AN ABSTRACT of the THESIS of Grayden Royce
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Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric Brian Shannon
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Lehigh University: Lehigh Preserve Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve The Libraries Student Research Prize Undergraduate scholarship 2019 Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric Brian Shannon Follow this and additional works at: https://preserve.lehigh.edu/library-research-prize Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Shannon, Brian, "Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric" (2019). The Libraries Student Research Prize. 16. https://preserve.lehigh.edu/library-research-prize/16 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate scholarship at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Libraries Student Research Prize by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Brian Shannon Dr. Monica Najar 17 December 2018 Bleeding Kansas: Frontier Politics and Rhetoric On May 19th 1856, Charles Sumner delivered a speech titled “The Crime Against Kansas”. In it, the Senator from Massachusetts charged proslavery Democrats with “ the rape of a Virgin territory, compelling it to the hateful embrace of Slavery.”1 Sumner brutally defamed Senators James Mason, Stephen Douglas, and Andrew Butler in his two day tirade on the evils of proslavery forces in Kansas.2 Sumner mocked South Carolina Senator Andrew Butler for his previous stoke and subsequent “incoherent phrases.”3 Furthermore, the Senator from Massachusetts hinted at adultery: he claimed Butler had “chosen a mistress to whom he has made his vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him…I mean the harlot Slavery.”4 The Southern delegation was consumed with fury. -
MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }Udtn-1 M
MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }UDtn-1 M. GORDON·OMELKA Great wealth never precluded men from committing themselves to redressing what they considered moral wrongs within American society. Great wealth allowed men the time and money to devote themselves absolutely to their passionate causes. During America's antebellum period, various social and political concerns attracted wealthy men's attentions; for example, temperance advocates, a popular cause during this era, considered alcohol a sin to be abolished. One outrageous evil, southern slavery, tightly concentrated many men's political attentions, both for and against slavery. and produced some intriguing, radical rhetoric and actions; foremost among these reform movements stood abolitionism, possibly one of the greatest reform movements of this era. Among abolitionists, slavery prompted various modes of action, from moderate, to radical, to militant methods. The moderate approach tended to favor gradualism, which assumed the inevitability of society's progress toward the abolition of slavery. Radical abolitionists regarded slavery as an unmitigated evil to be ended unconditionally, immediately, and without any compensation to slaveholders. Preferring direct, political action to publicize slavery's iniquities, radical abolitionists demanded a personal commitment to the movement as a way to effect abolition of slavery. Some militant abolitionists, however, pushed their personal commitment to the extreme. Perceiving politics as a hopelessly ineffective method to end slavery, this fringe group of abolitionists endorsed violence as the only way to eradicate slavery. 1 One abolitionist, Gerrit Smith, a wealthy landowner, lived in Peterboro, New York. As a young man, he inherited from his father hundreds of thousands of acres, and in the 1830s, Smith reportedly earned between $50,000 and $80,000 annually on speculative leasing investments. -
Trouble in Kansas SECTION 2
DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” CorrectionKey=TX-A Trouble in Kansas SECTION 2 If YOU were there... TEKS 7C, 7D, 8B, 10A, 24A You live on a New England farm in 1855. You often think about moving West. But the last few harvests have been bad, and you What You Will Learn… can’t afford it. Now the Emigrant Aid Society offers to help you get Main Ideas to Kansas. To bring in antislavery voters like you, they’ll give you a 1. The debate over the expan- wagon, livestock, and farm machines. Still, you know that Kansas sion of slavery influenced the election of 1852. might be dangerous. 2. The Kansas-Nebraska Act allowed voters to allow or Would you decide to risk settling in Kansas? prohibit slavery. 3. Pro-slavery and antislavery groups clashed violently in what became known as “Bleeding Kansas.” BUILDING BACKGROUND The argument over the extension of slavery grew stronger and more bitter. It dominated American politics The Big Idea in the mid-1800s. Laws that tried to find compromises ended by caus- The Kansas-Nebraska Act ing more violence. The bloodiest battleground of this period was in heightened tensions in the Kansas. conflict over slavery. Key Terms and People Election of 1852 Franklin Pierce, p. 483 Four leading candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination Stephen Douglas, p. 484 emerged in 1852. It became clear that none of them would win a Kansas-Nebraska Act, p. 485 Pottawatomie Massacre, p. 487 majority of votes. Frustrated delegates at the Democratic National Charles Sumner, p. -
John Brown, Am Now Quite Certain That the Crimes of This Guilty Land Will Never Be Purged Away but with Blood.”
