Hunting and Bushmeat Utilization in the African Rain Forest

HUNTING AND BUSHMEAT UTILIZATION IN THE AFRICAN RAIN FOREST

Perspectives Toward a Blueprint for Conservation Action NUMBER 2

EDITED BY: Mohamed I. Bakarr Gustavo A. B. da Fonseca Russell Mittermeier Anthony B. Rylands Kristen Walker Painemilla ANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE Conservation International 1919 M Street, NW ADV ADV ADV Suite 600 ADV ADV Washington, DC 20036

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E-MAIL [email protected] www.conservation.org www.cabs.conservation.org Short Biographies of Contributors

Philippe Auzel has been working on a variety of conservation and Dr. Rebecca Hardin is on the faculty at Yale University and at agricultural projects in equatorial African rural communities the Sorbonne in Paris, and is an Academy Fellow at Harvard Center for Applied Biodiversity Science at Conservation International since 1987. He has advanced degrees related to conservation University. Since 1988 her work has focused in and on the science from the University of Paris, the National Center for equatorial forests of Central Africa, first as a Peace Corps Tropical Agronomy in Montpellier, France, and the University of Volunteer and later as a research anthropologist. She earned her Gembloux, Belgium, where he is currently completing his Ph.D. in anthropology from Yale in studying the roles of The African Bushmeat Initiative doctoral research. Philippe has consulted for a wide range of hunting and tourism on the transformation of forest use in conservation and development agencies, including the European Central African Republic. Her current research focuses on Union and the Wildlife Conservation Society of New York. He is social relations of forest use in the Sangha River region, where currently serving as an advisor to efforts to implement Cameroon, Central African Republic, and Congo meet. Goal To establish a strategic framework for addressing biodiversity conservation threats community forestry policies in Cameroon’s forested areas. associated with hunting and bushmeat utilization in the rain forest region of Africa. Cyril Kormos is the Director of the Conservation Policy Dr. Mohamed I. Bakarr is the Projects Director in the Center of Program at Conservation International. Mr. Kormos has an Applied Biodiversity Science (CABS) at Conservation MSc in international political economy from the London International (CI). He began studying forest conservation in School of Economics and a JD from the George Washington Objectives 1) To establish the “state of knowledge” on hunting and bushmeat utilization in the 1987 at Njala University College in his native Sierra Leone. University Law School. He completed his graduate studies at the University of Miami, African rain forest through a comprehensive assessment of all relevant factors and earning both M.S. and Ph.D. degrees in Tropical Biology. He Dr. E.J. Milner-Gulland is a lecturer in Resource Economics issues, including the following: first joined CI in 1997 as a Program Fellow and later became at Imperial College at London University. Her Ph.D. was on the Science and Technical Manager for CI’s Africa Program. He the sustainability of wildlife hunting, focusing on African has led a major effort to coordinate scientific contributions into elephants, rhinos and saiga antelopes. Current interests · Wildlife biology and conservation (impacted wildlife species, protected area the conservation priority-setting process for West Africa’s include interactions between socio-political and ecological effectiveness, etc.); Upper Guinea forest ecosystem and is leading the bushmeat change in the former Soviet Union and conservation of wild Social and economic challenges (subsistence, commercialization, role of extractive initiative in CABS. He is also a member of the Bushmeat pigs in Indonesia. · Crisis Task Force Steering Committee. industries, etc.); Dr. Russell A. Mittermeier is President of Conservation · Cultural issues and health linkages (belief systems, dietary preferences, disease Dr. Kerry Bowman is a bioethicist at the University of Toronto, International and a member of the Bushmeat Crisis Task and health risks, etc.); and the Director of the Improving End of Life Care Project, and the Force Steering Committee. He has served as Vice-President Clinical Ethicist for Mount Sinai Hospital in Toronto. Dr. for Science at World Wildlife Fund, as Chairman of the · Legislative frameworks and enforcement (wildlife and hunting laws, judicial Bowman is actively involved in conservation efforts with Primate Specialist Group of the IUCN-World Conservation concerns, etc.). gorillas and chimpanzees and lectures widely on ethical issues Union’s Species Survival Commission (IUCN/SSC) and as in primate conservation and research. Dr. Bowman is a Chairman of the World Bank’s Task Force on Biological consultant to the U.S. Center for Disease Control on their research Diversity. Dr. Mittermeier has published extensively on 2) To mobilize key international and regional experts for building consensus on the exploring the link between the hunting of the great apes and primates, reptiles, tropical forests, and biodiversity. His knowledge base, identifying gaps and research priorities, and developing practical the transmission of retroviruses such as HIV. most recent field work has been on primates, protected areas solutions for field testing and other conservation issues in the Atlantic forest region of Jim Cannon is an economist and an expert on natural resources eastern Brazil, in Suriname and on the island of Madagascar. and conservation management and policy. As the Senior Dr. Mittermeier received his Ph.D. from Harvard University 3) To develop a strategic and long-term plan of action for mitigating conservation Director of Conservation International’s Resource Economics in Biological Anthropology in 1977. threats associated with hunting and bushmeat utilization in the African rain forest Program, he uses economics to strengthen conservation initiatives by designing programs that address the economic Dr. Anthony L. Rose is a social psychologist, writer, and incentives driving biodiversity loss. organization developer who has consulted on forest management, military diplomacy, religious community CI contacts Mohamed I. Bakarr, CABS ([email protected]) Dr. Hans-Ulrich Caspary holds a Ph.D. in Geography from development, educational innovation, and health care quality Humboldt University of Berlin. Since 1994, he has carried out assurance. He is Executive Director of The Biosynergy Kristen Walker, CABS ([email protected]) research on wildlife utilization and the bushmeat phenomena in Institute and serves on the Steering Committee of the the Upper Guinea Forest Belt of West Africa. His work focuses Bushmeat Crisis Task Force in Washington, DC. He on wildlife and protected areas management. received his Ph.D. in Experimental Psychology from U.C.L.A. in 1967. Outputs Expert network on hunting and bushmeat utilization in Africa Heather E. Eves is the Director of the Bushmeat Crisis Task White papers on relevant hunting and bushmeat themes Force has studied and worked as a wildlife biologist in Africa Dr. Anthony Rylands is the Senior Director for Conservation Blueprint plan for priority conservation actions (consensus-based) for over 10 years. She is currently a doctoral candidate the Biology at CABS and editor of the journals Neotropical Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. In Primates and Primate Conservation. He is currently Vice-Chair for Design for pilot projects in targeted areas across the region addition to her research studies, she has been involved wildlife the Neotropical Section and Co-Deputy Chair of the IUCN/ Field testing and adaptive management education programs for African children and adults and has SSC Primate Specialist Group. He received his Ph.D. from served as a Peace Corps volunteer. the University of Cambridge, UK and was recently elected to the Brazilian Academy of Sciences. Dr. Gustavo Fonseca is Senior Vice President of Conservation International and Executive Director of the Center for Applied Kristen Walker Painemilla is the program manager for the Biodiversity Science (CABS) at CI. Dr. Fonseca has published Center for Applied Biodiversity Science at Conservation extensively on wildlife management, community ecology of International where she has played an integral role in mammals, primate ecology and behavior. His current research, launching and coordinating the bushmeat initiative for CI. which focuses on conservation challenges in the major She holds a BA in Latin American Studies and Anthroplogy Brazilian biomes, is interdisciplinary and links biodiversity from George Washington University. She was a Cotlow conservation with aspects related to economics and human Scholar in 1996 and a U.S. Fulbright Scholar 1997-1998. demography. Dr. Fonseca received his Ph.D. in Wildlife Management and Conservation from the University of Florida. Dr. David S. Wilkie has a Ph.D. in Wildlife Ecology from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, and a post-doctoral specialization in ecological anthropology from the University of Utah. He is an Adjunct Professor at Boston College and a co-director of the Ituri Forest Peoples Fund, a special project of Cultural Survival. He has over 20 years of field research experience in the ecological and economic aspects of household level natural resource use. Kristen Walker Painemilla Anthony B.Rylands Russell A.Mittermeier Gustavo A.B.daFonseca Mohamed I.Bakarr EDITED BY: David S. Wilkie S. David Rose L. Anthony E.J. Milner-Gulland Cyril Kormos Rebecca Hardin E.Eves Heather Hans-Ulrich Caspary Jim Cannon Kerry Bowman I.Bakarr Mohamed Philippe Auzel CONTRIBUTORS: Perspectives towardaBlueprint for Conservation Action IN THEAFRICANRAINFOREST HUNTING ANDBUSHMEAT UTILIZATION

ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE NUMBER 2 The Advances in Applied Biodiversity Science Series is published by: Conservation International Center for Applied Biodiversity Science 1919 M Street, NW, Suite 600 Washington, D.C. 20036, USA 202.912.1000 202.912.1030 fax www.conservation.org

Series Editor: Philippa Benson, Ph.D. Design: Glenda P. Fábregas Front Cover: R.G. Ruggiero Left photo: Children from Makao, northern Republic of Congo. Middle photo: Western lowland gorilla foraging in opening, Mbeli Bai, Nouabale Ndoki National Park (NNNP). Right photo: Truck with bushmeat carcasses, Ouesso, northern Congo. Chapters 1- 6, 8, 9, and 10 photographs: R.G. Ruggiero Chapter 4 color insert: Brent Huffman, The Ultimate Ungulate Page (www.ultimateungulate.com), Maps created by CABS GIS Chapter 7 Photographs: HIV: National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, National Institutes of Health. SIV: James A. Hoxie, University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, Philadelphia, PA. Electron microscopy by Timothy Hart, SmithKline Beecham Pharmaceuticals, King of Prussia, PA.

Conservation International is a private, non-profit organization exempt from federal income tax under section 501 c(3) of the Internal Revenue Code.

ISBN 1-881173-37-2

Printed on recycled paper

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The bushmeat initiative at the Center for Applied Biodiversity Science grew out of earlier efforts by Conservation International’s West Africa Program, and gained full momentum during the conservation priority-setting process for the Upper Guinea forest ecosystem (1998-2000). This volume will be followed by a separate report highlighting results of a regional bushmeat workshop held in Ghana in December of 1999. We thank the entire West Africa team and colleagues in the region who helped develop the initiative and participated in the priority setting workshop. Many thanks also to the authors of this volume who have contributed to the initiative in many other ways. We are grateful to Drs. Thomas Struhsaker, John F. Oates, and Rebecca Ham for generous feedback and support to the initiative. We would also like to thank Brent Huffman, who provided many of the beautiful photographs in this volume. Finally, thanks to our editing and production team, Dr. Philippa Benson and Ms. Glenda P. Fábregas.

2 TO THE READER

The purpose of this volume is to draw attention to the complex nature of the bushmeat crisis in West and Central Africa, and to serve as a starting point for dialogue across sectors about how to best develop and implement solutions. The ideas here are neither a manual of conservation actions, nor a prescription for addressing the bushmeat crisis. Instead, we present a collection of diverse perspectives to offer a framework for action, one that is based on the social, cultural, and ecological context within which the bushmeat problem has arisen. The wildlife and human dimensions are analyzed by experts, all of whom submit their own methods, perspectives, and beliefs to help strengthen conservation initiatives. We hope that this book will be useful to conservation practitioners, development agencies, and private sector industries interested in mitigating the bushmeat crisis.

DISCLAIMER

The opinions and views expressed in each chapter are those of the author/s alone and do not reflect views or opinions of other authors in the volume or of Conservation International.

All web references cited in this text were current as of the date of publication.

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PROLOGUE 6

PART ONE THE COMPLEX NATURE OF BUSHMEAT 10 HUNTING AND THREATS TO WILDLIFE

Chapter 1 Regional Dynamics of Hunting and Bushmeat 11 Utilization in West Africa - An Overview Hans-Ulrich Caspary

Chapter 2 Bushmeat Hunting in the Congo Basin – 17 A Brief Overview David S. Wilkie

Chapter 3 Colonial History, Concessionary Politics, and 21 Collaborative Management of Equatorial African Rain Forests Philippe Auzel & Rebecca Hardin

Chapter 4 Impacts of Bushmeat Hunting on Wildlife 39 Populations in West Africa’s Upper Guinea Forest Ecosystem Heather E. Eves & Mohamed I. Bakarr

PART TWO THE HUMAN DIMENSIONS AND CONSERVATION 58 CHALLENGES OF THE BUSHMEAT CRISIS

Chapter 5 Social Change and Social Values in Mitigating 59 Bushmeat Commerce Anthony L. Rose

Chapter 6 Culture, Ethics, and Conservation in Addressing 75 the Bushmeat Crisis in West Africa Kerry Bowman

Chapter 7 Wildlife Utilization and the Emergence of 85 Viral Diseases Rebecca Hardin & Philippe Auzel

4 Chapter 8 Legal and Institutional Mechanisms for 93 Wildlife and Habitat Protection in West Africa – The Need for an Integrated Policy Assessment Cyril Kormos & Mohamed I. Bakarr

PART THREE USING BIOECONOMIC MODELING TO ASSESS 100 SUSTAINABILITY OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING

Chapter 9 Potential Applications of Bioeconomic Modeling 101 in West Africa Jim Cannon

Chapter 10 Assessing Sustainability of Hunting: Insights From 113 Bioeconomic Modeling E.J. Milner-Gulland

EPILOGUE 152

APPENDIX 1 Data on Protected Areas in Cote D’Ivoire, Ghana, 153 Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone

REFERENCES CITED 158

FURTHER READINGS 168 ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

5 PROLOGUE

In the 1993 publication entitled African Biodiversity: Foundation for the Future, the Biodiversity Support Program (BSP) highlighted the critical importance of biodiversity to Africans and emphasized the need to re-examine conservation strategies in light of socio-cultural values (BSP 1993). The report laid out the extraordinary dependence of Africans on locally available biological resources for food, medicine, and materials for shelter. Indeed, hunting and bushmeat utilization have been an integral part of traditional human livelihood throughout Africa for generations. However, because of burgeoning human populations, improved transportation systems, and uncontrolled exploitation of biodiversity, the subsistence practices of hunting and using bushmeat have increased to commercial levels that are not sustainable. As a result, numerous wildlife species have been extirpated in large parts of their natural ranges. Nowhere is this ravaging more evident than in the moist forest region of Africa. Although the bushmeat crisis has been and is still being brought to light in numerous publications across the continent and throughout the world, the development of appropriate and practical solutions remains hampered by a limited understanding and treatment of the underlying complexities involved in the commercial bushmeat trade. However, there is a growing consensus that practical solutions must extend beyond the traditional focus on strict protection and enforcement. Instead, effective solutions will have to accommodate broad, cross-sectoral concerns including socioeconomic, health, nutritional, educational, and cultural realities. Whereas strict protection remains the single most effective way of preserving viable populations of most wildlife species, understanding the full range of variables involved will strengthen all conservation efforts, including those focused on bushmeat. This volume offers an assessment of some major cross-sectoral issues related to the bushmeat crisis in an effort to foster effective biodiversity conservation planning and implementation. The ten chapters included here cover a range of analytical research issues, with each chapter offering an alternative perspective and a unique approach to addressing the bushmeat crisis. Each chapter was originally commissioned by Conservation International’s Center for Applied Biodiversity Science (CI- CABS) as background for a regional workshop on hunting and bushmeat utilization in West Africa. Highlights of the regional workshop, which was held in December 1999 in Ghana, are to be published in a complementary volume. This volume is neither a manual nor a prescriptive solution to the bushmeat crisis, but rather is intended to guide and feed into strategic frameworks for conservation planning and implementation across all sectors in West and Central Africa. It is designed for conservationists, development agencies, and private sector industries to function as a guide in inspecting, understanding, and changing their current roles in the bushmeat trade. We are hopeful that the ideas presented here will foster the development of integrated and targeted solutions that can be tested at various levels across the region. Throughout this volume, the term bushmeat literally means “meat” of “bush” animals, which includes all higher order taxa, from amphibians and reptiles to non-human primates. Bushmeat is the main source of animal protein in many parts of the developing world, and can be thought of as akin to “game” meat. The term bushmeat is used here to connote human exploitation of wildlife or game (i.e., killing by hunting and trapping) for consumption, food, medicine, or in other manners.

Hunting and Bushmeat Utilization — A ‘Biodiversity Crisis’ Bushmeat utilization is currently one of the most important conservation challenges in tropical moist forest region of Africa, from West Africa’s Guinean forest hotspot to the wilderness area of Central Africa. The practice of hunting in these regions is as old as Homo sapiens, and people have depended on wildlife for food throughout their history. Hunting continues unabated, and bushmeat utilization remains a major factor in the food security and health sectors of sub-Saharan Africa — but demanded by a population level exceeding the capacity of wildlife habitat to sustainably produce sufficient supplies. In the face of today’s burgeoning populations and the demands resulting from increasing poverty, many of Africa’s ecosystems, habitats, and wildlife species have succumbed to unsustainable practices (e.g., large scale slash-and-burn farming, agriculture) and over-exploitation (e.g., logging, CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

6 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest commercial bushmeat hunting). As a result, there have been dramatic declines of many species in recent decades, and populations of many keystone species are near the brink of extinction. Indeed one such extinction may have already occurred in West Africa with the apparent disappearance of a primate sub-species, Procolobus badius waldroni (Miss Waldron’s red colobus) from all previously occupied localities in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. The problem has risen to crisis proportions due to the increased access to previously remote areas through industrial-scale logging practices and the accompanying road development, and because of the widespread use of sophisticated weapons and the lure of economic gains through bushmeat commercialization. The expansion of logging practices in the pristine equatorial forests of Central Africa has recently drawn global attention to the plight of great apes – gorillas (Gorilla gorilla), chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes), and bonobos (Pan paniscus) – as they are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of bushmeat hunting. Because hunting for bushmeat continues to serve as a critical component of African economic and nutritional needs, the challenge of addressing this growing crisis must extend beyond a focus on strict protection and enforcement. The livelihood of Africans is firmly rooted in culture, traditions, and belief systems, all of which have tremendous implications for their health, nutritional, and social well-being. The exploitation of open access resources such as wildlife is mediated by these complex factors, which vary considerably across the continent. In West Africa, wildlife exploitation for bushmeat supports subsistence needs and also provides income opportunities. In addition to providing for family protein (animal) needs, many hunters with access to wildlife and to sufficient weaponry make their living primarily through the bushmeat trade. There is little incentive to explore alternative livelihoods when hunters perceive a constant supply of bushmeat and an insatiable consumer market, which continues to expand in urban centers throughout the sub-region. Although bushmeat is often sold as a delicacy in large cities and towns, it is apparently gaining importance in many rural areas as a source of animal protein, over fish and domestic meats that may be either too expensive or are becoming scarce. In any case, the increase in demand is accompanied by shifts in human attitudes, values, taboos, and food preferences, all of which make wildlife and forest conservation more difficult to promote in the region. Further economic opportunities created by growing urban demand have expanded the number of people involved in wildlife exploitation — from weapons suppliers to hunters, meat traders and food delivery workers — and intensified their reliance on the trade for a livelihood. At the same time, an increasing number of people are becoming exposed to health risks associated with utilizing wildlife as food. Recent studies on the origin of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) report that the virus appear to be derived from chimpanzees slaughtered for food: this theory underscores the critical health implications of the bushmeat crisis, and reinforces the urgent need for action plans to mitigate threats faced by both humans and wildlife.

