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Anti-Judaism in Marcion and His Opponents Joseph B Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations A peer-reviewed e-journal of the Council of Centers in Jewish-Christian Relations Published by the Center for Christian-Jewish Learning at Boston College Anti-Judaism in Marcion and His Opponents Joseph B. Tyson Southern Methodist University Volume 1 (2005-2006): pp. 196-208 http://escholarship.bc.edu/scjr/vol1/iss1/art21 Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations Volume 1, (2005-2006): 196-208 Editor’s Note: This article includes material adapted from the author’s Ehrman adopts the usual characterization that Marcion recently published book, Marcion and Luke-Acts: A Defining Struggle “hated Jews and everything Jewish” and that his form of (Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 2006), and is used with permission. It also depends on additional material in the same book that Christianity was “anti-Jewish.” In my judgment, these provides a detailed argument that the Acts of the Apostles was written in characterizations need to be nuanced much more carefully the first quarter of the second century as a reaction against Marcion. This and assessed in the light of views expressed by those who material is too extensive to be included here, but interested readers are did in fact win the day, Marcion’s opponents. My interest is in invited to assess that argument by consulting the book. raising the question of anti-Judaism both in Marcion and in his opponents.3 In his recent study of early Christian theological diversity, Bart D. Ehrman entertains the possibility that things might 1. Marcion have turned out differently and Marcionite Christianity might have prevailed over all other movements of the second Marcion was the best known leader of a non-orthodox century. He regards its victory as plausible, because “it took Christian movement in the early church. Irenaeus, Tertullian, what most people in the empire found most attractive about and other defenders of the proto-orthodox tradition devoted Christianity—love, mercy, grace, wonder, opposition to this significant attention to the challenges he presented. The harsh, material world and salvation from it—and pushed it to precise dates of his birth and death are unknown, but he was an extreme, while taking Christianity’s less attractive sides— probably born in the latter half of the first century C.E. in law, guilt, judgment, eternal punishment, and, above all, Sinope, on the Black Sea. It was rumored that his father was association and close ties with Jews and Judaism—and a bishop of the church there. Marcion had a successful getting rid of them.”1 Then he projects two possible results: ministry in Asia Minor, probably beginning early in the second century, and, about the middle of the century, he This may have opened the doors to heightened came to Rome, where he was initially accepted but finally hostilities, since Marcion seems to have hated Jews and condemned for views that Rome deemed heretical. The everything Jewish; or possibly even more likely, it may probable time of his death was a few years after 150 C.E.4 have led simply to benign neglect as Jews and their religion would have been considered to be of no 3 For other recent assessments of Marcion and the Jews, see David P. relevance and certainly no competition for Christians. Efroymson, “The Patristic Connection,” in Alan Davies, ed., The entire history of anti-Semitism might have been Antisemitism and the Foundations of Christianity (New York: Paulist 2 avoided, ironically, by an anti-Jewish religion. Press, 1979), 98-117; Stephen G. Wilson, “Marcion and the Jews,” in Stephen G. Wilson, ed., Anti-Judaism in Early Christianity (Studies in Christianity and Judaism 2; Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurier University Ehrman finally, however, abandons the scenario of a Press, 1986), 2:45-58; and his Related Strangers: Jews and Christians Marcionite victory, on the grounds that Romans would not 70-170 CE (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995). have embraced a religion that stressed its own novelty. 4 Marcion is usually thought of as active in the middle of the second century. This dating is based on comments by Marcion’s opponents, but close study of the sources shows that Marcion’s teachings were 1 Bart D. Ehrman, Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the known in the East during the first quarter of the second century. The Faiths We Never Knew (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 111. argument is complex, but by way of summary, we should note that from 2 Justin we learn that Marcion had had an extensive ministry in the East Ibid. prior to 150 C.E. and that from Polycarp we can conclude that his Tyson, “Anti-Judaism in Marcion and His Opponents” 197 http://escholarship.bc.edu/scjr/vol1/iss1/art21 Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations Volume 1, (2005-2006): 