Unit 3: A Nation in Crisis The 9/11 of 1859 By Tony Horwitz December 1, 2009 in NY Times ONE hundred and fifty years ago today, the most successful terrorist in American history was hanged at the edge of this Shenandoah Valley town. Before climbing atop his coffin for the wagon ride to the gallows, he handed a note to one of his jailers: “I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood.” Eighteen months later, Americans went to war against each other, with soldiers marching into battle singing “John Brown’s Body.” More than 600,000 men died before the sin of slavery was purged. Few if any Americans today would question the justness of John Brown’s cause: the abolition of human bondage. But as the nation prepares to try Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who calls himself the architect of the 9/11 attacks, it may be worth pondering the parallels between John Brown’s raid in 1859 and Al Qaeda’s assault in 2001. Brown was a bearded fundamentalist who believed himself chosen by God to destroy the institution of slavery. He hoped to launch his holy war by seizing the United States armory at Harpers Ferry, Va., and arming blacks for a campaign of liberation. Brown also chose his target for shock value and symbolic impact. The only federal armory in the South, Harpers Ferry was just 60 miles from the capital, where “our president and other leeches,” Brown wrote, did the bidding of slave owners. -
National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900 0MB No. 10024-0018 Oct. 1990 United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form This form is for use in nominating or requesting determinations for individual properties ah Complete the National Register of Historic Places Registration Form (National Register Bulletin 16A) Com riate box or by entering the information requested. If an item does not apply to the property being documented, enter "N/A" for "not applicable. ForTunctions, architectural classification, materials, and areas of significance, enter only categories and subcategories from the instructions. Place additional entries and narrative items on continuation sheets (NPS Form 10-9000a). Use a typewriter, word processor, or computer, to complete all items. 1. Name of Property Historic name Black Jack Battlefield Other name/site number 2. Location U. S. Highway 56 and County Road 2000, three miles , , ., ... .. Street & number oast of Baldwin City - D not for publ,cat,on City or town Baldwin [x] vicinity State Kansas Code KS County Douglas Code 045 Zip code 66006 3. State/Federal Agency Certification As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended, I hereby certify that this IE1 nomination D request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property CED meets D does not meet the National Register criteria. I recommend that this property be considered significant D nationally D statewide £<] locally. (D See continuation sheet for additional comments.) March 1,2004 Signature of certifying official/Title Date Kansas State Historical Society State or Federal agency and bureau ___ ________ In my opinion, the property D meets Q does not meet the National Register criteria. -
Horatio N. Rust Photograph Collection: Finding Aid
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8k35wt7 No online items Horatio N. Rust Photograph Collection: Finding Aid Finding aid prepared by Suzanne Oatey. Photo Archives The Huntington Library, Art Collections, and Botanical Gardens 1151 Oxford Road San Marino, California 91108 Phone: (626) 405-2191 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.huntington.org © 2014 The Huntington Library. All rights reserved. Horatio N. Rust Photograph photCL 7-11 1 Collection: Finding Aid Descriptive Summary Title: Horatio N. Rust Photograph Collection Dates (inclusive): 1850-1905 Collection Number: photCL 7-11 Creator: Rust, Horatio N. (Horatio Nelson), 1828-1906 Extent: 766 photographs and ephemera in 14 boxes Repository: The Huntington Library, Art Collections, and Botanical Gardens. Photo Archives 1151 Oxford Road San Marino, California 91108 Phone: (626) 405-2191 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.huntington.org Abstract: A collection of photographs compiled by Horatio N. Rust (1828-1906), U.S. Indian agent and archaeological artifact collector. The main focus of the collection is Indians of Southern California and the Southwest in the late 19th century, including a set of photographs of Southwest Pueblos by John K. Hillers. There is also a collection of photographs related to abolitionist John Brown and his descendants living in the West. Language: English. Note: Finding aid last updated on April 1, 2014. Access Open to qualified researchers by prior application through the Reader Services Department. For more information, contact Reader Services. Boxes 4-7 of photCL 11 contain lantern slides, which are fragile and housed separately from the prints. Advance arrangements for viewing the lantern slides must be made with the Curator of Photographs. -
Antislavery Violence and Secession, October 1859