Need for a Cross-sector Conservation Agenda The multi-dimensional nature of the bushmeat crisis — all the relevant components as well as the associated stakeholders — needs to be studied and assessed before practical and effective solutions can be developed. A focus on biological issues is important to understanding the impact of hunting on wildlife populations and the related implications for conservation and sustainable use. Considering social and economic issues is also critical to understanding the underlying causes of bushmeat commercialization, as well as to defining strategies to mitigate them. Finally, comprehending the cultural and health dimensions of the widespread hunting and use of wildlife will enhance opportunities for more direct engagement with local communities in the search for long-term conservation solutions that accommodate them; it is likely that the attitudes and disposition of the most influential stakeholders will only be affected if solutions are tailored towards their critical needs. Information on the many different cross-sectoral issues is not easily accessible, and is generally site- specific. Conservation International’s Center for Applied Biodiversity Science (CI-CABS) hopes to overcome this limitation by establishing a model for conducting detailed, multi-dimensional assessments of the bushmeat trade in the African rain forest region. Although the focus is primarily on West ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Prologue 7 Africa’s forest region, lessons are drawn from Central Africa, where much of the knowledge on wildlife exploitation has been documented, and where targeted conservation actions are now being tested. It will also complement a recent assessment in East and Southern Africa by TRAFFIC. The emphasis on regional level analysis ensures a thorough understanding of prospective actions that are amenable to coordination across countries. The discussions here are divided into three parts:

Part I presents a general overview of the hunting and bushmeat situation in West and Central Africa with an emphasis on conservation challenges. In the first two chapters, Caspary and Wilkie each discuss the idiosyncratic nature of hunting and bushmeat in the region. In Chapter 3, Auzel and Hardin present a detailed assessment of the role of logging and concessionary politics, based on a case study in Cameroon. In Chapter 4, Eves and Bakarr review the biological and conservation challenges associated with the hunting of the major large mammals in West Africa.

Part II explores the human dimension of bushmeat utilization from social, ethical, cultural, health, and legal perspectives. In Chapter 5, Rose examines the importance of social change and social values, and Bowman highlights the cultural and ethical implications of the bushmeat crisis in Chapter 6. Hardin and Auzel collaborate again in Chapter 7 to summarize the interplay between wildlife utilization and emerging human diseases. In Chapter 8, Kormos and Bakarr examine the relevant legislative frameworks associated with regulating hunting and bushmeat exploitation, as well as protected area management across the West Africa region.

Part III closes the volume with discussions of the potential application of bioeconomic modeling to assess prospects for sustainable hunting of selected wildlife species in West and Central Africa. In Chapter 9, Cannon summarizes the very detailed bioeconomic model put forth by Milner-Gulland in Chapter 10. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

8 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest The moist forests of West and Central Africa considered in this volume extend along the coast from Guinea and Sierra Leone to the base of the Albertine Rift in East Africa. They include the Guinean forests hotspot (Myers et al. 2000) and wilderness area of Central Africa. These forests contain high levels of endemism and biological diversity, including more than 40 species of non-human primates and antelopes that exist nowhere else in the world. Almost all of the large mammals are impacted by the bushmeat crisis, and many are likely to go extinct in the next few decades unless something is done to control commercial trade in wildlife. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Prologue 9 PART ONE

THE COMPLEX NATURE OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING AND THREATS TO WILDLIFE

One of the greatest challenges associated with the bushmeat crisis in West and Central Africa is the paucity of biological data on a scale that would enhance a thorough understanding of the problem within the sub-region. Although hunting and bushmeat use in the African rain forest have now been studied for over 30 years, much of the existing information is based on site-specific data, often collected over a short period of time. In the context of rapid changes in human populations and forest exploitation, this kind of evidence makes it difficult to formulate the baseline generalizations that are necessary to inform and direct solutions to the bushmeat problem. The papers in this section highlight important differences in bushmeat use across the rain forest region in West and Central Africa, and provide a backdrop for the later chapters, which embrace a cross-sectoral approach to addressing emergent threats. In the first two chapters of the section, Caspary and Wilkie each use their own research and that of others to describe the idiosyncratic nature of hunting and bushmeat utilization in West and Central Africa (Congo Basin). Caspary draws largely from his recent work in Côte d’Ivoire, where he conducted a detailed nationwide assessment of wildlife utilization and management. He highlights the importance of hunting and bushmeat in rural livelihoods, and emphasizes the need to accommodate this ‘informal sector’ as a vital component of conservation strategies in the region. A more comprehensive and detailed report of his study has been published by the Tropical Ecology Support Program (TÖB) in Germany, and is accessible through the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ). Wilkie provides a brief overview of bushmeat hunting in the Congo Basin and describes the significant challenges associated with balancing human needs with forestry practices. In Chapter 3, Auzel and Hardin examine the role of extractive industries in hunting pressure and management of wildlife in West and Central Africa, focusing specifically on the logging sector in Cameroon, where they have been conducting a detailed study of concession politics. This work is particularly important because, despite the long history of logging in West Africa, relevant linkages to wildlife management and hunting have been poorly documented in the sub-region. Using Cameroon as a case study, Auzel and Hardin describe the importance of recognizing such linkages, and present arguments for the need to accommodate concessionary management in strategies addressing the bushmeat crisis. In the final chapter of the section, Eves and Bakarr describe the biological and conservation challenges associated with bushmeat utilization in West Africa’s Upper Guinea forest ecosystem. They synthesize the existing knowledge on key mammal taxa impacted by hunting and provide an overview of protected areas in relation to hunting. This information is intended to enhance an understanding of wildlife population dynamics across the sub-region and to help determine the most vulnerable areas (protected and non-protected) and wildlife populations to guide conservation action planning. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

10 CHAPTER 1 REGIONAL DYNAMICS OF HUNTING AND BUSHMEAT UTILIZATION IN WEST AFRICA - AN OVERVIEW

HANS-ULRICH CASPARY

This chapter provides a very brief overview of a report published by The Tropical Ecology Support Program (TÖB) in Germany. Copies of the book are available from TÖB or the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) Children in a bushmeat market displaying bird. office in Germany.

Wildlife constitutes an important renewable and exploitable natural resource in West Africa, despite the bans on hunting that are currently effective in many of the countries. As a result, resource utilization and conservation of biological diversity are key issues in developing effective strategies for wildlife management in this region. A number of factors related to wildlife, however, make the situation in West

Africa substantially different than in eastern and southern African countries. For example, West African populations rely much more heavily on bushmeat for food than in other African regions, and the

11 population densities of big mammals in West Despite the unique range of natural habitats Africa are low (Asibey 1974). In addition, and wildlife endowed in the sub-region, West wildlife in situ in West Africa does not provide for African governments do not always have the sources of public revenue, as it does in other financial or human resources required to imple- regions of the continent where tourism and other ment appropriate protection measures. As a result wildlife-based enterprises are well developed. As of weak institutional management and inefficient a result, West Africa has to develop its own enforcement, most natural habitats and the strategies of sustainable wildlife management by wildlife that lives there are easily accessible to taking into account the specific conflicts and anyone, including hunters. In fact, although potentials related to its particular resources and hunting is officially banned in six of the West populations. This chapter highlights the critical African countries considered in this review, facets of the bushmeat crisis in West Africa that including Côte d’Ivoire, wildlife remains an open call for unique strategies and solutions. A crucial resource everywhere in the sub-region. In other feature of wildlife exploitation in West Africa is words, no effective mechanisms are in place to the important role that bushmeat plays in significantly deter hunting. In this discussion, I providing both food and economic assets for rural review my recent work in Côte d’Ivoire and populations in the sub-region. Addressing the neighboring countries of the Upper Guinea forest bushmeat crisis effectively also involves improving ecosystem to bring out the idiosyncrasy of inefficient strategies aimed at prohibiting bushmeat hunting in the sub-region (Caspary utilization, and uncovering the potential of 1999). implementing participatory management. The The lack of effective deterrents to hunting lies, constraints and possibilities of consumptive in part, in the fact that the protection of natural bushmeat utilization in the informal sector are resources in this region is often addressed through examined in the context of minimizing threats a top down approach in which protected areas are from increased commercialization. administered by a distant authority. This kind of strategy not only neglects the realities of economic and ecological problems in zones adjacent WEST AFRICAN BIODIVERSITY AT RISK to protected areas but also lacks the scope necessary to respond to regional needs, or to draw West Africa has a great variety of vegetation local people to buy into the goals of wildlife formations ranging from the moist forests of the protection and biodiversity conservation. south to the savanna and desert zones of the Since 1994, the government of Côte d’Ivoire north (White 1983). More than 110,000 km2 has been planning to restore legalized hunting. have been assigned protected area status by the This action is aimed at creating a balance United Nations Educational, Scientific and between the protection of nature and the rights of Cultural Organization (UNESCO), with over residents to utilize game resources. The next step 15% of the areas situated in Côte d’Ivoire. The is to lay out the ways in which residents can hunt, levels of regional species diversity and endemism and then to allow cultivators of community lands are comparable to those of southern or eastern the right to use game resources. The goal of these African countries, and the coastal forest ecosys- efforts is to facilitate the involvement of all tem from Guinea to Nigeria has been defined as a stakeholders and to develop mechanisms that biodiversity hotspot, one of the world’s twenty- guarantee an equal distribution of costs and five most threatened terrestrial ecosystems (Myers benefits of wildlife management. et al. 2000). However, West African countries today face growing destruction of natural habitats in the wake of arbitrary occupation of farmland THE BUSHMEAT NEXUS IN WEST AFRICA by rural populations. According to Parren and de Graff (1995), West Africa lost 60% or more of its The bushmeat crisis in West Africa is the result, forest areas by the 1980s, in turn precipitating in part, of a range of factors related to rural tremendous declines of wildlife populations populations. Among these factors is the fact that (Martin 1991). rural populations are increasingly basing their CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

12 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest livelihoods on both subsistence farming and sustainable game management with the participa- bushmeat hunting. At the same time, wildlife tion of the rural population. management practices in protected areas that In protected areas throughout West Africa, abut rural development elsewhere in the region however, poaching remains the primary threat to have remained largely unchanged for many wildlife. Management strategies in these areas decades (e.g., Nazinga Game Ranch in Burkina have long been dominated by authorities who not Fasso). only invest primarily in monitoring activities, but More specifically, the majority of West also on denying local populations access to Africans now earn a living through subsistence wildlife resources. Given the pressure on wildlife agriculture, yielding minimal revenue. Often left habitats and the growth of the nutritional and to cope on their own, rural populations have economic needs of rural populations, it is increasingly complemented their incomes by becoming increasingly clear that the protection of exploiting wildlife and other natural resources for nature in West Africa cannot be achieved from commercial trading. Bushmeat hunting has also within protected areas alone. Instead, manage- increased as local populations have grown and ment of protected areas must also extend to with them the need for animal protein sources. At include the management of peripheral zones the same time, however, the growing destruction inhabited by people who have access to the of natural areas in West Africa has led to an protected area (Martin 1991). This strategy is increased loss of the habitats that sustain wildlife nevertheless difficult to implement due to the populations. frequent absence of defined buffer zones around Forest ecosystems, in particular, have been protected areas in West Africa. severely degraded in the wake of timber exploita- Given all these circumstances, sustainable tion, and have been transformed into plantation- wildlife management has the potential of playing forest mosaics, due also to the use of agricultural a crucial role in mitigating poverty and promot- methods that are unsuitable for supporting forest ing rural development. However, to play this ecologies (Martin 1991). Savanna zones have role, wildlife management strategies need to been equally degraded by the overgrazing of become more holistic, integrating management communal pastures by domestic animals. These programs with cross-sectoral efforts to protect effects together have turned natural habitats into nature and natural resources, develop sound islands surrounded by agricultural domains. Such agriculture practices, promote sensible rural mosaic landscapes severely hinder or even prevent development, and provide for the economic the seasonal migration of animals, and precipitate security and nutritional needs of local people. a shift in the diversity of wildlife in favor of those species that are able to survive in degraded The Socio-economics of Hunting and habitats and in agricultural environments. The Bushmeat Utilization in West Africa most exploited species are those considered by The strategies used in the management of wildlife farmers to cause damage to agricultural areas. and protected areas throughout West Africa, from Wildlife in West Africa is therefore under pressure exclusive management of habitats to outright not only from the rising demand for bushmeat by bans on hunting, have led to proliferation of rural populations, but also from the shrinking illegal hunting activities in an informal sector, and degradation of the places that most wildlife often called the ‘bushmeat sector’(Caspary 1999). species can comfortably call home. The general prohibition of hunting has created an Pressure on wildlife also varies from area to environment of free trade, ranging from game area. In Côte d’Ivoire, an analysis of the species harvest to commercialization of meat and other that have been commercialized in degraded zones wildlife products. Game hunted within the shows that the game species most exploited by framework of village-based hunting is commer- local people are classified “non-protected” under cialized both inside and outside the production the new categories of the hunting law. Even region. The equipment currently used by though compliance with the rules is mainly communal hunters is unsuitable for rational accidental and unintentional, the reduced utilization of wildlife because it does not permit spectrum of wildlife in the rural domain offers, to selective hunting. Communal hunters sell part of some extent, advantageous conditions for their bag at moderate prices to intermediaries ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 1 Caspary 13 who in turn supply markets, restaurants, and bushmeat production in 1996 was estimated at consumers in both rural and urban areas. 77 billion F.CFA, the equivalent of 1.4% of the The revenues of hunters are minimal in this overall Gross Domestic Product (GDP). process, while traders - with profits growing as Bushmeat production exceeds that of several the bushmeat is passed along the supply chain - products in the primary sector, such as bananas or achieve substantial profit margins. State revenue pineapples, and its value is close to that of timber connected to this form of wildlife exploitation is production. Annual bushmeat production is close to zero. Small-game extraction, aimed at bound to generate additional revenue once supplying the rural population with food, is commercialization shifts out of the non-official prohibited in six out of 17 West African countries realm. (Caspary 1999). Almost all players in the The commercialization of hunting products bushmeat sector, from hunters to traders to ensures employment and income for numerous restaurateurs, tend to be neglected in the elabora- families living in the sub-region. The informal tion of wildlife management strategies. sector makes use of a well-structured network that In Côte d’Ivoire, where 55% of the male forwards hunting products from production zones population age 15 and above (approximately to urban centers, where bushmeat has become a 1.4 million) consider themselves to be hunters, deluxe food item sold at a price comparable to attitudes towards wildlife demonstrate the level of that of beef. Even though the bushmeat sector dependence on wildlife resources for livelihood. seems to be difficult to define at first sight, there More than half of these hunters (52%) are is a consistent wildlife utilization pattern at the between 21 and 40 years of age. Young hunters, subsistence level. especially, view hunting as a supplementary In addition to having impacts on local and source of income. Ninety percent of hunters work regional economies, bushmeat utilization poses in the agricultural sector. Forest zone hunters are risks to the health of those involved, from hunters neither organized nor do they form a heteroge- to consumers. The risk from bushmeat normally neous group. Some of the savanna zone hunters, result from the lack of sound hygienic practices on the other hand, belong to associations (Dozo), used during the processing of game. However, even though hunting is not limited to members of additional risks come from pathogenic agents of the respective associations. The hunting regimen- infectious diseases, which are carried by some tation among the Dozo takes a mystical approach species (for more on this topic, see Hardin and to wildlife; in other words, it does not focus on Auzel, this volume). the ecology of the fauna system. The National Hunters’ Association plays an inconsistent role in The Potential for Bushmeat “ Husbandry” in the re-legalization of hunting in Côte d’Ivoire, West Africa but involvement of the Dozo is not encouraged by Though less important than fish as a protein state authorities. source for most West Africans, bushmeat is Due to commercial interrelations, there is preferred by many for the simple reason that it is informal and intensive contact between most a traditional food. Bushmeat is rich in vitamins hunters and bushmeat traders. The number of and helps to compensate for Côte d’Ivoire’s deficit actors involved in bushmeat commerce is limited. in meat production from livestock husbandry. The group of bushmeat restaurant owners, During 1996, 35.5 million animals, with an especially, is characterized by a high degree of estimated weight of 120,000 tons of carcasses, social homogeneity. With regard to the spectrum were consumed in Côte d’Ivoire alone (Caspary et of game exploited, their interests match those of al. 1999). In fact, bushmeat consumption in Côte official wildlife managers. This concordance is d’Ivoire is twice as high as the national produc- very likely to be exemplary for degraded zones tion of meat from livestock husbandry, with 8 kg occupied by agricultural businesses that have also of bushmeat consumed per inhabitant each year, become a dominant feature in the sub-region. the equivalent of 22 g per capita per day. The Bushmeat exploitation organized by the consumption level is nevertheless below that of informal sector today produces most of the African countries with vast areas of primary forest monetary income that can be derived from faunal (see Wilkie, this volume). It is important to note, resources of Côte d’Ivoire and other West African however, that consumers show a preference for countries. In Côte d’Ivoire, the annual value of the meat of non-protected species, and 50% of all CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