196-208 Marcion took his inspiration from the letters of Paul, most Marcionite Christianity was so vigorous in the late notably Galatians. He was deeply impressed with Paul’s second century that the number of adherents probably contrast of law and grace and concluded that these must be approximated or even outnumbered the proto-orthodox in the domains of two Gods. One God is revealed in the some places. There is evidence of its survival as late as the Hebrew Bible as the creator, law-giver, and judge of eighth century C.E. humankind. This God, thus, is identified with the created order, Torah, and the Jews, his chosen people. Marcion did It is unarguable that Marcion’s canon did not include any not question the inspiration or authority of the Hebrew Bible; of the Hebrew Scriptures and that his theology completely he interpreted it literally as the word of the Creator-God but separated the God of Jesus from the God of Israel. But we not as prophetic of Jesus. The second God is the Father of will understand him better if we begin where he began. The Jesus Christ, completely unknown in this world before the great Berlin scholar, Adolf von Harnack, who deeply admired appearance of Jesus in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar Marcion, asserted that the gospel of Christ constituted the (29 C.E.). This is the God of grace, love, and mercy. The origin and the totality of Marcion’s religious life. In Harnack’s work of Jesus was to release people from the Creator-God words, Marcion “felt in the gospel the whole force and power and deliver them to the domain of the God of grace. of the ‘Numinous,’ to use [Rudolf] Otto’s expression.”7 Harnack noted the force expressed in what appears to be As is well known, Marcion and his followers developed the opening of Marcion’s Antitheses: “O wonder beyond the first Christian canon, without the Hebrew Bible but with wonders, rapture, power, and amazement is it, that one can ten letters of Paul and one gospel, which resembled the say nothing at all about the gospel, nor even conceive of it, Gospel of Luke in today’s NT.5 Although Marcion’s foes nor compare it with anything.”8 Harnack stressed Marcion’s claimed that he “mutilated” the Gospel of Luke, some modern scholars question this assertion and maintain that 6 Marcion and the New Testament: An Essay in the Early History of the Marcion’s Luke preceded the canonical text we now know. Canon (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1942), but the contention that the Marcionite text of Luke was earlier than the canonical text goes teachings were known by 130 C.E (see Justin, First Apology, 26; see back to Albrecht Ritschl and Ferdinand Christian Baur. See Ritschl, Das also 1 Apol. 58. See Polycarp, To the Philippians 7:1). Indications from Evangelium Marcions und das kanonische Evangelium des Lukas the Pastorals (e.g. 1 Tim 6:20) suggest even earlier dates. We probably (Tübingen: Osiander, 1846); Baur, Kritische Untersuchungen über die will not be far off if we conclude that Marcion’s views were known, at kanonischen Evangelien, Ihr Behältnisz zu einander, ihren Charakter least in part and in some locations, as early as 115-120 C.E. For further und Ursprung (Tübingen: L. F. Fues, 1847), 391-531. details, see R. Joseph Hoffman, Marcion: On the Restitution of 7 Adolf von Harnack, Marcion: The Gospel of the Alien God (trans. John Christianity: An Essay on the Development of Radical Paulinist E. Steely and Lyle D. Bierma; Durham, N.C.: The Labyrinth Press, Theology in the Second Century [AAR Academy Series 46; Chico, 1990), 66. This is a translation of a major part of Harnack’s Marcion: Calif.: Scholars Press, 1984]. Das Evangelium vom Fremden Gott: Eine Monographie zur Geschichte 5 The ten letters in Marcion’s Apostolikon were Galatians, 1, 2 der Grundlegung der Katholischen Kirche (TU 45; Leipzig: J. C. Corinthians, Romans, 1, 2 Thessalonians, Laodiceans (probably our Hinrichs’sche, 1921). Ephesians), Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon. 8 Quoted by Harnack, Marcion: The Gospel, 59. The quotation comes 6 This represents my own position, which is worked out in detail in my originally from the fourth-century Syrian writer, Ephrem, An Exposition Marcion and Luke-Acts: A Defining Struggle (Columbia: Univ. of South of the Gospel, 1. Ephrem locates the sentence at the beginning of what Carolina Press, 2006). My study is based on that of John Knox, he calls, Marcion’s “Proevangelium,” apparently the same as the Tyson, “Anti-Judaism in Marcion and His Opponents” 198 http://escholarship.bc.edu/scjr/vol1/iss1/art21 Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations Volume 1, (2005-2006): 196-208 reading of the Pauline epistles as his “point of departure.” other Christians. Marcion’s core convictions, which are “The point of departure for Marcion’s criticism of the tradition clearly rooted in the Pauline epistles, led him to the further cannot be mistaken.
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