ANTISLAVERY VIOLENCE AND SECESSION, OCTOBER 1859 – APRIL 1861 by DAVID JONATHAN WHITE GEORGE C. RABLE, COMMITTEE CHAIR LAWRENCE F. KOHL KARI FREDERICKSON HAROLD SELESKY DIANNE BRAGG A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2017 Copyright David Jonathan White 2017 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the collapse of southern Unionism between October 1859 and April 1861. This study argues that a series of events of violent antislavery and southern perceptions of northern support for them caused white southerners to rethink the value of the Union and their place in it. John Brown’s raid at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, and northern expressions of personal support for Brown brought the Union into question in white southern eyes. White southerners were shocked when Republican governors in northern states acted to protect members of John Brown’s organization from prosecution in Virginia. Southern states invested large sums of money in their militia forces, and explored laws to control potentially dangerous populations such as northern travelling salesmen, whites “tampering” with slaves, and free African-Americans. Many Republicans endorsed a book by Hinton Rowan Helper which southerners believed encouraged antislavery violence and a Senate committee investigated whether an antislavery conspiracy had existed before Harpers Ferry. In the summer of 1860, a series of unexplained fires in Texas exacerbated white southern fear. As the presidential election approached in 1860, white southerners hoped for northern voters to repudiate the Republicans. When northern voters did not, white southerners generally rejected the Union. -
2011 Compass Draft 2.Indd Sec1:35 4/18/2011 5:03:35 PM Wal-Mart Superstore in New Hampshire” (50)
1 22011011 ccompass_draftompass_draft 22.indd.indd 1 44/18/2011/18/2011 55:02:46:02:46 PPMM Dedicated to Jeanne Jackson 22011011 ccompass_draftompass_draft 22.indd.indd 2 44/18/2011/18/2011 55:03:31:03:31 PPMM A Journal of Leadership and Service at Birmingham-Southern College Volume XIII Spring 2011 Editor-in-Chief Assistant Editor Staff Advisor Charlsie Wigley Claire Burns Jeanne Jackson This year has produced a number of questions involving the ethics, effectiveness, and evolution of leadership on this campus. The Birmingham-Southern community has directly learned the startling impact that leadership can have on our lives. Now, perhaps more than ever before, there exists the opportunity and need for us to discover and critique the boundaries of leadership through learning, challenging, and re-imagining possibilities. As Keith Grint writes in Leadership: Limits and Possibilities, “Leadership is not just a theoretical arena but one with critical practical implications for us all and the limits of leadership—what leaders can do and what followers should allow them to do – are foundational aspects of this arena. Leadership, in effect, is too important to be left to leaders.” It is this axiom that guides the study of leadership and reminds us of the calling that we, as both leaders and followers, must answer in order to continue progress “forward ever.” Like a compass that points us to a destination, the Compass seeks to foster an academic discussion on the concepts of leadership and service. By showing the evolution of followers’ attitudes towards the infamous John Brown, Walter Lewellyn provides a case study on radical leadership in “Waiting for Superman: The Pottawatomie Creek Massacre and the Legend of John Brown.” MK Foster, in “Virgins and Pokerfaces: A Comparative Analysis of Madonna’s and Lady Gaga’s Leadership in Gender Representation,” analyzes how two popular cultural icons have redefi ned the limits of gender representation through their creative and transformational leadership. -
Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era'
H-CivWar Berwanger on Etcheson, 'Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era' Review published on Wednesday, September 1, 2004 Nicole Etcheson. Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004. xiv + 370 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7006-1287-1. Reviewed by Eugene Berwanger (Department of History, Colorado State University) Published on H-CivWar (September, 2004) The Kansas Imbroglio Writings on Kansas Territory have been perplexing, chiefly because historians cannot agree on the motivations of the pioneer Kansans. Some have portrayed the struggle in Kansas as a battle between good and evils forces, one hoping to foist slavery on the territory and the other to keep it free. Others contended that the slavery issue has been overemphasized, insisting most individual quarrels were over land claims. More recently, some historians have accentuated the issue of race, claiming that proslavery settlers would allow blacks, but only as a servile class, while antislavery people wished to establish a free white state that excluded blacks altogether. Nicole Etcheson adds a slightly different twist to this historical controversy. In her view both pro- and antislavery groups were attempting to preserve their liberties as they perceived them. Those favoring slavery used the southern argument, insisting that the U.S. Constitution allowed them to take their "property" into frontier regions because the territories were held in common by all the states and citizens could not denied their "privileges and immunities." Emigrants from the northern states, in the first year of settlement, were not of one mind about slavery. -
John Brown Visual Thinking Strategy Activity Worksheet 1 – “John Brown: Friend Or Foe”