14 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest animals killed for bushmeat are squirrels one of the main hunting activities in southern (Funisciurus sp.) and cane rats or grasscutters. Africa - is banned in half of the West African Mongooses (Mungos sp., Herpestes sp., Crossarchus countries and the number of sport hunters in sp.) and brush-tailed porcupines (Atherurus West Africa is extremely minimal due to the low africanus) make up an additional 25%. chances of success. Wildlife management for Over the last twenty years, meat production sport hunting is based on the assumption that from livestock husbandry has decreased in several game populations can be sustained long-term, West African countries. In the savanna zones, which is only feasible where core areas are placed which are West Africa’s prime areas for livestock under permanent protection. The establishment husbandry, the co-existence of domestic and wild of hunting sites in countries planning to legalize animals is problematic. Not only is there compe- hunting promises an extension of the areas that tition for water and pasture, but the transmission are, in theory, to be placed under controlled of diseases from livestock to wildlife, and vice management, which will benefit from this kind of versa, poses a constant threat. In the face of these protection status. For example, GEPRENAF - a difficulties, there are no formal cost-benefit cross-border project of Côte d’Ivoire and Burkina analyses that show that intensive farming of wild Faso - plans to permit sport hunting in com- animals, such as the popular greater cane rat, can munal areas, borrowing from the community- be profitable. For these and other reasons, based natural resource management programs of commercial farming of “bushmeat animals” is still southern Africa (e.g. CAMPFIRE). In this way, in its infancy. sport hunting may be a useful component of Nonetheless, intensive farming - especially of long-term wildlife management in West Africa the greater cane rat - may play a role in national despite its potential social and ethical implica- economies in times of shortage. The great tions (see Rose, this volume). Along with sport demand for bushmeat in urban centers suggests hunting, tourism may be another useful compo- that there is a great potential for raising greater nent to wildlife management practices in West cane rats in peripheral zones. As it does not Africa. Nature-based tourism in West Africa is require heavy investment in infrastructure and still in its infancy and so far has failed to have a capital cover, captive breeding of small game may major impact on the national balance sheets, be a viable option for meat production in small primarily due to a lack of organization, profes- businesses. A combined system of extensive sionalism, and adequate training in the entire husbandry covering both wild and domestic tourism sector. Achieving a scale of tourism animals and a variety of species (Multispecies comparable to that of eastern and southern Systems) may be another alternative to simple African countries may be impossible for the time livestock raising, if practiced under commercial being. Nonetheless, successful tourism-related conditions. One advantage of a multispecies strategies – those aimed at combining tourism systems approach is that the regular burning of with wildlife management – are an important vast savanna areas is vital for the conservation of basis for the conservation and increase of value of pastures, which are themselves necessary both for protected areas and game resources. However, the agricultural businesses and wildlife populations. typical strategies used in other sub-regions of Africa, strategies focusing on large mammals, are unsuitable in West Africa because of the low ALTERNATIVES TO COMMERCIAL BUSHMEAT densities of large mammals there. Again, TRADE: SPORT HUNTING AND TOURISM countries in the West African sub-region are challenged with developing diverse strategies that As mentioned earlier, despite the high diversity emphasize their rich cultural heritage and follow and endemism in West Africa, the sub-region has an approach that includes management of low populations of large mammals. For example, protected areas. These strategies must offer views since 1989, chimpanzee and elephant populations of each area that match the particular characteris- in Côte d’Ivoire have gone through enormous tics of each region, including the region’s wildlife. declines, largely due to over-exploitation and habitat destruction. As a result, sport hunting - ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 1 Caspary 15 CONCLUSIONS degraded) domains and those in peripheral zones around protected areas. Armed with this The overview presented here suggests that in West information, planners will be able to determine if Africa, wildlife conservation efforts need to focus these different populations need significantly on village-based hunting and game resource different management schemes to support them. utilization in the informal sector. Specifically, Research into wildlife population densities has strategies aimed at rural development need to been neglected in favor of more spectacular focus on securing stable food supplies and sources studies motivated by a preference for aesthetic of employment and alternative income for local aspects of a given species or for natural habitats. residents. In addition, wildlife management Biological research also has tended to ignore strategies aimed at protecting the environment secondary forests and degraded habitats, includ- and natural resources must also consider the ing their wildlife. In addition, the role of human demand for bushmeat as food in West Africa and impact on wildlife is not investigated in most accordingly be aimed at combating poverty and biological studies. Nonetheless, a number of hunger there. Interventions in bushmeat market studies have quantified the volume and commerce should be focused on the actors spectrum of game exploited in a given region or engaged in bushmeat trade: hunters, farmers, West African country (see Auzel & Hardin, this intermediaries, restaurant operators, traders, and volume). consumers. Lastly, the ability of wildlife managers and Such broad and holistic strategies will be conservationists to address all the problems difficult to implement for two main reasons. discussed above is also attributable, in general, to First, wildlife managers are not fully aware of the the current legal framework for wildlife manage- critical importance and strength of the informal ment in West African nations (see Kormos & network that supports bushmeat utilization Bakarr, this volume). The main problems here are throughout West Africa. Second, wildlife manage- related to the renewal of legal hunting as well as ment itself is not generally considered to be a other legislative efforts to open the bushmeat rational measure or legitimate mechanism to commerce, which is now organized only infor- promote rural development (see Oates 1999). mally, to the private sector. Wildlife management However, if wildlife management remains projects will have to face these problems in all detached from plans to address rural poverty and relevant activities, from the initial planning stage related problems, the bushmeat crisis cannot be to the development of adequate strategies. adequately addressed. As a component of rural Taking into account the needs of the popula- development, on the other hand, wildlife tion in West Africa and Côte d’Ivoire requires the management could play a vital role in the process linkage of wildlife protection with wildlife of addressing the bushmeat crisis. utilization, and vice versa, in the informal sector. Additional research in critical areas related to Understanding the interplay of these critical wildlife is another necessary part of building variables will make a valuable contribution to robust wildlife management strategies. Under- sustainable wildlife management in the West standing game population densities and struc- African sub-region. tures, as well developing more appropriate wildlife monitoring techniques and systems are just two of the research challenges that face those working to develop effective wildlife management plans (see Cannon, this volume). We also need to close the wide gaps in knowledge about the presence and density of wildlife populations at the local level, which slow the development of sound harvesting models, especially in the forest zone, where viable fauna monitoring systems are long overdue. Management plans that address the bushmeat crisis also need better information about the similarities and differences in the dynamics of wildlife resources in rural (i.e., CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

16 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 2 BUSHMEAT HUNTING IN THE CONGO BASIN – A BRIEF REVIEW

DAVID S. WILKIE

Nouabale Ndoki National Park ecoguards display confiscated wire snares, Bomassa, Congo.

Bushmeat hunting provides meat and serves as a source of income for families in the Congo Basin and more generally throughout sub-Saharan Africa; it is a regular component of many household economies (Anadu et al. 1988, Asibey 1977, Geist 1988, Juste et al. 1995, King 1994, ma Mbalele

1978, Martin 1983). Some ethnic groups such as the Mvae, Yassa, and Kola of Cameroon eat more meat, primarily bushmeat – 73 kg/capita/year – than the average person in France (Chardonnet et al.

1995) or elsewhere in the industrialized world – 30 kg/capita/year. At the same time, the human population in the Congo Basin is thought to have at least doubled since the 1920s (Hochschild 1998) and, given average growth rates of 2.7% (range 1.5-3.3%), is expected to double again in the next 25-

30 years (Bahuchet & de Maret 1995). If demand continues to grow as expected, and consumers do

17 not or cannot switch from eating bushmeat to As such, these ratios could provide us with a fairly eating meat from domestic livestock, then simple tool to monitor the impact of bushmeat hunting of wild game will also increase in the hunting over time (Fa 2000, Wilkie & Carpenter future. Given this scenario, it becomes urgent to 1999). address the question of whether or not wildlife in Though primates, particularly apes, are likely the forests of the Congo Basin can sustain present to be more susceptible to over-hunting than are and projected levels of hunting. the more numerous, faster-reproducing and less Twenty years ago it would have been impos- visible duikers and rodents, information on sible to evaluate, other than anecdotally, the scale primate harvest rates is largely anecdotal. and impact of the bushmeat trade on wildlife in Quantitative data from across the Congo Basin the Congo Basin. However, since the early do exist for duikers. Though estimates vary 1990s, growing concern about bushmeat considerably, comparison of average harvest rates exploitation in the region has prompted research (97 kg/km2/yr) with average production rates that has substantially filled the gaps in our (170 kg/km2/yr) suggests that duikers are being knowledge (Bowen-Jones 1999, Wilkie & over-harvested across much of the Congo Basin Carpenter 1999). Market studies (Wilkie & (Wilkie & Carpenter 1999) – assuming that, as Carpenter 1999) now show that residents of Robinson and Redford (1994) suggest, relatively Congo Basin countries eat as much meat as many short-lived animals should not be harvested at a residents of northern industrial countries (average rate that exceeds 40% of annual production (i.e., of 47 kg/person/year versus 30 kg/person/year), 68 kg/km2/yr). and that urban families eat less bushmeat than Hunting typically contributes between 30 to rural families. Given current trends in popula- 80% of protein consumed by forest-dwelling tion distribution, however, urban demand for families in the Congo Basin. Why people eat bushmeat may come to exceed rural demand. bushmeat is a controversial issue that solicits Studies summarized in Wilkie and Carpenter much debate. Some argue that bushmeat is a (1999) also show that bushmeat, not the meat of cultural preference and cite consumers’ willing- domesticated animals, constitutes the primary ness to pay a price premium over domestic meat source of meat for most residents of the Congo for the privilege of eating bushmeat. Steel (1994) Basin, and that the gross quantity of bushmeat found in Libreville, Gabon that the average price consumed in forest and urban areas across the for the most popular bushmeat species was $3.7/ Congo Basin may exceed one million metric tons kg – over 1.6 times the price of the most popular per year, the equivalent of almost four million cut of beef. More recent evidence suggests that cattle. bushmeat is simply often the only source of Duikers (small forest antelopes), pigs, animal protein available and tends to be cheaper primates, and rodents are the most commonly than domestic substitutes. For example, Gally hunted groups of animals in the forest, with and Jeanmart (1996) found that the price of duikers both numerically (>75%) and in terms of bushmeat per kilo was 10 to 25% of the price of biomass being the most important bushmeat available substitutes in markets in Cameroon, species group. Primates rarely constitute more Congo, and the Central African Republic (CAR). than 20% of the animals sold in bushmeat In Bayanga, CAR, beef prices are 2-3 times more markets, and apes less than 0.5%. Rodents gain than the price of bushmeat (Noss 1998). Simi- in importance in well-established markets, larly, bushmeat in various towns near the Ngotto presumably because slow-reproducing primates forest in CAR ranged from 32-75¢/kilogram and large duikers have been depleted in accessible compared to goat at $1.75/kg, chicken at $3.52/ forests. Some researchers believe that the ratio of kg, and caterpillars at the relatively expensive duiker to rodent biomass found in markets, or the price of $3.65/kg (Delvingt 1997). presence or absence of primates in markets, may For the majority of consumers, bushmeat is in fact provide a sound, albeit rough, index of eaten probably both because there are only a few bushmeat over-exploitation, or of diminishing substitutes that are less expensive, and because hunter access to dense forests (e.g., the ratio in wildlife is an open access resource available to rural Ekom, Cameroon is 14:1, whereas the ratio anyone willing to go hunting. Urban elites may, is as low as 1:1.25 in urban Libreville, Gabon). however, view bushmeat, particularly the meat of CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

18 apes, as a cultural-heritage luxury item and thus that individual hunters could generate as much as may be willing to pay a premium price to obtain $650 per year from selling bushmeat. In the six it. If population growth rates continue at their months of their study, 30 hunters generated over present levels, per capita demand remains $9,500 in income from bushmeat sales. constant, effective substitutes remain unavailable, In summary, the message is clear – bushmeat and bushmeat continues to be an open access is an important dietary item with few, if any, resource, it is highly likely that bushmeat species cheaper substitutes, and the bushmeat trade is an will be extirpated from all areas of forest near to important economic option for rural and urban population centers (i.e., to sources of demand). households that may have few, if any, alternatives. Even when bushmeat scarcity causes prices to rise Ongoing efforts to constrain the supply of and substitutes to be more competitive, hunting bushmeat by enforcing laws prohibiting the will continue in areas where bushmeat capture commercial trade in bushmeat, and encouraging and transport costs remain comparable to the logging companies to ban the use of company costs of livestock rearing, or to satisfy whatever vehicles to transport bushmeat to urban markets, demand persists for bushmeat as a high priced will, in the short-term, increase the absolute luxury item. scarcity of bushmeat in markets. However, if Though numerous studies exist documenting demand for bushmeat is strong and substitutes do bushmeat entering markets, few have docu- not exist, scarcity of bushmeat will likely drive up mented the economic value of bushmeat to the prices, which will provide incentives for people to hunter and trader (Ambrose-Oji 1997). Noss enter the market and seek ways around the supply (1998) reports that snare hunters trapping within constraints. Consequently, solutions to the the Dzanga-Sangha Special Forest Reserve in bushmeat crisis must include measures to increase southwestern CAR earn between $400-700 access to alternative sources of protein that are dollars per year. Hunters earn more than CAR’s perceived as palatable substitutes and are priced official minimum wage, an amount comparable competitively with bushmeat. Unless consumers to guards employed by the park ($450-625 per have economically viable alternatives they will year). In one logging concession in northern continue to exploit wildlife as an affordable and Congo, residents of the logging camp and a tasty source of meat. village on the Sangha River that had access to markets for bushmeat, on average sold between 36-52% of all bushmeat captured, and generated income of approximately $300 per household/ year (Wilkie et al. 2000). As logging concession employees earn about $4-12/day, bushmeat sales contribute between 6 and 40% of all households’ daily income (Wilkie et al. 2000) Gally and Jeanmart (1996) demonstrated the benefits that are received by hunters, traders, and restaurant owners who sell bushmeat, by tracing the sale of three monkeys killed with a shotgun. In this case, the hunter netted $6.30 from the sale of the monkeys (30% profit), the trader made $10.20 (19% profit), and the restaurateur made $20.60 (21% profit). The authors also reported that the economic returns to six hunters in Cameroon generated an annual income from hunting that ranged between $330-1,058, an amount well above the national average. In Congo, Dethier (1995) showed that hunters generated between $250-1,050 per year from selling bushmeat. Near the Dja Reserve in Cameroon, Ngnegueu and Fotso (1996) showed ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 2 Wilkie 19 CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

20 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 3 COLONIAL HISTORY, CONCESSIONARY POLITICS, AND COLLABORATIVE MANAGEMENT OF EQUATORIAL AFRICAN RAINFORESTS

PHILIPPE AUZEL AND REBECCA HARDIN

Logged trees stacked for processing, Kabo, northern Congo.

This chapter addresses how extractive industries increase pressures for hunting wildlife and influence the management of wildlife in West and Central Africa. Here we focus specifically on the logging sector in Cameroon, where conservation and logging organizations are setting precedents of collaboration and clear models are emerging for the joint management of wildlife management outside of protected areas.

The historical development of Cameroon within the context of the region serves as a provocative starting point for discussion of innovative partnerships for management of the bushmeat trade and, more specifically, for the role that international agencies and non-govermental organizations (NGOs) might play in coordinating and monitoring such efforts.

21 After a review of trends and tools for rain practices were forged during the colonial era, forest management in equatorial Africa, we although in most cases before, or in opposition present a brief history of concessionary manage- to, notions of wildlife protection. New synergies ment in the region and a review of the forest between protection and exploitation of forest sector in Cameroon. We then discuss results of an resources, then, must be understood within the ongoing case study of the impact of logging deep historical patterns that have shaped the towns in this country. Drawing on this data, we attitudes and practices of both rural and urban outline development and conservation issues in African populations. relation to the growth of logging towns. We assess The approach of melding the goals of the development of new options for forest protecting and exploiting forest resources management and present specific new collabora- underscores the political-economic context in tive forest management initiatives to promote which management choices for forest resources conservation and sustainable use of wildlife in the have long been made. Our discussion must western Congo Basin region. We conclude with a therefore begin with the recognition of the summary of current perspectives and participants unequal power relations that characterize in the process, placing them in a historical management choices as we trace change and context. continuities in trade and territorial relations over time. We acknowledge how what we call “concessionary politics” may thwart the develop- TRENDS AND TOOLS FOR RAIN FOREST ment of conservation practices through a broader, MANAGEMENT IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA but struggling civil society in Africa. We also acknowledge the formidable historical, cultural, In equatorial African rain forests, the current and economic power that resides in the conces- trends in approaches to biodiversity conservation sionary logging economy. Given this power, we and logging operations within and around argue that managers, scientists, and activists protected areas highlight the prospect of a new should turn their attention to describing how era of collaboration among the multiple parties these systems are both unjust and insufficient to involved (Auzel 1999, Ndinga 1999). Partici- nourish efforts to build systems for more equi- pants from various sectors, including private table, sustainable long-term forest use. At the companies, state agencies, NGOs, and interna- same time, however, we also argue that social, tional and local communities, are currently economic, and geographic facets of logging developing alternative solutions to traditional concessions should be studied to reveal what we approaches to conservation, ones that pitted believe may be strong potential solutions to the extractive industry against forest conservation. ecological damage their exploitations inevitably The partnerships emerging between private and perpetrate. public actors are at the same time reminiscent of Today, the idea of logging companies as dynamics from the colonial era, and reflective of crucial participants in the management and innovative administration of resource use. conservation of biodiversity is becoming wide- An historical perspective on the growth of this spread. This notion is being accepted particularly collaborative process is useful because it sets the because many participants are now realizing the stage for recent shifts in the relationships among extent of concessions allocated to logging the current participants in forest management. companies, although the processes leading to Specifically, conservationists are now turning these allocations remain obscure. Global Forest from attempts to collaborate with state officials to Watch, an initiative created under the auspices of working with participants in the private sector to the World Resources Institute in Washington develop plans for sustainable exploitation of D.C. in the U.S., has compiled what limited data tropical forests — or at least plans with a goal to are available for Gabon and Cameroon. Partner- mitigate direct and indirect impacts of logging on ships between logging companies and others wildlife (Haworth 1999). State agencies, involved in forest management have come about, perennially strapped for resources, have long used in part, because of the reputation for efficiency private companies as instruments for developing that private companies have earned in regions forest infrastructures and providing services to where government agencies have been con-

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE remote populations of the forested zones. Such strained by inefficiency, lack of resources, or

22 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest corruption (Hardin et al. 1999). In the context the resources (not to mention human lives) of the of these new potential management schemes, region. Since the turn of the last century, Africans researchers have been providing new perspectives have alternately accepted, rejected, or trans- on both the direct and indirect impacts of logging formed various aspects of these imposed patterns, and suggesting how their data might be useful in and their shaping of these management systems designing robust forest management schemes has continued through the independence period (Robinson & Bennet 2000). However, despite to the present (Giles-Vernick 1996, Hardin improved understanding of what and how 2000a). wildlife management problems should be studied The forests of central Africa have been mined and addressed, our overall understanding of for a variety of commodities, from duiker skins logging as a major and global disturbance remains for gloves in the mid-1800s, to ivory for piano incomplete. keys and billiard balls, to rubber in the early One new approach to closing this gap in our 1900s. In the U.S., centers along the Connecticut knowledge is that of inspecting logging towns as a River became central unloading zones for tons of major influence in the ways people can change African Ivory in the 19th century, and towns with their perceived relation to their surrounding names like “Deep River” and “Ivorytown” forest environment and its resources. Studying received up to 12,000 pounds per month of ivory, the social, economic, and geographic aspects of largely coming from the East African Coast via logging concessions can also contribute to Zanzibar, Tanzania and Mombasa, Kenya. As broader considerations of urbanization in Central prices rose and fell on world markets, economic Africa and how logging towns can be linked to shifts in this complex trade system deeply affected general trends. Our goal in presenting this work the lives of forest residents, even through the is to contribute to and encourage the develop- various transformations of their social organiza- ment of monitoring schemes that use logging tion (Harms 1986). The cycles of trade that for concessions as focal sites in plans to manage many decades have connected local, regional, and natural resources. Such monitoring schemes may global markets are important to consider in any be useful in managing wildlife resources and analysis of today’s trade relations and the impacts enabling the development of more powerful these markets have on local communities in methods for reducing the negative impacts of central African forests. logging town activity (Auzel 1998). The commodities mentioned here are only a few of those whose chains of production and consumption have changed over time, affecting CONCESSIONARY MANAGEMENT IN THE the size and structure of the private companies COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE CONGO that have traded them. These fluctuations created micro-regional dynamics in the interaction of Much has changed since the late colonial era in trading companies and local communities, the rich forests of Central Africa, when the dictated in part by the nature of the local resource appearance of concession companies created base, and in part by administrative choices and precedents of separate legal and political systems capital investment factors. For instance, early that, to this day, divide African communities concession companies before the turn of the between urban “citizens” and rural “subjects” century were accorded fairly small tracts of forest (Mamdani 1996). The division of the western (around 600,000 to 800,000 hectares) to exploit Congo Basin forests into French concessions in and were in stiff competition with one another. 1899 was the first in a long series of imposed These processes of competition and consolidation property patterns that involved international resulted, by the late 1920s, in fewer but larger powers importing and implementing concepts of companies. These bigger companies were often property rights, ideas that were utterly foreign to exploiting wild rubber plants or conducting the region. Europeans first attempted to encour- plantation agriculture, rather than trading animal age, co-opt, or discredit aspects of already existing skins or ivory that were brought from the interior African property patterns through their laws and to small concessions with river access for trans- colonial propaganda. The imposition of conces- port to markets. They thus needed, and acquired, sionary divisions was the starting point of many control of vast tracts of forest. One concession in ideological and practical struggles for control over the Oubangui River basin, for instance, was over ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 23 11 million hectares between 1911 and 1920, To summarize, the interaction of economic, but was reduced to only 5 million hectares political, geographic, and ecological factors can be (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1998). seen as intimately connected to the dynamics of The range of concession sizes from smaller to formation, competition, and change among larger thus varies according to a variety of actors in the private and public sectors, particu- material and political factors, not just in time but larly those invested in the management for forest also in space. That is, within the history of the resources. Historical interactions between the Congo basin, there are phases of larger and public and private sectors that contribute to and smaller concessions, but there are also, even benefit from a given form of trade can inform us today, sub-regions where concessions tend to be as we address the current challenges in effective either larger or smaller. In the case of Cameroon, management of wildlife in Africa. Our focus here examined here as a specific example with regard is the relationship between concessionary regimes, to today’s timber industry, late colonial resource political practices (e.g., the issuance of permits management strategies entailed the creation of and elaboration of labor relations within conces- relatively small concessions (around 70,000 sions), and the availability of natural resources, hectares). Concession sizes for timber extraction particularly wildlife. in Cameroon remain within this range, even now. However, forest companies working in northern Colonial Concession Companies and the Congo (Brazzaville), for instance, are planning to State develop infrastructures and exploit land surfaces Cantournet (1991) notes that the human and to extents that rival the 5 to 10 million hectares other resources for effective concession manage- of old concessions. In response, conservation ment were lacking at the turn of the century, and agencies such as the Wildlife Conservation that much of the effort put into establishing them Society (WCS) are experimenting with manage- was a result of systematic over-evaluation of the ment techniques that incorporate remote sensing area’s productive potential. His description of the techniques and cooperation with large companies details of the concession system in French to amass information for conservation-related equatorial Africa hints at a view of the conces- management of these vast territories. As such, the sionary system as a sort of “indirect rule”: range of techniques and objectives of conservation are extended beyond those elaborated for The status of the Congolese concessions was control of the core protected areas and buffer close to the ones of the East India Company, zones that were once the unit of analysis and as they had a similar monopoly on exploita- intervention, and that rarely, in this region, tion of all natural products. But the fundamen- exceed about 500,000 hectares. tal difference was the total absence of the del- The important and sometimes contradictory egation of sovereignty. The local administra- roles of particular ecological dynamics cannot and tion kept integral power, notably in terms of should not be underestimated. At the same time police, but in principle had to support as much that these “exploited forests” have attracted the as possible the commercial activities; that said intervention of outsiders, the subsistence re- there were to be no physical constraints for lo- sources that the forest provides also keep local cals. (p.13) residents invested in the forest, independent of non-local resources, to some extent at least. For Cantournet recounts that in return for the example, about once every four years, plants of concessionary rights, the companies were required the Dialium genus explode into full fruit, luring to give the state 15% of their profits, provide forest residents away from roadside settlements their own transportation material, pay the cost and into forest camps for hunting and gathering. and upkeep of police forces requested in their Another year, residents may follow game that has zones, compensate for tonnage exported, help become abundant, and yet another, they may gain with customs posts, and a few other minor employment at a sawmill. Tracing natural, obligations. However, Cantournet cautions economic, and political fluctuations may thus against thinking of the mosaic of concessions in help to delineate cycles and rhythms that may be the region as a full-fledged “concessionary useful in building dynamic forest management system:” schemes for the management of resources such as CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE bushmeat.

