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Konwenanse Konstytucyjne KONWENANSE KONSTYTUCYJNE Tomasz Wieciech KONWENANSE KONSTYTUCYJNE Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Publikacja fi nansowana przez Uniwersytet Jagielloński ze środków Instytutu Nauk Politycznych i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Recenzent dr hab. Krzysztof Wójtowicz, prof. UWr © Copyright by Tomasz Wieciech & Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Wydanie I, Kraków 2011 All rights reserved Niniejszy utwór ani żaden jego fragment nie może być reprodukowany, przetwarzany i rozpowszech- niany w jakikolwiek sposób za pomocą urządzeń elektronicznych, mechanicznych, kopiujących, nagrywających i innych oraz nie może być przechowywany w żadnym systemie informatycznym bez uprzedniej pisemnej zgody Wydawcy. ISBN 978-83-233-3121-6 www.wuj.pl Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Redakcja: ul. Michałowskiego 9/2, 31-126 Kraków tel. 12-631-18-81, 12-631-18-82, fax 12-631-18-83 Dystrybucja: tel. 12-631-01-97, tel./fax 12-631-01-98 tel. kom. 0506-006-674, e-mail: [email protected] Konto: PEKAO SA, nr 80 1240 4722 1111 0000 4856 3325 Mojej Mamie oraz pamięci mego Ojca Spis treści Wstęp ................................................................................................................ 9 ROZDZIAŁ I Konwenanse jako normy konstytucji materialnej ................................................. 13 1. Historyczny proces kształtowania się „konwenansowej konstytucji” ............ 14 2. Wokół defi nicji ............................................................................................ 18 3. Powstawanie konwenansów ......................................................................... 21 4. Identyfi kacja i ustalanie treści norm konwenansowych ............................... 26 5. Próby typologii ............................................................................................ 29 6. Pozaprawny status norm konwenansowych ................................................. 33 7. Postawa sądów wobec konwenansów .......................................................... 39 8. Sankcja ....................................................................................................... 44 9. Zmiana i przekształcenia ............................................................................. 52 10. Konwenanse a zwyczaje konstytucyjne ........................................................ 53 ROZDZIAŁ II Konwenansowa regulacja ustroju ......................................................................... 59 1. Pozycja ustrojowa głowy państwa ................................................................ 60 A. Działanie za radą ministrów .................................................................. 64 B. Powoływanie premiera .......................................................................... 69 C. Prawo rozwiązywania parlamentu ......................................................... 80 D. Udzielanie sankcji królewskiej ............................................................... 89 E. Dymisjonowanie premiera .................................................................... 98 F. Uprawnienia nominacyjne ..................................................................... 101 G. Zwoływanie i zamykanie sesji parlamentu ............................................ 103 2. System gabinetowy ...................................................................................... 105 A. Gabinet ................................................................................................. 108 B. Premier .................................................................................................. 119 C. Odpowiedzialność polityczna rządu przed parlamentem ...................... 130 Odpowiedzialność indywidualna ............................................................. 131 Odpowiedzialność kolegialna ................................................................... 147 Odpowiedzialność premiera ..................................................................... 168 3. Konwenanse konstytucyjne w parlamencie ................................................. 173 A. Zwoływanie sesji parlamentu ................................................................ 174 B. Neutralność polityczna i bezstronność Spikera ..................................... 175 8 Konwenanse konstytucyjne C. Stosunki między rządem a opozycją ...................................................... 179 D. Ofi cjalna Opozycja Jej Królewskiej Mości ........................................... 180 E. Stosunki między izbami parlamentu ..................................................... 185 4. Konwenanse a ustrój terytorialny państwa .................................................. 197 5. Konwenanse in statu nascendi ....................................................................... 