tragic prelude Pre and Post Visit Packet 7th & 8th grade students Tragic Prelude pre AND POST VISIT Packet Table of Contents Section 1 – Pre-Visit Materials Section 2 – Post-Visit Materials Supplemental Math and Science Programs can be found on the Mahaffie website (Mahaffie.org). – “How Does the Cannon Work” – “Trajectory” Page 2 Tragic Prelude pre VISIT Packet Section 1 – Pre-Visit Materials Page 3 Tragic Prelude Pre-Visit Lesson Plan OBJECTIVES 1. The student will analyze how the issues of slavery and popular sovereignty fostered a bloody feud between the states of Kansas and Missouri. 2. The student will analyze the specific events that occurred during “Bleeding Kansas” and put those events into context with the U.S. Civil War. 3. The student will identify key figures during the Kansas/Missouri Border Wars. ESSENTIAL QUESTIONS 1. What led to the disputes between Kansas and Missouri? 2. How was the issue of slavery decided in Kansas? STANDARDS Kansas Social Studies Benchmark 1.3 - The student will investigate examples of causes and consequences of particular choices and connect those choices with contemporary issues. Benchmark 2.2 - The student will analyze the context under which significant rights and responsibilities are defined and demonstrated, their various interpretations, and draw conclusions about those interpretations. Benchmark 4.2 - The student will analyze the context of continuity and change and the vehicles of reform, drawing conclusions about past change and potential future change. Common Core CCSS.ELA-Literacy.RH.6-8.2 Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of the source distinct from prior knowledge or opinions. -
John Brown's Raid: Park Videopack for Home and Classroom. INSTITUTION National Park Service (Dept
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 445 957 SO 031 281 TITLE John Brown's Raid: Park VideoPack for Home and Classroom. INSTITUTION National Park Service (Dept. of Interior), Washington, DC. ISBN ISBN-0-912627-38-7 PUB DATE 1991-00-00 NOTE 114p.; Accompanying video not available from EDRS. AVAILABLE FROM Harpers Ferry Historical Association, Inc., P.O. Box 197, Harpers Ferry, WV 25425 ($24.95). Tel: 304-535-6881. PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom - Teacher (052)-- Historical Materials (060)-- Non-Print Media (100) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC05 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Civil War (United States); Curriculum Enrichment; Heritage Education; Historic Sites; Primary Sources; Secondary Education; *Slavery; Social Studies; Thematic Approach; *United States History IDENTIFIERS *Brown (John); United States (South); West Virginia; *West Virginia (Harpers Ferry) ABSTRACT This video pack is intended for parents, teachers, librarians, students, and travelers interested in learning about national parklands and how they relate to the nation's natural and cultural heritage. The video pack includes a VHS video cassette on Harpers Ferry National Historical Park, an illustrated handbook with historical information on Harpers Ferry, and a study guide linking these materials. The video in this pack, "To Do Battle in the Land," documents John Brown's 1859 attempt to end slavery in the South by attacking the United States Armory at Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia). The 27-minute video sets the scene for the raid that intensified national debate over the slavery issue. The accompanying handbook, "John Brown's Raid," gives a detailed account of the insurrection and subsequent trial that electrified the nation and brought it closer to civil war. -
John Brown, Abolitionist: the Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S
John Brown, Abolitionist: The Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S. Reynolds Homegrown Terrorist A Review by Sean Wilentz New Republic Online, 10/27/05 John Brown was a violent charismatic anti-slavery terrorist and traitor, capable of cruelty to his family as well as to his foes. Every one of his murderous ventures failed to achieve its larger goals. His most famous exploit, the attack on Harpers Ferry in October 1859, actually backfired. That backfiring, and not Brown's assault or his later apotheosis by certain abolitionists and Transcendentalists, contributed something, ironically, to the hastening of southern secession and the Civil War. In a topsy-turvy way, Brown may have advanced the anti-slavery cause. Otherwise, he actually damaged the mainstream campaign against slavery, which by the late 1850s was a serious mass political movement contending for national power, and not, as Brown and some of his radical friends saw it, a fraud even more dangerous to the cause of liberty than the slaveholders. This accounting runs against the grain of the usual historical assessments, and also against the grain of David S. Reynolds's "cultural biography" of Brown. The interpretations fall, roughly, into two camps. They agree only about the man's unique importance. Writers hostile to Brown describe him as not merely fanatical but insane, the craziest of all the crazy abolitionists whose agitation drove the country mad and caused the catastrophic, fratricidal, and unnecessary war. Brown's admirers describe his hatred of slavery as a singular sign of sanity in a nation awash in the mental pathologies of racism and bondage.