24 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest In as much as the word assumes logic in these ac- after trials outside the African continent, princi- tions, with clear directive ideas and coherent ex- pally in India and Nepal (Shingi 1990, Rao et al. ecution, it seems not to suit the old Congo, nor 1984, World Bank 1991). These initiatives inject even the French Equatorial Africa that was its suc- the notion of sustainability into forest use, and cessor. It seems that it is giving too much credit to foregrounds access and property issues in ways the colonialists of the early part of this century, be that have provoked much concern from propo- they civil servants or commercial agents, residents nents of both extractive and protective forest or metropolitans, to think that they were capable management strategies in the West African of conceiving and especially of carrying out “sys- region. Clearly, participation is no panacea; it tems” when in fact the scarcity of material means, can in fact be linked to dynamics of privatization financial and human resources condemned them of forest management that are anathema to to a kind of permanent improvisation, sometimes representative democratic processes, and to a with tragic consequences.” (p.15) sense of serious investment in management schemes by local populations (Ribot 1998). Implications for Today’s Timber Concessions The tension Cantournet described within Cantournet’s point raises important questions concessions about the various responsibilities of about the kinds of concessions currently in effect state versus private actors still holds true, and or under consideration. Today, our circumstances locals still ply it to their own advantage. Many are vastly different than those at the time he scholars and practitioners underestimate the wrote, with a broader array of actors involved, as influence of the politics preceding concessionary well as more available and more sophisticated assignments, which are continually re-negotiated physical and financial resources. In particular, to by local and non-local actors at regional, na- compare the concessionary aspects of today’s rival tional, and international levels. These negotia- economic interests in equatorial Africa with those tions can force revisions of the initial boundaries of the colonial era, we must first examine the of concessionary lands, or even influence the emergence of tourism as a concession-based national policies that are most pertinent to activity, an industry that developed relatively late provincial resource bases and their management in the history of French colonization in the mid- (Hardin 2000b). Tensions between private 1900’s. logging companies and international NGOs still The relationship of tourism to the creation of exist, but are transforming as these groups work protected areas became a crucial part of a double- toward the goal of consolidating and managing sided concession system, where one set of concessionary control more thoroughly than participants was focused on developing industrial could ever have been imagined in the colonial era. extraction, and another set was dedicated to the In the next section, we focus on considering protection or leisure use of tropical forest whether such control might prove effective in the resources. These two sets of pressures on territo- protection of wildlife, using the case of a specific rial control of west equatorial African forests logging zone within Cameroon. With the recent persist today, though they have been nationalized new forestry law (No. 94/01 January 20 1994, and internationalized to varying extents across the articles 37, 38, and 54) and its application decree region, and they continue to share certain (No. 95/531 August 23 1995, articles 28 to 32, common characteristics despite their distinct 95, and 96), Cameroon at last has a complete, objectives. Both are often established in areas very contemporary set of legislation and is poised with low human densities, high faunal density, to serve as a precedent — for better or for worse and low infrastructure. Both also provide services — within the broader Congo basin area of Africa. and infrastructure investment that the central As such, an institutional framework and political government cannot, and offer tax revenues from process for better forest management is slowly their activities in exchange for concessionary developing, albeit with the inevitable delays and control. difficulties. The new laws ask that logging The current generation of community forestry companies provide management plans for the initiatives in equatorial Africa, not unlike the areas that are allocated to them. These conces- related concepts of concession companies and sions, made up of Unité Forestière indirect administration of rural areas that are rich d’Amenagement (or Forest Management Units— UFAs) thus appear to be viable constructs for in resources (Mamdani 1996), has been applied IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 25 sustainable management, especially for wildlife. forests, the previously mentioned Forest Manage- However, due to the limited size of these conces- ment Unit (UFA). These UFAs would normally sions, to market demands for timber and wildlife, be logged only under management plans devel- and to the human population densities of many oped by companies and approved by relevant areas, sustainability may still be very difficult to agencies within Cameroon. achieve. One response to these pressures is for That said, in the haste and political tension planners of logging companies and government surrounding the attribution of concessions, clear agencies to consider including local residents management plans may not be considered and from surrounding villages in the planning implemented in the detail that would be ideal. In process. Clearly, participation of local people February 1997, 26 preliminary concession must be incorporated as concession management agreements were signed, 15 of which were issued plans are developed. The effort to include input to foreign companies, for a total of 1.8 million from local populations is now fostered primarily hectares of forest. MINEF is now preparing a through the work of NGOs, most of which are round of new applications for permits to be organizations relatively new to the process of issued (MINEF 1999). Companies whose balancing private and public sector interests in concessionary rights date from previous waves of forest use. parcel allocation are still active, though with more or less validity, in about 389,216 ha of Cameroon’s forests. The year 2000 should see the CAMEROON FOREST SECTOR changing or cessation of such “vestige” activities, and the reallocation of those concessions. In Cameroon, the balance between wildlife Unfortunately, in both new and vestigial cases management and logging is far from optimal. In where concessions have been allocated, no norms fact, the situation in Cameroon is much less for sustainable management are being either favorable than in northern Congo (Brazzaville) or decreed, developed, or monitored by the forest parts of Gabon, where human populations are administration. In fact, at the time of this writing, low and concessions are large, some over a the entire allocation process for UFAs has ground million hectares, with effectively restricted access. to a halt, waiting for agreement on conditionality Concessions in Cameroon range from only one by the various parties involved. This situation thousand hectares to a few hundred thousand creates a scenario whereby too many loggers are hectares, with the average size around 70,000 jockeying for or defending their right to work on hectares (Auzel 1999). Cameroon is the seventh small permits of a few thousand hectares. largest exporter of tropical wood in the world and In short, the transition from old to new systems the third in Africa, after Gabon and Côte has caused delays in the planning and attribution d’Ivoire, with 3.3 million cubic meters annually. of logging rights in forest management units Some experts predict that exports will increase to (UFA), creating a delicate situation for the four million cubic meters by the end of 2000, logging companies. The companies are not able making the forest sector an essential element of to operate on either a long-term or even on a Cameroon’s economy (Caret 1999). short-term basis, but must rather pounce on whatever opportunity a small “vente de coupe” Commercial Logging style parcel, whose rights may be held by a To date, 674 companies have agreements for Cameroonian entrepreneur, can afford them. In forest exploitation with the Cameroon govern- turn, most companies, including the largest ones, ment Ministry of Environment and Forests currently use “vente de coupe” to sustain their (MINEF). Even if 87% of the agreements are raw timber needs, bypassing other methods that slotted to involve local entrepreneurs, who get 30 would be both more easily monitored and more to 40% of the exploitation permits, foreign sustainable. Most of the forest under exploitation interests will nevertheless control 60% of the (about 324,220 ha in total) is less formally sector activities (MINEF 1999). The World Bank allocated through these small size permits of wants to support the issuance of smaller permits, 2,500 ha, with very negative consequences for or “vents de coupe” (cutting sales), as well as forest and, more specifically, wildlife manage- support new larger permits that would give larger ment. Specifically, these small permit areas are companies access to more extensive stands of CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE usually logged in a few weeks, and there are

26 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest usually no possibilities for forest management Cameroonian entrepreneurs benefit from practices to be exercised. connections with high-level administrators or Communities get revenues from such intense politicians that allow them to develop logging but short-term activity only briefly. Hence, the activities, despite legal restrictions and what local tensions about the distribution and uses of these MINEF authorities can say or do. The sum total “windfall” revenues can be accompanied by of these varied developments is a complex serious stress within and among communities production process that can hardly be controlled where there are few other regular economic through something so blunt as a ban. resources, and where the dynamics of wealth distribution remains extremely important to Community Forestry political and economic life. Worse, small permits Cameroon’s new forest law (cited earlier) contains are often allocated in agro-forestry areas where more than a simple recognition of traditional community forestry plans are underway but are rights of local populations (rights that existed in unfinished. Industries often consider the “vente previous documents, but had not altered policy or de coupe” permits as entry permits, and use them the politics of logging activities). Rather, the new to get into an area. Once in place, industry law makes substantial changes to the notion of representatives can negotiate with local people for and procedures through which local communities permits for neighboring forests, sometimes can and should participate in the management of getting access to areas of incredible proportions. local forests. For example, the law specifies that: Investigations have shown that small permits of 2,500 hectares often allow, through this complex · The state owns the land. Concessions simply chain of negotiated access, the exploitation of give authority for the management of forests more than 50,000 hectares, most of the time in over to village communities for the period of non-allocated UFAs (Auzel 1999). time in the management plan. At present, Cameroon’s forest sector is being · Local communities can manage forests that are re-organized, due to a ban on rough log exports no larger than 5,000 ha and that are free of all enacted in June 1999. Under the ban, most of exploitation titles. the species formerly exported as raw logs should · Local community management domains are be processed locally, thereby creating jobs and not permanent. bolstering skills within the country. But the ban · Relevant government agencies (MINEF) must is hardly effective, given the complexities of the develop and implement management plans for evolving international timber market and the forest concessions with local communities, at circumstances of timber extraction within no charge. These plans must be specified in Cameroon. A list of secondary species, less in concession agreements. demand on current commercial markets, is · Products and profits resulting from this deemed important to promote and are therefore management belong to local communities. still authorized for export as rough logs. Thus, the logging of these trees doesn’t contribute to To date, no concession agreements with local Cameroon’s struggle to improve its processing communities have been finalized under the new capacity. In fact, a recent study shows that laws, though preliminary agreements do exist in Cameroon only has the local capacity to process certain cases. Observers note that administrative 2.2 million cubic meters of logs, which could complexities at the regional and national level grow to 2.67 million cubic meters by the end of seem to be blocking the feasibility studies that 2000 (Carret 1999). At the same time, there need to be done to develop and implement the appears to be a growing social and economic new concept of community-managed forests. This divide between those engaged in activities related lack of progress suggests that, for the time being to the felling of forest trees and those involved in at least, the legislation will not soon bring about the processing of the logs, creating tensions community management of Cameroonian forests, within an increasingly stratified logging sector in and that communities are unlikely to benefit from the country. This increasing stratification is the potential advantages this law might have reflected and revealed by the increasing numbers conferred. This situation will likely persist until of small Cameroonian entrepreneurs in the reforms are undertaken within MINEF itself, at

timber sector. Most of the time, successful both national and regional levels, where local IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 27 we consider the historical divides created by TOWN private sector intervention in Africa (Mamdani 1996). This historical perspective reveals that the

Village UFA 4 concessionary politics of the Congo basin have separated the entrepreneurial class of citizens, with their privileged connections to urban and international elites, from the rural subjects. The

Sawmill new policies cannot conquer this existing divide, and only appear to foster the management of UFA 3 forests by local people. Local people instead UFA 1 remain in a position that requires them to frame UFA 2 collective demands regarding the exploitation of timber, wildlife, or non-timber forest products. In attempting to negotiate these demands with the urban elite, local people are confronted with a barrage of obstacles that starkly reflect the limits UFA 2 Forest Management Unit (UFA) to their political and economic power within the nation. Such dynamics reveal the juxtaposition of Community forest historically rooted concessionary politics with increasingly decentralized management imperatives. Non-permanent forest areas are being Village territory reduced dramatically as small area permits are widely issued to satisfy the needs of industries as well as those of smaller, local entrepreneurs. Logging roads Many participants in the exploitation of forest resources don’t have exploitation or a transforma- FIGURE 3.1: A schematic representation of a forest tion capacity, but these attributions clearly environment in Cameroon constitute easy revenues for various reasons, including political ones. officials now await direction about how to deal with this rising movement demanding commu- Use of Forest Taxes nity involvement in forest management. The These historical and political contexts together destruction of forests is ongoing because hun- point to one remaining important factor that dreds of small cutting permits (such as ‘ventes de must be considered when evaluating the situation coupe’) were issued until mid-1999, when new of forest concessions in Cameroon: taxes. At both laws stopped their issuance. These kinds of national and local levels, the development of permits were fueling very profitable illegal logging activities provides important revenues logging, and the areas for which permits had been directly, to workers, and indirectly, by the given prior to mid-1999 are still under operation payment of various taxes. However, it is still very with no controls. difficult to imagine an improvement in the In other words, the proliferation of cutting standard of living of local populations, even if sale permits such as those described above is they received significant amounts of money from fundamentally incompatible with the push to taxes and other incomes related to the proximity develop and implement the concept of commu- of logging companies. In short, tax revenues may nity forests in the equatorial African context. The not lead to an improvement in living standards situation in Cameroon, in particular, is unique due to lack of sound planning in how the funds and cannot be equated with management are used. schemes in the areas of the world where such For example, in the east province, the total decentralized management practices have been amount of taxes for 1998 reached 2.2 billion carried out with considerable success, as well as Central African francs (CFA), which were split considerable restraints (Agrawal & Ribot, 1999). between the state (50%), the “Communes” The particularities in Cameroon become clear if CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

28 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest (50%), and rural communities (10% of the government action, even actions which might in “commune’s” 50%) (Boudigou & Nils 1999). time foster viable alternative management Regardless of this income, however, the govern- schemes, including shared management models ment agencies in charge of planning and sustain- empowering local communities. able management of ligneous forest resources lack To summarize, in Cameroon we now have a sufficient resources, from equipment to person- forest domain that is layered with complex nel, to be able to implement the management appropriation and utilization rights. Following policies. Clearly, in addition to studying how to the 1994 laws, this land has been split up by the secure the funds needed to finance plans for state into seemingly arbitrary assignments of community forest management (see Karsenty rights to resources and space. With these laws that 1998), planners at all levels also need to study alter the country’s forest zoning plan, the how best to use financial resources in ways that Cameroonian forests are now divided, at least on will foster sustainable development in forested paper, into multiple-zone management areas (see areas. figure 3.1). The critical distinction made by the new laws is that between permanent forests and Wildlife Management non-permanent forests. Permanent forests are An increasingly wide audience in the west has divided into forest management units (or UFAs) begun to recognize the importance of problems which, under the plan, become the property of precipitated by the bushmeat trade, particularly the State as permanent timber production areas. those aspects of trade that are based inside Non-permanent forests, also called “agro-forestry protected areas or in logging concessions zones,” are areas where local populations can (Ammann 1998). This recognition has had effects legally clear fields. These zones are usually located on the image of Cameroon in the international along roads near human settlements, and conservation community. Media campaigns on generally do not extend more than two or three biodiversity and related issues have had a great kilometers on each side of the road. impact on other sectors of cooperation, for Traditional rights and contemporary commer- example, with the European Union (EU). An cial rights now have to overlap, and are negoti- example of such collaboration includes efforts ated in a context where intrusion by outsiders is focused on road improvements in rain forest areas increasingly frequent and intense. These buyers (Rain Forest Foundation 1998), promoted by the are interested in forest resources that they can sell belief that these operations exacerbate the illegal on the swelling markets of the country’s urban and lucrative trade in wildlife because of the need centers. The players who become stakeholders to feed logging workers as well as those beyond with interests in forest rights are a constantly the logging road areas. Although some of these shifting group; the lack of stability in this group campaigns have been simplistic in ignoring the makes consensus for sustainable management complexity of development issues in forested areas difficult to imagine, let alone achieve. of southern Cameroon, actions that result in Most use of forests by local populations productive control of bushmeat trade are clearly extends well beyond the geographical and legal needed in these areas. limits of that which is sanctioned under the new The Yaoundé summit of March 1999, a regime. In addition, beyond the sight of the meeting that included a wide range of national, state, all sorts of agreements are reached between regional and international organizations, consti- longer-term residents of forested areas, interna- tuted a step forward in orchestrating discussions tional corporations that manage the areas for about the future of environmental controls and timber, and nationals who, through actual or management structures among state, private, and social capital, are able to facilitate timber extrac- NGO actors. But first steps are not enough: such tion and other lucrative activities. This prolifera- meetings must be followed with continued tion of resource use “arrangements” since 1994 discussion among all stakeholders. These discus- has greatly concerned scholars and activists alike sions must transform vague propositions into (Hardin et al. 1999). concrete and realistic actions that can be imple- A number of serious problems need to be mented on the ground. There also seems to be a considered if efforts to advance sustainable forest great difficulty with the emergence of non-state management are to move ahead. One problem is

agencies that can be hotbeds for resistance to all that UFAs that remain to be allocated do not IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 29 in the availability and use of local resources. These dynamics are particularly noticeable by observing changes in the composition of populations of hunted prey. As faunal resources become depleted and the price of meat subsequently increases, local dietary preferences and habits evolve, particulary when there are no alternative local sources of protein. In the case of southern Cameroon, we have been able to experiment with alternative protein production and marketing, for example, of frozen fish or chicken. In this section, we illustrate the development of these trends by presenting data we gathered in logging camps and villages in southern Cameroon (Auzel 1999).

