniciry generated by the Winnipeg General Strike highlighted tensions in these same spheres of discourse 1V -Winnipeg among lcelanders. Consequently, Icelandic elite ideologies about ethniciry were manifest in the formation of the Icelandic National League, while the Icelandic working class voice was expressed through political involvem.ent in the civic election. Acknowledgernents This project would not have come to fi'uition without the assistance rendered to nre, the research and the developnent of ideas that are the dissertation. My gratitude to the following cannot be prioritised, nor can a simple mention adequately acknowleclge the depth of my appreciation, but here goes: to Steini Jónasson for feeding nre; ro Kendra Jónasson for unflagging diligence and companionship in unending archival lesearch, and for multiple introductions within the communiry; to ElvaJónasson for advice, rlanslarions and trying really hard to be the class troublemaker; Carol Mowat for critique, argumenr and support both moral and intellectual, language lessons, and that translation malathon; to Doug Blakely, Karim and Nafisa Dharamsi, and Greg l{aletze for the food, en-rotional support and gnarly music; to Neil Bardal for being a good füend; To ProfJoan Townsend for the advice and companionship over the years; to Prof Brian Schwirnmel for picking this up and turning it around in half way throlrgh; to David Arnason for finding me rhe most excellent museum projects and courses to teach, and for picking up the project in vi mid-wnting; Prof Ray Wiest for the moral support over the many years; to Drs Glew, Michael Thomas, Tanja Haley and Ernie McCrank for trying to keep me sane; to Dad for teaching me to take an interest in the diversity of human life, and for letting me know he was always there if I needecl him; to my sister Rhon for the love, support and long distant reiki treatments; and to Trixie, Molly and Tórnas for keeping my feet wanl and purring at appropriate moments. Ancl this one does take prioriry-to my beloved husband Norman R. Gall for being here to build our perfectly unorthodox life, teaching me how to laugh, and bringing rrre a daughter. This dissertation is dedicated to the rnem"ory ofJohn Stephen Matrhiasson. viì Table of Contents Abstract lv Acknowledgements vl Table of Contents \ZTlI List of Tables xtv List of Figures I The Context for A Studv 1 Introduction 2 1,.1, Statement of the Problem 1.2 TheoreticalApproach 1,.3 Ethnohistoric Research: Methods and Soulces vlll 1,.4 Overview of Findings 4aIJ 1.5 Organisation 15 2 Theory 23 2.L Ideologies 28 2.2 Ethniciry and Class 3 Overview of Canadian and Winnipeg Development 44 3.1, The Rise of Winnipeg . 55 3.2 Economics 58 3.3 Class 6t 3.4 lJrban Geography 3.5 Infrastructural Development 3.6 The Labour Movement in'Winnipeg 72 3.7 Ethnic Groups 77 3.8 Ideoloeies of 'Race' 4 The Ethnographic Literature on Icelanders and Vestern Icelanders 85 4.1 Iceland in the Late 19th Century B5 4.2 The Sagas 95 -Western 4.3 Icelanders (Wstmewr) in New Iceland 97 IX 'Western 4.4 Icelanders in Winnipeg . 1,02 4.5 Canadians of Icelandic Descent: Ethniciry in Manitoba Today 1.07 [I Cornposition of the Winnipeg Icelandic Cornrnunity TT3 5 Ethnic communify 174 5.1 Patterns of Residence 119 5.1.1 Ross and Elgin Avenlles 1.20 5.1..2 The'West End . 125 5.1.3 Businesses 135 5.2 An Ethnic Cornmuniry iS6 5.2.1 A Child's View 138 5.2.2 Icelandic Main Street 143 6 EconomicStratification 151 6.I Occupation 152 6.2 Housing i56 7 Kinship and Domestic Group 160 7.1 The Household 160 7.2 Childhood and Enculturation 1.66 7.3 Donestic Life and Labour 168 8 In Plain Sight 178 III Ethnicity in Action: patterns of public interaction 188 9 The Building Trades and Industry 189 9.1" Sources 192 9.2 A Contractor's Career 194 9.3 Economic Overview 200 9.4 Structure of the Enclave 203 'Working 9.5 on the Construction Site 21.0 9.6 lJnionisation? 217 9.7 Real Estate . 219 9.8 Discussion . 227 10 Churches and Pastors as Comrnunity Leaders 231 1,0.1, The Churches ¿JJ T1 Voluntary Associations 2s4 11.1 Sources 258 1,1.2 The Icelandic Students' Sociery 259 11.3 International Order of Good Templars 262 i1.4 The IODE,Jón Sigurclson Chapter 272 11.5 Discussion 283 12 Reconfiguring Cornrnunity Factions IV The'Winnipeg General Strike 297 13 Prelude to a Strike 298 13.1. Impact on the'Western Icelandic comnruniry 301 74 The'Winnipeg General Strike 312 14.1 Western Icelanders and the'Winnipeg General Strike 320 14.2 Discussion 339 15 The Forrnation of the INL 341 15.1 The Formation of the Icelandic National League 343 15.2 Articulating Ethniciry 355 16 The Civic Election 363 17 Consciousness for Communitv 376 xl1 18 Epilogue: The Falcons 392 Bibliography 395 XTII List of Tables a1 -). I Percentage of Labour Force by Industry in Winnipeg 65 a^ J.¿ Building Industry'Wages in Winnipe g 1912 74 aa J.J Ethnic Population Breakdown: Winnipeg 1901-1921 78 'Winnipeg 5.1 People of Icelandic Origin: and SurrounclingArea 1911 . II7 5.2 Icelanders by gender and origin: Winnipeg 1911-1916 118 9.1 Cost of Building in.Winnipeg . 201 9.2 Males in Construction 211 XlV List of Figures 3.1 Winnipeg Wards: 1910 67 5.1 Vinnipeg Vard Three and Four: 1910 I2I 5.2 Icelandic Residential Density: 1900 126 5.3 Icelandic Residential Density: 1905 127 5.4 Icelandic Residential Density: 1910 128 5.5 Icelandic Residential Density: 1915 129 Part I The Context for A Stu dy I Introduction In 1875, the Dominion Government of Canacla granted a group of 285 Icelanders exclus- 'Winnipeg, ive rights to settle, farm and fish, along the west shore of Lake in whar rvas then Rupert's Land. The isolated area, sorne 60 miles long and 12 miles deep, had been specifically chosen by Icelandic delegates. The group of settlers hopecl it wouid become the place of rebirth of Icelandic culture (Arnason 1994). The landing spor became rhe town of Gimli, named after the mythical abode of the Old Norse gods who survive Rag- narok, the war of all beings, to recreate the cosrrlos. These immigrants were not alone in their hopes of re-establishing a national Icelandic identiry; in Iceland itself the srruggle for independence from Denmark was in process. In both countries, there rvas a popular lrroveûtent to reconstruct Icelandic traditions and values, as interpreted from the saga ori- gin myths. (Jnfortunately, the colony did not fare well in its early years. Some Icelanders settled in Winnipeg and nany raore migrated there seasonally to take advantage of wage laboul opportunities. The Ciry of Winnipeg was incorporated in 1867, at the beginning of the seclemenr 'West, of western Canada. It would serve as the Gatervay to the the point of dispersal for homesteaders. It would become the main supply centre for those heading west, and 'Winnipeg a gathering point for grains and other goods going east for export. became the centre for several industries, including railway repair shops, metal works and farm irnplernents and garment manufactures. The rapid development of the ciry spurred on the building industries and real estate ventures as well. To fulfil the need for farmers, general labourers, and skilled tradesmen, a campaign to attract imrnigrants was put into affect from 1896-1914.
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