203 ROZDZIAŁ III Konwenanse konstytucyjne wobec praktyki ustrojowej ....................................... 211 1. Konwenanse a normy prawa konstytucyjnego ............................................. 211 2. Konwenansowe przeobrażenie ustroju ......................................................... 214 3. Neutralizacja polityczna głowy państwa ...................................................... 220 A. Odwołanie premiera w Australii w 1975 roku ...................................... 220 B. Zamknięcie sesji parlamentu w Kanadzie w 2008 roku ......................... 223 C. Rola Korony w demokracji parlamentarnej ........................................... 226 4. Zasada rządów odpowiedzialnych w praktyce ............................................ 229 5. Konwenanse konstytucyjne a system partyjny ............................................ 239 6. Kodyfi kacja konwenansowych norm konstytucyjnych ................................. 245 Zakończenie ........................................................................................................ 253 Wykaz orzeczeń sądowych .................................................................................. 257 Bibliografi a .......................................................................................................... 259 Wstęp Każda analiza brytyjskiego ustroju musi brać pod uwagę brak obowiązywania w Wielkiej Brytanii konstytucji w znaczeniu formalnym. Fakt, że w państwie tym nie obowiązuje ustawa zasadnicza, nie oznacza jednak w żadnym razie, iż nie ma ono konstytucji. Pojęcie konstytucji ma bowiem dwa zasadnicze znaczenia. W znaczeniu for- malnym konstytucja jest aktem prawnym o najwyższej mocy prawnej, regulującym zagadnienia ustroju państwa (materie konstytucyjne), uchwalanym i zmienianym w szczególnym trybie. W znaczeniu materialnym jest ona całokształtem norm regu- lujących ustrój państwa, a więc określających sposób wykonywania władzy politycznej wobec obywateli oraz relacje między jednostką a państwem. Każde państwo musi posiadać konstytucję, ponieważ tym, co odróżnia wspólnotę polityczną od zbioru jednostek, jest fakt, że tworzą ją grupy ludzi, podlegające wspól- nym normom: konstytucja jest niczym więcej jak zbiorem najważniejszych norm opisujących podział wła- dzy pomiędzy instytucjami ustrojowymi – legislatywą, egzekutywą i judykatywą – oraz po- między jednostką a państwem. Nie ma właściwie powodu, dla którego te normy powinny być spisane i zebrane w jednym dokumencie, jak ma to miejsce w większości współczes- nych demokracji. Ale musi być, w każdym społeczeństwie, z defi nicji, konstytucja […] bez względu na to, czy ta konstytucja jest spisana czy nie1. W brytyjskiej tradycji ustrojowej słowo „konstytucja” (constitution) nigdy nie było terminem wyłącznie prawnym. Utożsamienie konstytucji z uchwalanym w szczegól- ny sposób aktem prawnym o wyższej mocy aniżeli uchwalane przez legislaturę usta- wy, immunizowanym przed zmianą w zwykłym postępowaniu legislacyjnym nastą- piło dopiero podczas rewolucji amerykańskiej, kiedy to kolejne państwa powstające w następstwie ogłaszania przez kolonie niepodległości przystępowały do organizacji ustroju, zastępując kolonialne karty konstytucjami. Nie wszystkie spośród tych kon- stytucji były rzeczywiście „najwyższymi prawami” (supreme laws of the land), niektóre nie zostały przyjęte w specjalnym trybie (przez powołane tylko w tym celu organy, jakim były konwencje), w większości z nich przemilczano kwestię szczególnej proce- dury zmiany. Niemniej termin „konstytucja” właśnie wówczas – w ostatnich dekadach XVIII wieku – utracił swe pierwotne, wyłącznie deskryptywne znaczenie. Przestał być jedynie synonimem ustroju państwa – a więc całości norm odpowiedzialnych za jego funkcjonowanie – zaczął być natomiast utożsamiany z aktem prawnym, którego 1 V. Bogdanor, Th e New British Constitution, Hart Publishing, Oxford–Portland 2009, s. 9. 10 Konwenanse konstytucyjne celem była pełna regulacja tego ustroju. Takie pojmowanie pojęcia konstytucji rozpo- wszechniło się w późniejszych latach właściwie na całym świecie. Utożsamienie konstytucji ze zbiorem norm prawnych powoduje, że postępowanie niezgodne z konstytucją jest równocześnie sprzeczne z prawem. Może być zatem nazywane nielegalnym. W Wielkiej Brytanii pojęcie „niekonstytucyjności” (uncon- stitutionality) nabrało jednak innego znaczenia. Już J. Austin w 1832 roku zwracał uwagę, że naruszenie konstytucji nie musi wiązać się ze złamaniem prawa, a więc że pewne zachowanie, choć nie może być nazwane bezprawnym (illegal), może być rów- nocześnie określone mianem niekonstytucyjnego. Według niego niekonstytucyjne postępowanie oznaczało niezgodność „z określoną zasadą lub maksymą” przyjętymi wprost lub przynajmniej normalnie (habitually) przestrzeganymi przez „najwyższe władze” (supreme government),
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