Appropriation of Space and Resources in FIGURE 3.2: Outline of the area of the Dja Faunal Logging Areas Reserve in Cameroon. The northern periphery of the Dja Faunal Reserve in the southeastern part of Cameroon allow sustainable management nor the writing of (see figure 3.2), has already been affected by the management plans for Cameroonian forests. The dynamics of human use of the forest. These subsequent allocation of numerous small exploita- dynamics are based on the extraction of wildlife tion permits (ventes de coupe) are also very resources from remote forest areas. The utilization difficult to manage through existent administra- of this wildlife has been, for the most part, tion services. In addition, large-scale poaching in managed via the lineage-based political systems most rain forest areas continues, even inside that mediated the effects of local and regional National Parks and other protected areas. Lastly, markets. Such political orders may still operate in community forest management schemes dedicate the new networks that emerge to satisfy consumer very limited amounts of forest to local people. demand for bushmeat to periodic markets like that of the R.Pallisco logging camp, set at the periphery of the forest at this time (Bertiaux LOGGING IMPACT: FACTS AND IMPORTANT 1998). But they are severely constrained by ISSUES changing circumstances of forest use, especially by logging and the series of changes it sets in In this section, we address the issue of the motion. appropriation of space and resources in logging The R.Pallisco logging camp was installed 27 areas, and how these changes in forests affect the years ago in an area that had been inhabited by populations of hunted prey. The changes in Badjoué groups for decades. The density of animal populations in turn affect the bushmeat populations in the northern buffer zone of the trade and influence the dietary preferences of Dja Biosphere Reserve varies, but generally local populations, all as a part of the complex diminishes from the west to east. By recent cycle of bushmeat trade. In general, logging estimates, households occupy an average of 1.9 activities are primarily responsible for causing km2, with four inhabitants per km2 (Vermeulen increased concentrations of people who were 1997). Our study of the villages surrounding the previously scattered in small villages. Logging also R. Pallisco camp shows a space availability of 1.4 causes the creation of a class of nomadic entrepre- km2 per family for Nkonzuh group members neurs, or “allochtones,” who move in search of (187 km2 for 123 households) and 3.3 km2 per jobs or economic opportunities to develop small family for Mboumo group members (196 km2 for businesses (Bahuchet 1997, Eba’a-ati 1997, 60 households). Nkonzuh is the combination of Wilkie et al. in press). This trend of bringing the village by that name and surrounding more people into a given area, or leaving local hamlets, from the village called “Aviation” to that people with less space, leads to significant changes CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE called “Eboumetoum.” The installation of the R.

30 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Pallisco logging camp brought some 210 new populations of Badjoue, Maka, and Bikélé. families into this same area, leading to a tremen- In addition to bringing more people into the area, dous reduction of available forest. In other changes in the social dynamics near Dja Faunal words, prior to the installation of the logging Reserve have also been precipitated by an increase camp, people had, on average, 2.1 km2 per of mobility, as the logging company maintains household; after the logging camp arrived, a little very good dirt roads into the area and provides less than 1 km2 per household was available. The easy to access to transportation. Our studies reduction by half of available forest has affected indicate a great deal of mobility among villages local social dynamics as well as resource and camps, as well as important seasonal fluctua- availability. tions (based, for instance, on “vacation” periods The recomposition of local political powers for workers) that contribute to rises and drops in (Balandier 1967), prompted by the presence of hunting rates and meat consumption. Further logging camps and the arrival of new groups as study of these dynamics is currently under way, labor for that industry, has been significant as with particular attention to the role of divisions well, though it cannot be easily mapped or of labor by gender within the logging sector, as represented on a graph. It is nevertheless related well as to a range of subsistence activities. These to certain dynamics of appropriation of both land studies include work by students from and access to forest resources vis-à-vis longer-term Cameroonian universities, as well as researchers residents. and students from European or American The relationships between local and migrant universities. Their data collection is coordinated community members in a given concession are by the European Union’s project entitled “Projet complex. To try to understand these relation- Forêt Communautaire” with a base both in ships, we conducted censuses in four villages near Yaoundé and in the R. Pallisco logging town. A the R. Pallisco logging camp, and found that as variety of research methods have been developed much as 89.6% of the total population were through pilot studies in the area and elsewhere, members of the Badjoué group, predominant in including interviews and observations, surveys or the area. Non-Badjoué in those villages usually questionnaires, mapping techniques, and censuses worked for the logging company, and had come (Auzel 1995, Vermeulen 1997). Researchers have from the surrounding towns, such as Abong- been working in close collaboration with local Mbang or Messamena, where the majority of assistants who provide regular data on hunting inhabitants were Maka and Bikélé. Unlike many activity and specific prey composition through a Badjoué, non-local workers were not granted system of crosschecked reports and spot-checking houses in the company’s camp, either because for confirmation of data reliability. Study sites they were temporary workers or because they include the villages of Nknozuh, Mboumo, chose to live in surrounding villages. In fact, Aviation, and Eboumetoum; all of these villages non-local workers represented up to 10.5% of the are distinct from one another in the balances of total population in surrounding villages. subsistence activities practiced, and are in vivid Census data from the logging camp itself, on the contrast with the actual R. Pallisco logging town other hand, showed great diversity among where most immigrant laborers live. A discussion workers. There, only 42.4% identified them- of these contrasts, with specific regard to selves as members of the Badjoué group. An bushmeat consumption, follows. additional 15.5% of the camp workers were Maka group members, and another 9.2% were Evolution in Specific Composition of Hunted from the Bikélé group. Workers from the Foulbé Prey for R. Pallisco Sites ethnic group made up another 10% of the camp, Our studies estimate that workers in the logging a large percentage, perhaps because a Foulbé- camps consume about 48 tons of bushmeat per owned company is a partner with the company year, while in the surrounding villages consump- that runs the camp, and provides transportation tion is much less: we estimate 13.2 tons/year for for products to and from the Douala port. The Nkonzuh, 4.6 tons/year for Aviation, 7.1 tons/ remaining 23% of the workers in the camp came year for Eboumetoum, and 15.9 tons/year for from 29 other groups. In contrast, in villages Mboumo (Table 3.1). In addition, data we surrounding the R. Pallisco camp, only seven gathered in the R. Pallisco camp and in the

other groups were represented beyond the local surrounding villages showed that duiker and IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 31 rodent populations were the primary sources of Bushmeat Consumption in a Regional Context meat. Although duikers seem to provide the It is difficult to get long-term data on annual greatest proportion of bushmeat, this high changes in the proportions of various forest proportion reflects the important trade of these wildlife species to the total prey killed by hunters. animals coming from other areas, and not their Nonetheless, we have been pooling together data abundance in the forest. Although duiker off-take from different sites in equatorial African logging probably reflects populations in decline, the areas that show trends in the specific composition important relative contribution of rodents to total of hunted prey for this region (figure 3.3), in bushmeat consumption reflects an already quite relation to other forest areas in the world disturbed forest with increasing agricultural (Robinson & Bennett 2000). Artiodactyla, activity that has encouraged the increase in rodent cloven-hoofed mammals including pigs and populations. duiker, represented the largest proportion of More specifically, Cephalophus monticola, C. wildlife killed in the primary forest of the dorsalis, and C. callipygus (blue, bay, and Peter’s northern Congo and in villages of the vicinity of duikers respectively) together represented 96.7% the Dja Faunal Reserve. These animals are to 100% of the duikers we found during our daily frequently hunted inside the reserve (Dethier visits to the village. In itself, C. monticola 1995, Jeanmart 1998, Koulbout 1999). In most accounted for between 59.4% and 76.1% of all of these cases, as Artiodactyla populations become duikers recorded, except in the logging camp depleted, rodents and primates are increasingly where we know that large duikers caught in hunted, each to varying degrees, depending on various hunting sectors are sent for consumption the availability of guns, shells, and opportunity. at the highest price in the area. Rodents repre- Despite their very high reproduction rate, rodents sented 26.9 to 40% of recorded prey, mainly by usually never form the core of the bushmeat Atherurus africanus (brush-tailed porcupine) and consumption in undisturbed areas (Eves & Cricetomys emini (large rat). In the studied areas, Ruggiero 2000). Instead, increases in the use of 13.8 to 21.8% of the recorded prey were pri- rodents are usually associated with a broader mates, mainly Cercopithecus cephus (moustached decrease in the consumption level of bushmeat in guenon). Carnivores, including large numbers of the diet. At the stage where favorite antelope or Nandinia binotata (palm civet), were 3.2 to 6% other mammal species are in decline, hunters of the prey, and Pholidota (pangolins or scaly turn to hunting primates because the opportunity anteaters) contributed at 3 to 5.7%. cost to kill them becomes very high, both due to the scarcity of other meats and the related

TABLE 3.1: Importance of bushmeat in villages and in R. Pallisco logging camp. Study sites Nkonzuh Aviation R. Pallisco Eboumetoum Mboumo Prey (% of total number) Artiodactyla 37 27.4 53.6 30.8 44.8 Primates 13.8 18.4 21.8 18 15.3 Carnivora 5.4 4.7 3.2 6 4.3 Rodentia 36.3 40 17.3 35.8 26.9 Pholidota 4.4 5.5 3 5.7 5.7 Reptiles 1.6 1.8 0.6 1.9 1.9 Birds 1.320.41.61 Others 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.1 Total number of prey 3106.5 735 6394 1294 2859 Total biomass 13179 4 658.1 48 016.4 7 080.9 15 945.75 Average number of prey per day 8.5 2.04 17.8 3.59 7.94 Average weight of prey 4.24 6.34 7.5 5.46 5.5 CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

32 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest increase of the price of bushmeat. These the Dja Faunal Reserve (Auzel 1999, Jeanmart dynamics in the relationship between wildlife 1998). As subsistence activities shift, and people populations, hunting, and demand for bushmeat have access to less forest space to accomplish are clearly present in and around logging camps gathering and other activities, they rely increas- or close to urban centers where there is a high ingly on the informal economy that develops as demand. Despite the known relationship demand from urban centers prompts hunters to between the decline of duiker populations and go further and further into the forest for prey. A the rise in the hunting of primates, surprisingly recent study in Djaposten, a village located in the little is being done to study duikers and evaluate eastern buffer zone of the Dja Faunal Reserve, their potential as an indicator species, or simply showed that this 600-person village extracted 13 to manage their populations in a sustainable tons of bushmeat in a month (Koulbout 1999). fashion. Most of the overall tonnage of this meat came Abundance of other prey that has been from the Dja Faunal Reserve (83.7%). The recorded seems to be also correlated with the remainder came from the neighboring Forest reduction in duiker abundance, for the most part. Management Unit (UFA) where villagers also Of course, in certain cases, the relative frequency have hunting camps (14.9%), and from what we of one type or another of prey may also be related call the agro-forestry area (1.4%), a place virtually to the exploitation of particular ecosystems, like emptied of any wildlife, or at least dramatically the Likouala swamps, which produce many less productive of bushmeat, at the time of this crocodiles in northern Congo (Auzel & Wilkie writing. Animal biodiversity has thus been 2000). reduced, in observable ways, at the periphery of the R. Pallisco logging site. The Development of Networks Supporting This data on the availability and consumption Bushmeat Trade of bushmeat in a logging town like R. Pallisco People involved in logging operations and related reveals such camps as a point of origin of regional activities are both great producers and great development of bushmeat extraction and trade. consumers of bushmeat. Studies conducted in Our study shows that areas surrounding the camp the vicinity of the R. Pallisco camp, presented are indeed being stripped of wildlife above, clearly indicate a bushmeat trade based on (“defaunation”) as people are traveling farther and a wide range of producers in villages adjacent to farther to hunt animals. Among other people

100

70 Artiodactyla Primates 60 Carnivora Rodentia 50 Pholidota Reptiles 40 Birds Others 30

20 Relative Importance of different animal taxa

0 CIB Ekom Diba Mboumo Kompia Nkonzuh Aviation Djaposten R.Pallisco Eboumetoum

Sites FIGURE 3.3: Variation in composition of prey hunted in ten Central African sites from data collected in 1998 in villages surrounding the R. Pallisco logging operation. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 33 coming from the Dja area, inhabitants of the so- wildlife, particularly considering the complex called “boucle du Dja” walk for 60 kilometers to history of bushmeat hunting and trade in the sell their dried meat (Debroux & Dethier 1993, region (Auzel 1998, Bahuchet & Ioveva-Baillon Dethier 1995, Jeanmart 1998). In response to 1996, Ioveva-Baillon 1997, Bertiaux 1998, the call for meat in distant markets, hunters have Dounias 1993). Over a period of six months in adapted their practices and now dry their meats, 1998, we recorded the main meals eaten by mainly duiker legs, to reduce the effort needed to workers in the R.Pallisco camp and as well as bring their products to the point of sale. those eaten by residents in the surrounding When considering the origin of bushmeat villages, using methods described above and recorded in the R. Pallisco workers camp and returning to the same households, most of which surrounding villages, data clearly show the remained stable in terms of their economic status bushmeat trade flourishing. In villages, most of throughout the study (Auzel 1999). Overall, the prey (above 95%) originates from forest sites wildlife consumption was low in villages (11.8%) or rivers that are within the territory of the village compared with consumption in the workers’ itself. In the logging camp, on the other hand, camp (20.6%), where people are employed and most of the prey (nearly 90%) is identified as have enough money to buy their food and are originating not necessarily nearby but from other also able to afford ingredients for more elaborate villages within the region. sauces to accompany meat dishes (see Tables 3.2a and 3.2b). After analyzing the primary nutri- Evolution in Nutritional Habits among tional components of these meals, we found that Logging Sector Residents a greater percentage of meals eaten by workers in Bushmeat is primarily used as food for people in the logging towns were high in protein; in villages and logging camps and it is widely contrast, village meals were higher in carbohy- acknowledged that it is a particularly important drates. Over the study period, workers in the source of protein in the tropics (Asibey 1974, logging camps ate a fairly balanced combination Chardonnet et al. 1995). Nonetheless, there of vegetable- and animal-based preparations remains considerable disagreement about what (47.7%/48.5%), while villagers on the whole ate should be done in regards to sustainable use of more vegetables than animal-based meals

TABLE 3.2a: Wildlife in food consumption; village versus logging town where N is meals monitored in a range of households during the 1998 six month study period. Data on relative importance of foods in Table 3.2b are expressed compared to the total number of observed meals given in Table 3.2a.

General meal composition Eboumetoum (village) % R. Pallisco % (logging town) N =5617 N=3570 Meal with sauce 4648 82.7% 3432 91.6% Meal without sauce 969 17.3% 138 3.9% Carbohydrate and vegetable ingredients 3442 61.3% 1730 48.5% Carbohydrate and animal ingredients 1206 21.5% 1702 47.7%

T ABLE 3.2b Sauce with animal origin Eboumetoum (village) % R. Pallisco % (logging town) (n=1206) (n=1702) Sea fish 368 6.6% 589 16.5% Fresh water fish 94 1.7% 146 4.1% Domestic animals 45 0.8% 223 6.2% Snails, insects, etc… 34 0.6% 10 0.3% Wildlife 665 11.8% 734 20.6% CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

34 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest (61.3%/21.5%). Further investigations are the case of Eboumetoum — a former mission needed to explore this trend, in particular with station where Europeans once worked, and that data gathered from spot checks of meals and may have a particular history with respect to such more refined estimates of food consumption at market mechanisms), it is likely that the lack of different seasons of the year, and during different means to purchase protein — either bushmeat or levels of intensity of logging activity. its substitutes — will remain a problem for rural The proximity of the R. Pallisco logging site to residents of logging areas. It is worth noting, as the villages has had additional impact of diversify- well, that in a regional perspective the frequency ing local diets within some villages. Specifically, of wildlife consumption seems quite low in we found that frozen foods brought into the Cameroon, in both villages and work camps. It camps from Yaoundé appeared in 6.6% of meals clearly contrasts with data gathered in primary recorded in the neighboring village of forests of northern Congo where a study of a Eboumetoum, primarily frozen sea fish, mainly frontier situation, in zones just being opened to mackerel. In the workers’ camp, 16.6% of the logging, showed bushmeat consumption rates meals included frozen products. This situation is among workers and villagers to be much higher certainly an exception in the Badjoué area, (Auzel & Wilkie 2000). Perhaps lower rates of located some 500 kilometers from the ocean consumption in the case of Cameroon are a result coast. Fresh fish was also consumed, but to a of wildlife eaten outside of main meals, for lesser extent, with workers eating fresh fish more example when workers get a “bushmeat snack” often than villagers. during breaks at the sawmill. Ongoing investiga- Beef, often from northern areas where cattle tions will likely shed further light on this possible are able to survive without much veterinary care, discrepancy. also appeared in local diets. The low consumption of beef in forest communities is not unusual Bushmeat Consumption and the Development and the meat of domestic animals appears of Alternative Proteins infrequently in villages (0.8%) in comparison to Our estimates of bushmeat consumption show the workers camp (6.2%). The presence of beef that, on average, villagers have a daily consump- in these markets may well be developing in tion per capita ranging from 39.1g to 89.4g response to the presence of a growing Muslim (Table 3.3). However, we have recorded even community. higher per capita consumption by workers in In short, as bushmeat supplies decline due to logging camps, from 120g per day up to 156g per the pressures sketched here, frozen food serves as capita per day (Auzel & Wilkie 2000). According the principal bushmeat supplement in workers to earlier studies, bushmeat consumption in the camps. Questions remain, however, about the areas considered here can range from 70g to 160g diffusion of those frozen products within wider per day per person depending on the abundance areas. While frozen food may find its way into the of the mammal communities available for diets of some village residents (as we have seen in consumption (Dounias 1993, Koppert et al. 1996).

TABLE 3.3: Consumption of bushmeat in the study sites. Bushmeat consumption Nkonzuh Aviation R. Pallisco Eboumetoum Mboumo Consumers 200 100 837 169 248 Consumed biomass 9591.8 2198.1 39 330 6144.1 12459.1 Average biomass day (kg of live weight) 26.3 6 107.75 16.8 34.1 Kg person day (live weight) 0.131 0.06 0.185 0.1 0.138 Kg /person/year (live weight) 47.9 22 67.52 36.3 50.2 Kg /person/year (carcass ratio 65%) 31.1 14.3 43.8 23.6 32.6 G/day/person (carcass ratio 65%) 85.2 39.1 120 64.7 89.4 ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 35 TABLE 3.4: Alternative protein consumption in the R. Pallisco logging camp (12 months). Our data underscores that there is an undeniable relationship between logging, hunting, and the Products Tonnage annual (kg) nutritional welfare of local populations and Mackerels 16845 reveals the potential of addressing these three Chicken legs 2230 components in tandem. To develop this potential “Machoiron” 1900 we can extrapolate from our data a broader view Bars (sea fish) 1580 of the effects that logging towns could have on Dorades (sea fish) 1440 forest wildlife more generally. Pork chops 1360 First, if we consider the prediction (Carret Nile Perch 720 1999) that the logging sector will grow to employ Fried articles 160 9000 people in Cameroon, together with data “Bossus” 90 from the workers camp (4.5 persons/family Sole 30 consuming 120g bushmeat/person/day), we Total 26, 335 kg estimate that the 66 logging operations would represent approximately 9000 households, together consuming about 1577 tons of bushmeat Bushmeat has become quite difficult to find each year. Next, if we assume that the regional in forests near the R. Pallisco logging camp, ecosystem can sustain about 330 kg of wildlife which has been populated with workers for over per km2 (a best case scenario — see Auzel 1999), 27 years. This difficulty is evidenced by the fact and add 15% for non- productive areas in the that only 12-22% of meals recorded in the camp region, we can estimate that 5.5% of the 17 included bushmeat. The lack of wildlife in local million hectares, or approximately 900,000 forests has lead to a reliance on vegetable-based hectares, would need to be dedicated to wildlife diets in local villages. The lack of wildlife has also in order to provide the basic protein needs for led to the development of businesses in the logging-related populations. This also means that, workers camp that sell alternative proteins, assuming that all the forest is productive at the mainly frozen fish but also more exotic products same level, the ecosystem could only support for the area such as chicken legs or turkey wings, 736,400 persons using resources in the current much of which comes from Yaoundé. We ways. estimate that more than 26.3 tons of alternative Whatever one’s evaluation of such estimates, it foods were sold in the camp each year (Table seems apparent that the issue of bushmeat 3.4). consumption is crucial both for preserving animal These trends expose new possibilities for biodiversity and for maintaining food supply for management of natural resources in the vicinity rural and urban people living in the forested areas of logging towns. Our data indicate that both of Cameroon. Action and further study toward a workers and villagers are flexible in their dietary reduction of the pressure on wildlife by logging- preferences and will adapt their diets to the related activities on wildlife must, therefore, be a available foods that they can afford. The data top priority for all involved. supports the belief that some researchers overestimate the weight that “tradition” plays in dictating the taste and purchasing patterns of DEVELOPING RESPONSES TO THE residents in and around forest areas. If consump- BUSHMEAT DILEMMA tion patterns are flexible, as we believe they are, the question becomes whether or not non-wildlife The dynamics sketched in the previous discussion foods can be made available and in large enough help underscore that the obstacles to effective, quantities to significantly reduce the hunting of sustainable use of wildlife in Cameroon are bushmeat. daunting. At present, with no alternatives in The situation in the R. Pallisco area represents place, the economic survival of populations in a situation that falls squarely between that of rural areas is largely anchored in patterns of areas where forest wildlife is bountiful, such as wildlife use that are unquestionably unsustain- eastern Cameroon, and urban or suburban areas able. The barriers to change in rural residents’ where wildlife populations have been depleted, hunting, eating, and marketing practices are the

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE such as in the western sections of the country. result of historical dynamics, both political and

36 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest economic, where influential urban populations political processes for the protection of the with financial resources direct the activities in country’s wildlife wealth long term. This predica- rural communities. In this way, these urban ment plagues some of the recent advocacy populations exercise both material and symbolic campaigns that have described and addressed “the control over forest regions and their resources. bushmeat problem” (Ammann 1998). Such We believe that the post-colonial state faces radical tactics can be perceived as neglecting the particular predicaments in its will and ability to complex property and economic issues involved address these inequities and their potential in wildlife conservation in the Congo basin by consequences for the country’s biodiversity. First, describing the problem in grossly oversimplified the state continues to promote concessionary terms, specifically the exploitation of certain politics by drawing in multiple participants and protected species, mainly the large apes. facilitating competition among them. In Instead, the issues need to be investigated and addition, the national administration remains in addressed in their entirety, and holistic solutions control of the choices that are made in develop- need to be developed. In particular, researchers ment issues, and the attribution of land rights need to take a closer look at the role of markets that results from such choices. Naturally, despite and powerful private sector participants, which its internal contradictions, the state endeavors to may reveal new directions for effective interven- maintain a sense of control over decisions about tion. At the same time, analysts need to remain national policies for forest use and economic attentive to the role of local, regional, and development. At the same time, however, the national political authorities. For example, multi- and bilateral international agencies are commercial hunting (which is largely motivated increasingly present and capable of imposing by the demand for bushmeat from urban centers) national policy agendas under the auspices of the remains a primary target for intervening in the conditions attached to foreign loans and invest- cycle of wildlife trade. However, commercial ments. The most obvious example is the struc- hunting is also a central business activity in tural adjustment fund allocated by The World logging concessions. If logging concessions exist, Bank and all the conditionality imposed on the hunting will continue, regardless of conservation local government in the forest sector. How might goals that are elaborated in summits and meetings the national government maintain a sense of self- because they are not enforceable on the ground determination and political and economic (Frankel & Soulé 1981). evolution if its actions are dictated, as they have While logging provides important employ- for many decades, from outside of the national ment opportunities, many rural economies have framework? Certainly, the desire and capacity of developed a more diverse employment base to state participants or agencies to ensure more protect themselves from the “boom and bust” ecologically judicious use of natural resources are cycles of many forest concessions in the inner severely limited by both the material and social Congo basin, and from complete dependence on constraints on their fundamental autonomy and logging employment for their subsistence. Rural authority. economies have evolved in this way not only in Does this mean that, in seeking solutions or response to the lessons learned through the even further information about these dilemmas of historical cycles of concession economies, but also forest use one should forego the Cameroonian in response to the highly variable seasons and government in favor of work with private cycles of natural resources within the forest. The corporations, local communities, and interna- informal nature of many of these activities — tional NGOs? Or would such a move only indeed, their illicit nature — makes them very reinforce the emergence of a new concession difficult to monitor or control. “system” (as Cantournet might, now, be willing to Still, several trends reviewed earlier in this call the territorial and political mosaic of control chapter are promising in terms of opportunities over these forests) that is removed from any to temper current bushmeat use patterns. The systematic accountability for the actions of its link between extraction and processing aspects of powerful components? To abandon collaborative the industry may in fact allow for innovative efforts with government agencies would not only approaches to wildlife management and should be an affront to the sovereignty of the state but be thoroughly explored. Since logging towns will

would also undermine efforts to improve the have to be considered in any forest management IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 3 Auzel & Hardin 37 scheme, it is only wise to consider their current the capacity of a plan to respond to the rapidly role in reducing isolation of forest areas, and shifting circumstances of rural life in forested their potential future roles in participating in regions including increasing mobility, changing local development and conservation efforts. The (and often deteriorating) nutrition, and lack of distinctions, then, between permanent forest and direct political representation at national levels. agro-forestry zones, as outlined in recent laws, While such transformations have occurred all might be instantiated through negotiations over the globe at various times in human history, between villages and logging towns not only for the case of Cameroon’s (indeed, Central Africa’s) timber, but for wildlife and other forest resources. forest people is rife with particularly difficult Various monitoring and evaluation processes challenges and may be one of the more tragic the might be attempted for the production of timber world will witness. We are clearly facing deterio- in relation to its impact on wildlife populations. ration of the situation rather than the implemen- Such measures cannot come too soon. We are tation of better wildlife management strategies clearly facing new large-scale challenges. Looking that could attain sustainable development. The at Cameroonian maps, we realize that most of the broader challenge must not be lost in the specifics forest is or is going to be allocated to logging of the debate about Africa’s bushmeat crisis. At companies in the near future. Some researchers the same time, a long hard look at the history and believe that this change needs to be attended to present dynamics of the concession as both a carefully. For example, Moore (2000) has territorial and a social phenomenon in this corner cautioned: of the world may be a necessary precursor to more appropriate and realistic management “In the mid-90s, Africa was supplying only practices for so complex a place. about 6% of world demand for tropical timber, with about 60% coming from the Indo- Pacific. The major importers in overall volume are also mainly Asian; both supply and demand have been concentrated in the Indo- Pacific region. The very predictable consequence is going to be shifting of SE Asian logging companies (e.g., Innovest Bhd and WTK Holdings Bhd of Malaysia) from regional operations to opening ‘new’ operations in the Neotropics and Africa. Consider: if the Indo- Pacific region cuts back 10% on its production and companies look to Africa to make up short- fall on existing demand, logging in Africa will DOUBLE…”

We offer this analysis of one logging concession, in regional and historical contexts, as a step toward finding a politically balanced and technically sound concession-based system for bushmeat management. Such a system, while working within familiar territorial units and cultural categories, might in the long run also be able to challenge the highly unsatisfactory status quo of environmental politics in the rural areas. One critical component of any effective scheme would be its capacity to manage the commercial trade of bushmeat and its capacity to manage the quality and availability of substitutes for bushmeat that are acceptable and attractive to local consumers. Another component would be CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

38 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 4 IMPACTS OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING ON WILDLIFE POPULATIONS IN WEST AFRICA’S UPPER GUINEA FOREST ECOSYSTEM

HEATHER E. EVES AND MOHAMED I. BAKARR

CHAPTER 4 Market worker displaying a blue duiker (Cephalophus monticola) in a market place.

“Domestic livestock, on which very high hopes have hitherto been set, have continued to fail to meet existing demands, let alone to keep in step with increasing human population growth. There has been increasing exploitation of the meat of wild animals, whose management is ignored…The exploitation of wild animals, coupled with increasing pressure on the habitat of the animals, is exterminating most of the wild animal species involved. Advice that existing scientific knowledge on the management of wild animals must be applied to ensure their rational exploitation on a sustained-yield basis, has continued to be ignored…Every attempt must be made by those entrusted with the responsibility of wildlife conservation to bring together scattered information on the subject, and, at the same time, begin to collect, systematically, statistical information on the utilization of wild animal meat as food…” E.O.A. Asibey, 1974, page 32.

39 INTRODUCTION the large mammal taxa most affected by increasing hunting pressure are presented. The profiles This chapter reviews two critical research areas are useful in assessing the current status of all concerning the bushmeat trade in West Africa. large mammals facing extinction from hunting The first section discusses the status of and and overexploitation. threats to current populations of key taxa, and the second section provides an assessment of pro- The Forest Duikers tected areas in the region including habitat loss, The bushmeat trade in West Africa includes a off-take levels, and population thresholds in significant percent of forest antelopes commonly relation to hunting pressures. The ecological called duikers (meaning ‘diving buck’ – descrip- region considered here is the Upper Guinea forest tive of their behavior when fleeing into the bush). ecosystem, which extends along the coast from These antelopes belong to the Order Artiodactyla Sierra Leone, through southern Guinea, Liberia, (Even-toed Ungulates), Family Bovidae Côte d’Ivoire to the Ghana-Togo border (see map (Ruminantia), and Subfamily Cephalophinae on page 9). (including genera Cephalophus and Sylvicapra). Key large mammal taxa found within this Nowak (1991) provides a general description for ecosystem are considered including the forest this group. Duikers are generally small (5-20kg) duikers (Cephalophus spp.), forest elephants though some species grow up to 80kg. They live (Loxodonta africana cyclotis), and several species of singly or in pairs, produce a single young per year primates. These animals make up the majority of (gestation periods range from120 to 245 days the bushmeat trade both in terms of numbers and depending on the species). Forest species are biomass. Species that are considered endangered frugivorous and generally live from 9-12 years. or critically endangered in international wildlife The following descriptions of each of the eight conservation assessments (IUCN and CITES) are species of duikers are based on information and discussed and the potential impacts of currently assessments provided in the African Antelope estimated hunting activity are reviewed. The Database (East 1999) – a comprehensive evalua- chapter ends with recommendations for further tion of antelope across Africa based on informa- study using population viability modeling tools tion from African antelope experts and the IUCN for comprehensive regional review, and for Antelope Specialist Group. Photos and distribu- collaboration with national governments and tion maps of each species are on pages 55 and 56. universities. The bay duiker (Cephalophus dorsalis [Gray 1846]) [CITES Appendix I, IUCN, Lower Risk] IMPACT OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING ON generally occurs in lowland and primary forests, POPULATIONS OF KEY MAMMALIAN TAXA and has occasionally been recorded in disturbed habitat. Due to their range, bay duikers are All of West Africa’s large mammals, from strongly impacted by logging activities as well as antelopes to primates and the elephant, are the expansion of agricultural areas. In Liberia, impacted by bushmeat hunting. Numerous this species was recorded as the third most studies have documented impacts of the hunting common in bushmeat markets (Anstey 1991). and bushmeat threat over the last three decades, These animals are rare in most areas other than highlighting the potential for local extinctions in within protected national parks and forest different parts of the sub-region (e.g., Jeffrey reserves. A conservative estimate puts the total 1970, Teleki 1980, Robinson & Peal 1981, Teleki population at less than 12,000 in protected areas & Baldwin 1981, Ntiamoa-Baidu 1987, Davies in the countries considered here (equivalent to 1987, Anstey 1991, Hoppe-Dominik 1991, 0.2 individuals km2 in an estimated total area Oates et al. 1997, McGraw 1998, Oates 1999, 55,159 km2). Although still relatively abundant Oates et al. 2000). Though not entirely com- in Central Africa, the bay duiker’s future in West plete, these studies offered significant opportuni- Africa depends on well-protected primary forest ties to understand wildlife trends and the impacts habitat. of hunting across the sub region. In the following section, species-by-species profiles of some of CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

40 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest The black duiker (Cephalophus niger [Gray million. Despite its current strong population, 1846]) [Not listed by CITES, IUCN, Lower and its suitability to a broad set of habitats, Risk] has been recorded in a wide range of Maxwell’s duiker nonetheless can be affected by habitats, from primary forest edge to mixed and over-hunting. In fact, severe reductions in secondary forest. Although the species has long available habitat are producing declining popula- been thought of as quite common, current tion trends in many locations across the region. population trends suggest declining numbers, due both to habitat loss and to extensive hunting to The Brooke’s duiker (Cephalophus ogilbyi brookei supply the commercial bushmeat trade. Black [Waterhouse 1838]) [CITES Appendix II, duikers are reported as one of the most common IUCN, Lower Risk] is a sub-species of Ogilby’s species in bushmeat markets in Ghana, Liberia, duiker. It is found mainly in primary forest and Sierra Leone. The volume of trade, along regions in West Africa, but occasionally also in with the extreme loss of habitat, are cited as secondary forest. Population are limited and potential threats to the future of this species in reported to be declining due to both habitat loss the region. An estimated population found in and hunting. Only about 5,000 Brooke’s duikers protected areas in the region (61,082 km2 and 0.2 are believed to remain, mostly within protected individuals km2) suggests there may be slightly areas, in particular Sapo National Park in Liberia more than12,000 individuals remaining. and Taï National Park in Côte d’Ivoire. Due to its limited range and lack of protection, this Jentink’s duiker (Cephalophus jentinki [Thomas species may not be able to maintain its number 1892]) [CITES Appendix I, IUCN, Vulnerable] unless it is given support within protected areas. is reported to dwell in both primary and secondary forest, has an extremely limited distribution, The red-flanked duiker (Cephalophus rufilatus and is considered threatened. Its listing in [Gray 1846]) [Not listed by CITES, IUCN, Appendix I by CITES, and as ‘Vulnerable’ by the Lower Risk] is a smaller duiker and is widely IUCN means that experts believe there is a high distributed across West and Central Africa, risk the animal will become extinct in the wild. inhabiting a variety of habitat types including The range of the Jentink’s duiker is limited to forest and savanna woodlands. East (1999) specific areas, particularly Forest Reserves in estimates that there may be more than 35,000 in Sierra Leone (the Golas and possibly Western the protected areas within the Upper Guinean Area), Liberia (including Sapo National Park), Forest Ecosystem. To date, this species appears to and Côte d’Ivoire (most notably, Taï National be more resilient to hunting and habitat loss than Park). The total population is estimated to be many other duiker species. However, as with 3,500 individuals (at 0.1/ km2 in a range of other species discussed here, the red-flanked 35,960 km2). The long-term future of this duiker is becoming vulnerable outside well- species is extremely limited outside the borders of managed protected areas due to the continuing well-managed protected areas, including primary conversion of land to agriculture and increasing forest habitat. pressure from hunting.

Maxwell’s duiker (Cephalophus maxwelli [H. Although the yellow-backed duiker (Cephalophus Smith 1827]) [Not listed by CITES, IUCN sylvicultor [Afzelius 1815]) [CITES Appendix II, Lower Risk] is a generally abundant species IUCN, Lower Risk], one of the largest of the within its range and it is a widespread source of duiker species, has a wide range across West and bushmeat. It has a reputation for being resilient Central Africa, it is uncommon, even rare, to hunting pressures and can occupy both forest throughout this range. It can live in a variety of and forest-savanna type habitats. It has a higher forest and wooded habitats, but is most likely to potential population density than most duikers at be found in protected areas. Taking the most 10 individuals/km2 (similar to the blue duiker, conservative population density estimates of 0.1 Cephalophus monticola in Central Africa) with an individuals km2, its total population in West estimated total population within protected areas African protected areas (60,189 km2) may be of over half a million. Estimates for total slightly more than 6,000. population numbers in its entire range exceed two ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 41 TABLE 4.1: Estimates of elephant populations in key forests of population to be 3,811 elephants. (His break- the Upper Guinea region. FC is Forêt Classé, NF is National down by country was Côte d’Ivoire – 585, Ghana Forest, NP is National Park, RR is Resource Reserve. – 443, Guinea – 1,000, Liberia – 1,783, Sierra (AESG Report) Leone – no recent surveys). This is less than half Location Remaining (43%) the estimated total elephant population for Elephants the same area for the period 1976-1984 (8,850 Okromodou Forest 50 elephants as cited in Roth & Douglas-Hamilton Niegré FC 50 1991). The largest losses appear to have occurred Haut Sassandra FC 50 in Côte d’Ivoire (4,800 in 1984) and Ghana Azagny NP 60 (1,500 in 1984). Marahoué NP 75 An updated African Elephant database was Taï Ecosystem 75 made available at the end of 1999 and the Songan-Tamin-Mabi-Yaya FC 150 information there reflects similar downward Fresco Forest 150 Goin Cavallly & Grebo NF 301 trends in populations. In response to these Nini-Suhien & Ankasa 60 declining numbers, a group of researchers, policy Kakum NP & Assin-Atandasso RR 100 makers, and others called the African Elephant Bia, Goasa & Djambamakrou 630 Specialist Group (AESG) held a workshop during Barrobo NF 99 which participants developed several general Ziama & North East Liberia 141 objectives that were thought to be essential for Sapo NP 430 the conservation of elephants in the region Gola, Kpelle & Lorma Forests 495 (AESG 1999). The workshop resulted in a final Krahn Bass NF 495 report that stated a number of key objectives that participants thought were necessary to protect remaining elephant populations. The objectives The zebra duiker (Cephalophus zebra [Gray included first establishing the status of elephants 1838]) [CITES Appendix II, IUCN, Vulnerable] in West Africa (total numbers and habitat/range) has an extremely limited range and prefers and then working to maintain and, where primary forest habitat. Its total estimated possible, increase elephant populations by population in Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and improving their habitats over the next 7-10 years. Côte d’Ivoire is 28,000 individuals across 30,000 The objectives were specifically aimed at key km2. It is susceptible to both deforestation and remaining forest elephant populations, which are hunting pressures. Well-protected areas of listed in the final AESG report (see Table 4.1). primary forest habitat are its most likely hope for Specific objectives for each action included survival (East 1999). time frames within which each action is to be completed. Key to the development of this action The Elephant plan was a list of targeted events for developing a The African forest elephant (Loxodonta africana comprehensive, region-wide approach to conser- cyclotis [Blumenbach, 1797]) [CITES Appendix vation of elephants, including completing studies I, IUCN, Endangered (A1b)] has been gravely of trade issues in each country within three years, impacted by habitat loss, as well as by the ivory adopting strategies for elephant conservation by and bushmeat trades. The African forest elephant all governments in the West Africa region within is found throughout West and Central Africa, five years, and developing and conducting though in increasingly isolated pockets of habitat. training programs for elephant management Some researchers believe that over the past personnel all to be in place within six years. In century, the elephants’ range has shrunk by up to addition, the group also recommended establish- 93% (Roth & Douglas-Hamilton 1991). ing public information campaigns, cross-national Without question, the population of elephants conservation agreements, and an elephant across West Africa has been drastically reduced information service within seven years and throughout its range over the last fifteen years, attempting to reduce commercial activities following similar trends over previous decades (logging, mining, etc.) in elephant habitats by (Said et al. 1995). Based on a variety of survey 80% within ten years. methods, Said et al. (1995) estimated the total CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

42 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest In the final workshop report, the AESG species affected by the bushmeat trade in West concluded that elephants in West Africa have Africa, particular attention is given in this section suffered more dramatic habitat losses and impacts to the chimpanzee, Diana monkey, and red than other regions and that many of the remain- colobus, as these species are under particular ing populations are so small and in such frag- threat of local, and in some cases national, mented habitat that they are probably not viable. extirpation. Every effort should be made, the report suggests, to assure the future of the few remaining viable The Western chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes verus populations of elephants in West Africa. [Schwarz, 1934]) [CITES Appendix I, IUCN, Although the numbers for forest elephants Endangered] is reported by the World Conserva- have not been separated out in the 1995 African tion Monitoring Centre as the most threatened of Elephant Database, one review (Roth & Douglas- the four subspecies in this genus (WCMC 1998). Hamilton 1991) placed the forest elephant The largest known population occurs in Côte populations in protected areas of Côte d’Ivoire, d’Ivoire, while Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia Ghana, Liberia, and Sierra Leone at about 3,000 also have limited populations. Extremely small elephants (± 300). Extrapolating with the same populations also exist in Ghana. The estimated reduction trend for the region in general, there total population in the region is 12,000 (Bowen- now may be only 1,300 forest elephants in the Jones 1998). There are hardly any records of region. As described by Roth and Douglas- remaining populations in the wild in the rest of Hamilton, elephants are dispersed in small, its former West Africa range including Guinea isolated populations, and their survival is Bissau, Gambia, Burkina Faso, Togo, Benin, and dependent on increased management of existing western Nigeria: in these areas, the Western protected areas and the development of protec- chimpanzee is probably extinct. Although the tion status for adjacent forest regions. With losses contribution of chimpanzee to the bushmeat of forest habitat at 90% in many areas of the trade is less than other primates, the impact of region due to logging activities and clearing for hunting and trade in terms of population agriculture, the future of the West African dynamics and human health issues remain very populations of forest elephant is under consider- high. For example, of more than 3,500 animals able threat. In reviewing elephant habitat seized from poachers in Taï National Park, Côte availability across the region, Armbruster and d’Ivoire, between 1993 and 1997, only three were Lande (1993) have suggested that these popula- chimpanzees (Caspary 1999). In a regional tions may be critically below estimated minimum survey of bushmeat studies (eight different sizes for a sustainable population, and the studies), 313 chimpanzees were reported out of a majority of populations in the region face high total of 9,304 primate carcasses (Bowen-Jones & probabilities of extirpation. Pendry 1999). This low percentage may be deceiving because often the chimpanzee is part of Primates a parallel trade in live animals, hunted to be A recent review of the bushmeat trade in West captured and used as pets. Carcasses showing up and Central Africa (Bowen-Jones 1998) deter- in markets may therefore be only a small portion mined that apes generally comprised less than one of the animals actually killed, since animals being percent of the total carcasses available at market, hunted are sometimes unwittingly killed, as can while monkeys made up roughly 14% of the happen to duiker caught in hunting snares. estimated trade across the region. Although apes In terms of total population numbers, it is in generals, and chimpanzees in particular, are important to note, as with all estimates provided, not necessarily a primary target of the bushmeat that numbers are based on a variety of method- trade in terms of numbers, the combined impact ologies and assumptions. One study in Guinea, of hunting and habitat destruction – particularly for example, used a questionnaire survey to the loss of primary forest – has caused potentially estimate chimpanzee numbers with results severe impacts. With long life spans, relatively suggesting a 50% reduction in the total popula- low reproduction rates, and dependence on tion from 13,940 (20-60 years before) to 6,625 primary habitat, the impacts of logging and even (Sugiyama & Soumah 1988). The authors limited hunting could be devastating to chimpan- themselves actually estimated the total population zees. Although there are numerous primate in Guinea at the time to be 1,420 individuals, ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 43 with dramatic declines in chimpanzee popula- Oates et al. (1997) report that in their Ghana tions attributable to loss of habitat and poaching. survey, this species of colobus was seen in only a Another recent study in Côte d’Ivoire used nest very few forests. They suggest that Kakum count and known forest cover from satellite National Park could support a population, as this imagery to approximate chimpanzee numbers, species is able to survive in areas with some level resulting in an estimated population across the of disturbance. Although it is considered a country of 11,676 ± 1,168. Only three of the species under considerable threat, at present there national parks were maintaining populations is only limited information concerning its status large enough to be safe from an immediate threat and distribution. The western black and white of extinction (Marchesi et al. 1995). colobus (Colobus polykomos) which ranges from These estimates underscore that the chimpan- Sierra Leone and Guinea to the Sassandra River zee faces the same perils as elephant populations in Côte d’Ivoire is relatively widespread in high and some of the less numerous duiker species canopy forests, but also under threat. because wildlife populations require a minimum number of individuals across a spatial pattern to The red colobus (Colobus badius temmincki, C. be viable (Shaffer 1981). Concerns of inbreeding badius badius, C. badius waldroni) [CITES and genetic diversity begin to occur when Appendix I all sub species, IUCN, Endangered, population numbers are reduced below minimum C. b. waldroni IUCN, Critically Endangered] was levels. Maintaining robust numbers is particu- identified by Oates et al. (1997) as a species larly important for species with complex social requiring considerable conservation attention structures, such as the chimpanzee, where with particular concerns being expressed for the outbreeding with non-group members has existence of the subspecies, C. b. waldroni. Data recently been shown to be a possibly important on total numbers for all subspecies are not readily reproductive strategy (Gagneux et al. 1999). available, though it is believed that Miss Waldron’s red colobus (C. b. waldroni) may have The Diana monkey (Cercopithecus diana) [CITES already gone extinct (Oates et al. 2000). Appendix I, IUCN, Endangered] is listed as endangered in Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Mangabeys (Cercocebus spp.) are also major Liberia, and Sierra Leone. In the 1996 Primate targets of professional hunters in West Africa, and Action Plan it is listed as a Conservation Priority populations have been drastically impacted (Oates 1996 in Butynski 1997). Oates et al. throughout the sub-region. There are two sub- (1997) described the subspecies, the Roloway species within the Upper Guinea ecosystem, guenon (C. d. roloway), as occurring in extremely which are roughly separated by the Sassandra limited numbers in only one location in Ghana River in Cote d’Ivoire. The ‘western’ subspecies, (Ankasa/Nini-Suhien) despite its abundance in C. atys atys (sooty mangabey) is still widespread the past. The Diana monkey is reportedly found and locally abundant within its natural range in in association with the red colobus (Colobus West Africa, where it is often implicated in crop- badius) in areas where predation risks (by raiding on subsistence farms on the edge of chimpanzees) are high, such as in the Taï Na- forests. The ‘eastern’ subspecies, C. atys lunulatus tional Park of Côte d’Ivoire (Holenweg et al. (white-naped mangabey) [CITES Appendix II, 1996, Noe & Bshary 1997). Interestingly, the IUCN, Critically Endangered] was at one time calling behavior of the Diana Monkey to warn of widely distributed from the Sassandra River to predation risk differs depending upon the type of the Volta River in Ghana, but is now one of the predator in pursuit (leopard/eagle vs. chimpan- world’s twenty-five most endangered primates zee/hunter) (Zuberbuhler et al. 1997). Overall, (Alexander 2000). Recent surveys by McGraw this species, as well as others listed as conservation (1998) and Oates et al. (1999, 2000) in Ghana priorities for the region, requires immediate and Côte d’Ivoire found no evidence of the sub- attention and numbers may be significantly species. Struhsaker and Bakarr (2000) reported reduced in a large portion of its range. the only confirmed sightings during a biological assessment in Parc National de la Marahoué, but The white-thighed black-and-white colobus no reliable population estimates have been made. (Colobus vellerosus) [CITES Appendix II, IUCN, Vulnerable] occurs in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

44 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Rodents (Cane Rats and Porcupines) Predators The Rodentia probably contribute the largest A detailed investigation of the effects of the proportion to the bushmeat trade in West Africa. bushmeat trade on predator populations has not The cane rat (Thryonomys swinderianus [Fitzinger been included in this review, in part because 1867]), or grasscutter, provides substantial predators are not usually a primary target for amounts of meat to markets, particularly in West bushmeat hunters. Nonetheless, predator Africa (Caspary 1999). Caspary reports that populations, such as those of the African civet studies performed regarding the husbandry of this (Viverra civetta) and the palm civet (Nandinia species (i.e., by the Laboratoire Central de binotata), are certainly being impacted by losses Nutrition Animale en Côte d’Ivoire, as well as due to snare hunting and the loss of their own L’École de Faune à Bouaflé) have been inconclu- prey base including duikers and monkeys. In sive regarding the economic benefits of raising addition, loss of habitat and hunting for skins are cane rats for local consumption, largely because also most certainly having negative impacts on they are so easily available in the wild. Such predator species. Further analysis and investiga- studies should be reviewed to determine the long- tion regarding the large predators in the region term potential for urban and logging community- and the impacts of commercial bushmeat hunting based production of this species. Although the on their populations should be considered in size of wild populations of cane rats has not been subsequent reviews. concretely determined, they are not considered to be threatened or endangered and they are thought Summary to do well in disturbed and agricultural habitats. Many species are being seriously impacted by the bushmeat trade in West Africa including duikers, The brush-tailed porcupine (Atherurus africanus elephants, primates, and rodents. The numbers [Gray 1842]) [CITES Appendix I, IUCN, and population densities presented here are Endangered] as described by Haltenorth and estimates and should be taken as such, since Diller (1980) and Nowak (1991) is identified in detailed data from specific populations through- the Order Rodentia and Family Hystricidae (Old out the region are extremely limited. More World Porcupines) as the sole species of brush- detailed data may be available from specific tailed porcupine (genus Atherurus) found in protected areas and government-sponsored Africa. It is widely distributed in forested habitats project reviews. Many populations may already be and is also often found in disturbed habitats, locally extirpated and their presence falsely particularly around agricultural development. assumed in areas for which estimates have been These porcupines live in groups of up to eight given here. We do know that accurate data about and can occupy a territory of 1-5 hectares. With the actual presence and actual densities for these a gestation period of just over 100 days, they species across the region in all protected areas does usually produce two litters of 1 (normal)- 4 not exist. Nonetheless, the downward trends (uncommon) young per year. It is one of the described here can be confirmed, in some areas at most significant species in the bushmeat trade in least. It appears that species requiring primary Central and West Africa and has been reported as forest habitat have declined significantly due to a preferred species commanding the highest prices the dramatic reduction in this type of habitat in some markets (Anadu et al. 1988). Although across the region. Concurrently, species requiring it appears to be withstanding high levels of large areas for support of even limited population hunting in several areas (Lahm 1993, Noss sizes, such as elephants, also have been heavily 1998a,b), it has been suggested as a possible impacted, as isolated pockets of habitat in candidate for captive breeding programs to protected areas become surrounded by agriculture preserve its wild populations (Jori et al. 1998). and settlement that prevent necessary migration Researchers have not estimated specific popula- patterns. tion numbers in the region due both to a lack of When put together, field observations, appropriate surveys and to this animal’s very wide informed estimates, and a review of literature range of distribution, both inside and outside paint a bleak picture: large percentages of wildlife protected areas. are in decline across the West African Upper Guinea forest ecosystem. Habitat loss, hunting, and pressure on populations appear to be ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 45 undermining the possibility that the region can maintaining some level of protected status, sustain viable populations of key large mammal relatively limited conservation activity is actually species. Some species are already most certainly taking place (East 1999, IUCN 1992, Oates et al. gone from the region and the trends suggest that 1997). many more will follow if current patterns of The World Conservation Monitoring Center human behavior continue. Confirmation of these (WCMC) has compiled detailed information predicted low densities and declining trends about the early part of this decade concerning should be undertaken immediately. protected area history, laws, management systems, administration, status and contacts for each country and selected parks and reserves (IUCN STATUS OF MAMMALS IN PROTECTED 1992). These documents are available online in a AREAS searchable database (www.wcmc.org.uk/ protected_areas/data/nat.htm) and include a The importance of protected areas for West listing of national parks and other protected areas Africa’s large mammals has been highlighted in in the region. Appendix 1 of this volume several major reports including detailed Species includes summaries by country from this database Specialist Group (IUCN/SSG) Action Plans for and other resources. This information provides a primates (IUCN 1996), antelopes (East 1990, general overview of current protected areas in the 1999), and elephants (Roth & Merz 1991, AESG region as a whole as they were in the early part of 1999). This section describes the implications of this decade. Changes to the current system of protected area management for long-term protected areas and their management may mitigation of the effects of bushmeat hunting on require updating from these reports. wildlife in the sub-region. Data from several sources analyzing the current status of habitats Potential For West Africa’s Protected Areas and species in existing protected areas in the In Sustaining Viable Large Mammal Upper Guinea forest ecosystem countries (Côte Populations d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra The increasing pressure on forests, from both Leone) were compiled to address the question of subsistence farmers and from habitat loss through the role of forest protected areas in sustaining encroachment on protected areas, is making the viable populations of large mammals. management of wildlife populations tremendously challenging. Under these circumstances, Protected Area Coverage efforts to develop solutions to the bushmeat crisis Summary information concerning each country, would benefit tremendously from assessments of habitat availability and protected areas in the habitat loss, off-take levels, and population Upper Guinea forest ecosystem is presented in thresholds in relation to hunting pressures. To Table 4.2. The information highlights immediate ensure the long-term survival of threatened challenges to wildlife conservation in the sub- populations of numerous species, we need to region: dramatic losses of key wildlife habitat know how many animals of different species are coupled with extremely high human population hunted in a given area over time. What are growth rates and densities. The majority of land reasonable ‘renewal rates’ for each species and throughout the region is described as being how do changes in population relate to habitat subject to medium to high levels of disturbance. availability across the region? How effectively can Many of the species discussed in this review harvest rates be projected for domestic and specifically require primary habitats and so the market consumption? Though increasingly loss of such habitat as a single factor may questioned from a management point of view (see dramatically affect population dynamics. Habitat Oates 1999, Struhsaker 1996, 1999), answers to loss, coupled with impacts of widespread these questions have major implications for bushmeat hunting, could reduce populations promoting sustainable use of wildlife in West below sustainable levels in many areas. These Africa. factors, combined with the reported lack of infrastructure and funding to support active conservation, suggest that despite the large areas CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

46 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest TABLE 4.2: Country summary: large mammals, people and protected areas. Information compiled from: Animal Info 1999 , WCMC Protected Areas Database , WRI 1998.

Côte d'Ivoire Ghana Guinea Liberia Sierra Leone

Total # Species 230 222 190 193 147

# Threatened Mammal Species 16 13 11 11 9

% of Total Species Threatened 7.00% 5.90% 5.80% 5.70% 6.10%

Population 1998 15.5 million 18.5 million 7.5 million 2.8 million 5.1 million

Population Growth Rate (1995-00) 2.0% 2.8% 1.4% 8.6% 3.0%

Total Area (km2) 322,464 238,538 245,857 111,369 71,740

Population Density/ km2 (estimated) 48 78 31 25 71

Major Forest Percentage 39% 25% 15% 53% 35%

Natural Forest Deforestation 1980-1990 9.9% 12.6% 11.5% 5.2% 6.1%

% Grass and Shrub land Percentage 37% 55% 77% 11% 41%

Land with Low Human Disturbance 23% 2% 34% 27% <1%

Land with Medium Human Disturbance 38% 56% 41% 17% 31%

Land with High Human Disturbance 39% 42% 24% 57% 69%

Total Area Protected (km2) 19,930 10,750 1,670 1,310 1,553

% Land Totally Protected 5.86% 4.46% <1% 1.17% <1%

% Land Partially Protected 0.32% 0.05% 0% 0% 2.23%

% Tropical Forest Protected 22.8 7.1 1.1 2.9 20.3

% Original Forest Remaining 9.9 8.6 5.0 44.2 9.7

Per Capita GDP (1996) $1,620 $1,530 $950 $1,100 $980

Female Adult Literacy (1990) 40% 51% 13% 29% 11%

Male Adult Literacy (1990) 67% 70% 35% 50% 31%

HARVEST RATES dramatic increases in bushmeat demand. The There is extremely limited published research on demand for bushmeat by increasing human harvest rates for key bushmeat wildlife species in populations is met as a result of the correspond- West Africa. The historical trends, however, are ing access to previously unexploited forest areas likely similar to what is being documented in the forged by hunters working for logging companies Central African region today. Bowen-Jones and and urban markets, and new and better tools for Pendry (1999) detail the development and hunting such as guns, wire snares, and other growth of the bushmeat trade in West and weaponry. Central Africa showing the combined linkages Accurate harvest rates by country or for the resulting in simultaneous increases in bushmeat region are extremely difficult to determine, as supply and demand. They suggest it is the seasonality and locality significantly affect levels increase in overall populations both in rural and of offtake, as well as availability of animals.

urban communities that contribute to the However, several recent studies of various hunting IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 47 methods, harvest totals, and harvest rates have with an average harvest in hunted areas of 15.9 been conducted in Central Africa and can be used individuals/ km2/ year. Hart (2000) found that, to inform the development of sound investiga- compared to unharvested populations, harvested tions for West Africa. However, it should be populations of red duiker exhibited trends toward noted that many different variables can confound younger age structures, suggesting less resilience the results of these kinds of studies, and they need to hunting pressure than the smaller, blue duiker. to be designed with local knowledge and Noss (1997) noted that over 2,000 individual circumstances in mind. For example, the duikers had been taken taken from a single outcome of studies of harvest rates will be shaped location in southern Central African Republic by the personnel and other important local and estimated snare harvest rates for red duikers resources available to conduct the study. In (3.9/ km2/year) and blue duikers (3.3/ km2/year), addition, the results of studies conducted on rates that Noss (1998) concluded were not different methods of hunting and the hunting of sustainable, even according to conservative different species need to be linked to the particu- estimates. Noss also estimated that losses to lar local circumstances in which the data were snares (i.e., animals dying on the snare or gathered, and should only be generalized with escaping with injury and likely to die, a circum- great caution. As a result, researchers must also stance called wastage) were as high as 27% of the carefully identify species offtake, carefully catch. If this estimate is representative, then calculate harvest rates, and very conservatively harvest rates projected only by a count of extrapolate these results into estimates of popula- individual carcasses entering villages or towns tion densities in specific areas. may considerably underestimate the total takeoff The studies from Central Africa show both from wildlife populations. In another study in the promise and constraints of field studies on the Dja Faunal Reserve of Cameroon, Muchaal bushmeat harvests. For example, in southern and Ngandjui (1999) underscored the lack of Central African Republic, Noss (1998b) found an accurate data collected by any single method by annual snare harvest rate of 3.3 for blue duiker showing that harvest rates were significantly (Cephalophus monticola), 3.1 for Peter’s duiker (C. higher (four times) at greater distances from callipygus), 0.6 for bay duiker, and 0.9 for villages, and that wastage was also extremely high. porcupines. However, Hart (2000) reported a Still, based on this data, the authors were able to harvest rate of 10.2 blue duiker/ km2/year in net make sound recommendations, such as that hunts vs. 1.6 blue duiker/km2/year for snare subsistence activities should be allowed only hunts. Hart also found harvest rates for red within 15 km of the village. duikers at 4.1/km2/year for net hunts and 0.49/ In the absence of available harvest rate data km2/year for snare hunts. Using a different for most areas, the availability of a variety of methodology, Eves and Ruggiero (1999) deter- bushmeat in markets can offer a view of both mined a harvest rate based on amount of meat consumer preferences as well as a reflection of the produced per unit time of effort hunting (Esti- resource base. Anstey (1991) found that nearly mated Rate of Return – ERR – kg/hour) and half (48%) of the bushmeat available in urban discovered shotgun hunting during the day Liberian markets was from duikers, with rodent produced a mean of 2.67 (±3.46) kg/hour, (20%) and primate (20%) meat also in strong shotgun hunting at night produced mean 3.57 supply. In the rural areas, Anstey reported that (±3.96) kg/hour, and snare hunting produced a the majority of species collected (75%) were mean of 6.59 (±4.26) kg/hour. Though the antelopes. Anadu et al. (1988) found similar results of each of these studies are informative, patterns of preference and availability in markets they are difficult to compare locally or more of southwestern Nigeria. Through interviews broadly. with hunters and market vendors, Anadu et al. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Hart found that consumers preferred cane rats also found the antelope off-take from net hunting (Thryonomys swinderianus), Maxwell’s duiker, ranged from 62 to 92% of total capture, with porcupines, and bushpig (Potamochoerus porcus). large percentages of the resulting meat being Nearly all of the frequently captured species were produced for sale to external or local markets. said to have been more common 15-20 years This study also reported densities of duikers in before the study period (1982), and the majority 2

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE unhunted areas ranging from 21.4 – 44.8/km , of interviews were with vendors who had been

48 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest actively selling bushmeat for more than ten years. harvests on target wildlife populations. Although In northern Cameroon, Njoforti (1996) found such studies are difficult to design and conduct, similar preference patterns. Porcupines specifi- due to the complexity of variables involved, they cally were the most preferred bushmeat, and were are an imperative for effective wildlife manage- reported by respondents to be declining. ment. In addition, sound studies are also needed Other studies of consumption have shown to establish and follow trade routes for the largest consistent results about the demand for bushmeat markets in each country. Transportation routes across West Africa. In a 1974 study, Asibey need to be followed because the numbers of observed consumption of bushmeat in the carcasses counted in consumer markets do not northern province of Côte d’Ivoire to be 0.03 kg/ reflect the actual harvest numbers because so person/day. Feer et al. (1995) found that in rural many animals are lost or wasted during the areas of Côte d’Ivoire, annual estimated con- harvest process. The types of surveys required for sumption of bushmeat remained at about 0.03 accurate determination of harvest and consump- kg/person/day (11.08 kg/per person/yr), although tion rates will require an appropriate and efficient consumption dropped to 0.01 kg/person/day sampling strategy (Walsh & White 1999) based (3.16 kg/person/yr) in urban areas. In a 1996 on informed understanding of the most impor- survey in Côte d’Ivoire, bushmeat consumption tant (ecologically) regions of each country. was estimated at 0.022 kg/person/day (Caspary 1999). Steel (1994 in Caspary 1999) estimated RENEWAL RATES 0.029 kg/person/day of bushmeat in Liberia was Renewal rates of species are one of the most consumed in 1989/90. Figures for Ghana important elements in discussions relating to (Asibey 1988 in Caspary 1999) suggest nearly sustainable harvest and/or management of 80% of animal protein consumed is from wildlife, wildlife species, though little reliable data about though no figures for per person daily consump- these rates exist. Renewal rates of a species are tion were provided. variable according to habitat, population history, These daily bushmeat consumption figures are dispersal potential, risk (e.g., disease, stress, less than those estimated in Central African environmental events), density-dependence, and studies where rural residents in northern Congo species competition. Some renewal rates for key consumed an average of 0.07 kg/person/day (Eves taxa have been estimated from regions in Central and Ruggiero 1999), logging community Africa. Table 4.3 provides detail from the residents in Central African Republic consumed literature regarding density, productivity, off-take, an average of 0.06 kg/person/day (Noss 1995), and estimated sustainable harvest rates of selected and logging camp residents in Congo consumed species involved in the bushmeat trade. 0.16 to 0.29 kg/person/day (Auzel 1996 in As Table 4.3 shows, renewal rates for each Wilkie et al. 1998). Based on Njiforti’s (1996) species are highly variable across Africa. This study in northern Cameroon, people in the variation could be due to habitat, food availabil- region consume about 0.02 kg/person/day, results ity, and many other related variables as well as to that are similar to those found in the West different methods used to collect data. The result African countries under consideration. of this variation is that sound comparisons across Due to the dramatic losses of habitat, increases the region cannot be made. Consideration of in population, and advanced stage of bushmeat methodology is critically important when commerce in many areas of the region, and based establishing monitoring programs for wildlife as on current trends in Central Africa, declines in research capacity, cost, and reliability of results wildlife resource availability may account for the must all be accounted for to select the most decline seen in some harvest and consumption appropriate monitoring methodology available rates (as suggested by the studies in Côte (Walsh & White 1999). d’Ivoire). Studies that explore a possible connec- Struhsaker (1996) points out that, in fact, it tion among bushmeat availability, market prices, has yet to be effectively demonstrated that and possible substitutes for bushmeat in rural and wildlife can be sustainably harvested in tropical urban markets would be valuable. More reliable forests. Natural wildlife population dynamics in estimates of actual harvest rates of bushmeat and/ tropical forests did not evolve to sustain the high or consumption rates by rural and urban popula- levels of off-take that are occurring in West and tions in West Africa are needed and of impacts of Central Africa. These animal populations have ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 49 not undergone the long-term management and that these species will survive in the region selective breeding (for high productivity) of without considerable support for protection and domesticated species and reproduce in highly management of remaining habitats and protected sensitive, and ever compromised, environments. areas. Indeed, the overall future for wildlife in Together, these factors point toward great West Africa appears tenuous given the trends obstacles in developing management strategies shown across the region for key bushmeat species. that could include ‘sustainable harvest’. Evidence Of course, such predictions have been suggested is mounting concerning potential negative effects for a number of years while bushmeat supplies of hunting (i.e., selecting for trophy animals and continue; current research supports the unfortu- males in ungulate populations) on female nate possibility that although it appears as if fecundity (Ginsberg & Milner-Gulland 1994) wildlife populations persist despite heavy off-take suggesting that we have much to learn regarding levels and habitat destruction, risks of dramatic wildlife reproduction before we can hope to die-off and species extinctions are increasingly develop sustainable harvest regimes. likely in the near future (Doak 1995, Cowlishaw Even if one could show without question that 1999). today a population is being harvested at a Habitat availability is not the only concern sustainable rate, how will that be affected by the regarding wildlife: overall habitat health is of dramatic human population increases occurring equal concern in these highly compromised across the region? Arguments are continuously forests. As many of the species targeted by the put forth concerning property rights and local bushmeat trade are highly frugivorous (duikers, custom in reference to local people’s rights to the primates, elephants), the removal of such species consumption of bushmeat; it is likely that those in dramatic numbers could have irreversible rights will only be exercised by the present impacts on forest structure and productivity. For generation – regardless of the impacts on future example, in a recent study, Chapman and generations in Africa. Enormous amounts of Chapman (1997) estimated that the loss of time, funding, training, capacity building, fruiting trees in a Ugandan tropical forest could personnel recruitment and development, data be as great as 60% due to the removal of seed- analysis, and project management will have to be dispersing frugivores. As these species are highly implemented in the few remaining protected targeted in the bushmeat trade, such research areas in the region even to monitor wildlife results hint at the enormous consequences for populations, much less protect them (Walsh & ecosystem function that may result from the loss White 1999). of wildlife in these forests. To begin the process of estimating renewal Cowlishaw (1999) has conducted an intrigu- rates of wildlife, without which the impacts of ing investigation regarding the potential delays harvest rates cannot be determined, and in order existing between habitat loss and population to develop population dynamic structure esti- extinction and suggests that this “extinction debt” mates from which hypotheses can be developed occurs for over 30% of the forest primates in and tested, it would be wise to study potentially Africa. The paper lists countries by region in viable populations of wildlife across the region in order of highest species losses based on just a combined Conservation Assessment Manage- moderate rates of forest loss – Côte d’Ivoire, ment Plan and Population Habitat and Viability Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Ghana are in the top Analysis process through the IUCN/SSC five with Liberia being eighth of eight countries Conservation Breeding Specialist Group. considered in West Africa. These top four countries are predicted to lose 40-50% of their Implications for Habitat Availability primate species. Some researchers believe that As shown in Table 4.2, the habitat availability for these predictions are too low because they are forest species across the region has been reduced based primarily on previous forest loss, and by 90% in some areas. The majority of remain- therefore do not include effects of current ing protected habitats are small, isolated islands deforestation or defaunation caused by bushmeat of forest under considerable threat from adjacent trade. Studies of other species have demonstrated human communities. Considering the extremely similar delayed responses to hunting and/or low reproduction rates of some species (see Table habitat loss impacts (Doak 1995). It is very possible that such lag times to extinction are

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE 4.3, elephants and chimpanzees), it is unlikely

50 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest TABLE 4.3: Density, Production, Offtake, and Sustainability estimates for Selected Mammals in Africa. Sources: a - Wilkie et al. 1998, b - Wilkie and Carpenter 1998, c - Milner-Gulland & Beddington 1993, d - Hart 1999, e - Nowak 1991, f - Caspary 1999 (for selected forests in Côte d’Ivoire from literature, page 33 table), g – Sugiyama 1994, h - Sugiyama 1984, i – Marchesi et al. 1995 (primary forest to human encroached habitat for range of densities), *Chimpanzee reproduction ages 13-14 to 40 :+Elephant reproduction ages 11-20 to 55-60 years. ind. = individual

Intristic Estimated Species Density Productivity rate of Harvest rate sustainable harvest growth a a Brush-tailed Porcupine 0.55 ind. /ha , 0.271/ha/year , a 2 b 2 b r=1.82 3.3 ind./km 0.27-11.88 ind./km ((AtherurusAtherurus africanus) 1.58 kg /ha a 0.78 kg/ha/year a

0.242 ind./ha a 2-67 kg/km2/year b, a 2 b Blue Duiker 1.14 kg/ha , 2 b a 17.9 ind./km 2 b 5-108 kg/km /year r=1.63 0.24-23.01 ind./km (Cephalophus monticola) 30.4-53 ind./km2 b 11.2-11.7% of standing 5-257 kg/km2 b crop d

0.74 ind./ ha a, 30-141 kg/km2/year b, a 2 b Red Duikers 12.58 kg/ha , 2 b a 1.8-3.9 ind./km 2 b 18-408 kg/km /year r=1.54 0.01-1.13 ind./km ((CephalophusCephalophus spp.) 50-1,272 kg/km2 b 21.3-37.6% of standing 0.07 ind./ km2 f crop d

a a Yellow-backed Duiker 0.016 ind./ha , 0.005/ha/year a r=1.54 (Cephalophus sylvicultor) 1.09 kg/ha a 0.35 kg/ha/year a 2 f 0.40/ km a Mona Monkey a 0.017/ha/year , a 0.231 ind./ha , a r=1.12 ((CercopithecusCercopithecus mona) a 0.06 kg/ha/year 0.88 kg/ha 1.0ind/ km2 f 1/female*/4-5 years e 0.27 ± 0.203 ind./ km2 f mean = Chimpanzee 2 i g 1.64-0.09 ind/ km 0.197/female/year 0.985/year (Pan troglodytes) 2 e 0.05-26.0/km 0.333/female (age 20- 0.03-0.36 ind./km2 b 23)/yearg 2 c Elephant 0.33/km e 1/female+/3-9 years ((LoxodontaLoxodonta africana) 0.18 ind/ km2 f

2 e Bush Pig 1.29/ km e 3-4/female/year ((PotamochoerusPotamochoerus porcus) 0.36-1.7 ind./km2 b

present in other West African forest taxa and that community-based conservation activities. He current interpretations of their future are overly points out that Africa’s population is projected to optimistic. reach 1.5 billion in 2025 (from 730 million at Protected areas throughout the region will present) and despite increased urbanization of the most likely provide the only opportunity for the societies within Africa, demands on the land will survival of many of the species discussed here, but likely increase. Hackel also points out that only if considerable efforts are made to provide promotion of community-based conservation adequate protection, and support for each activities and support of democratization across country’s capacity to implement existing laws Africa may in fact have negative impacts on concerning wildlife conservation. Promoting biodiversity in the long term because local community-based conservation as the sole tool residents may choose to increase their economic for addressing losses of wildlife is unwise, at very opportunities through further land conversion. best. As development initiatives attract considerably Hackel (1999) provides an interesting review greater sources of funding while conservation of the current situation of protected areas and programs remain notoriously underfunded, it is ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 51 interesting to note the development of both longer be viable (Shaffer 1981). Consideration integrated conservation and development projects for design, size, and location (in terms of and community-based conservation programs all potential biodiversity corridors as well as in the name of sustainable harvest objectives ecoregions) of core protected areas with associated (Struhsaker 1996). Support for the management buffer zones should be made through evaluation and enforcement of regulations in protected areas of existing parks and reserves. Such consideration seemed to lose ground in the late 1980s and early must include knowledge and understanding of 1990s with numerous voices supporting commu- the history, local use rights, and population nity-based conservation activities. This may be dynamics of associated human communities. In due to an underestimate of how extremely short, the effectiveness of any conservation challenging it actually is to simultaneously meet activity in this region will depend upon compre- the basic needs of both wildlife and people (Oates hensive evaluation of existing parks and reserves 1999). and focused management planning for those areas To achieve the levels of protection necessary maintaining populations of wildlife with low for viable biodiversity conservation, relatively probability of extirpation. Such activity should large core areas of intact habitats in a landscape also consider the likelihood of compliance by mosaic of well managed areas with appropriate local human communities with hunting regula- restrictions in terms of human use will have to be tions. implemented. Hackel (1999) states Wilkie and Carpenter (1998) provide an excellent review of the bushmeat trade with “…if CBC is thought of simply as a set of tools particular attention to considerations of density, that serve to promote greater acceptance of con- harvest rate, and sustainability estimations, along servation efforts by rural people, the ends be- with a summary of the enormous challenges to come more realistic…Instead of conservation- conducting research in forests of the West and ists trying to implement unrealistically com- Central African regions. One key point they plex programs, they should use the most ap- make considers the necessity of linking harvest propriate CBC tools to build better relations rate data with accurate values for species produc- with rural people…in critically important tivity. Given the limited financial resources for areas…CBC tools can be used as much as pos- research activities in the region, the authors sible to ameliorate the restrictions people must recommend focusing on the market end of the endure.” (page 733). bushmeat trade as well as more thoroughly exploring potential flexibilities in demand. Protecting wildlife through protected area systems Robust research of market issues must then be and development of biodiversity and corridors is linked with data about population dynamics in the method with the greatest potential to address the wild. Ideally, research into the bushmeat global concerns regarding wildlife populations in issues should be multi-tiered and West Africa. To be truly effective, these kinds of multidisciplinary, despite the fact that such work efforts would have to be done in full collabora- is difficult to design, fund, and conduct. tion with local communities, addressing issues of access and user rights, enforcement concerns, and lack of adequate data on population dynamics. CONCLUSIONS Given these constraints, habitat preservation remains the key criterion for any conservation There have been some reported successes in the program, for without sufficient quantity and protection of wildlife populations in the West quality of habitat there will be no viable wildlife Africa Upper Guinea forest ecosystem. Nonethe- populations to protect. less, published studies confirm that some Productivity rates for many species in the populations in the region face serious threats region are either unknown or based on studies from both habitat loss and the bushmeat trade. from populations existing in larger and qualita- Wildlife biologists are well known for their tively differing habitats, which may contribute consistent calls for further study, and for good significantly to species production. The evidence reason. Without an accurate understanding of is mounting to suggest that below certain habitat what is occurring within each of the wildlife sizes and function, wildlife populations may no populations in each of the protected areas under CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

52 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest consideration, it is not possible to answer critical questions about the real impacts of the bushmeat trade. The maintenance and management of protected areas is an extremely costly and difficult process and, despite tremendous concern and long-term efforts, most governments are hard- pressed to secure the human and financial resources necessary to monitor, manage, and protect wildlife populations. We are only beginning to engage in debates that will develop clear roles that local communities, national and international experts, universities, and national and international governments and conservation agencies will play in building management schemes to sustain both human and wildlife populations (see Spinage 1998, Martin 1999). Human needs are almost always prioritized in management schemes, and cultural differences and historical perspectives will continue to complicate the debate. Global, regional, and local perspectives will dramatically effect the ability of stakeholders to share a common vision of the causes of the bushmeat problem and, therefore, of appropriate solutions. Regardless of these factors, the imperative is clear: all involved must begin to coordinate a concentrated effort to protect and conserve key wildlife species across the region to insure that these populations will be viable and available – for whatever purpose – for future generations of West Africans. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 53 CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

54 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest PHOTOS AND DISTRIBUTION MAPS OF ANIMALS

BAY DUIKER BLACK DUIKER

Adult male bay duiker (Cephalophus dorsalis) and Adult male black duiker (Cephalophus niger) and distribution map. distribution map.

MAXWELL’S DUIKER ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES Maxwell’s duiker (Cephalophus maxwelli) and distribution map.

Chapter 4 Eves & Bakarr 55 JENTINK’S DUIKER YELLOW-BACKED DUIKER

Adult male Jentink’s duiker (Cephalophus jentinki) Adult male yellow-backed duiker (Cephalophus and distribution map. sylvicultor) and distribution map.

ZEBRA DUIKER

Adult male zebra duiker (Cephalophus zebra) and

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE distribution map.

56 WESTERN CHIMPANZEE DIANA MONKEY

Western chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes verus) Adult diana monkey (Cercopithecus diana) and and distribution map. distribution map.

RED COLOBUS MONKEY

Red colobus monkey (Procolobus badius) and distribution map. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

57 PART TWO

THE HUMAN DIMENSIONS AND CONSERVATION CHALLENGES OF THE BUSHMEAT CRISIS

Throughout the African rain forest region, wildlife populations have sustained people for thousands of years and bushmeat hunting remains a major component of rural livelihoods. Recently, however, traditional and subsistence hunting practices have been transformed by a complex set of factors including widespread use of modern weapons, access to previously remote areas, and the development and growth of new consumer markets. Like many other aspects of the African landscape, traditions and cultures are constantly changing and the social dynamics of wildlife utilization have come under increased scrutiny by conservationists. The western world now views bushmeat hunting as an anathema, and media outcry continues to paint a gloomy picture for much of Africa’s wildlife, particularly the great apes. Unfortunately, the debate has yet to yield solutions to the problem. On the contrary, the discussion has been so bound up among conservationists that the general public has not yet had an opportunity to hear or understand the complexity of the situation. In their effort to bring needed attention to the situation, conservationists have been increasingly vocal, but not increasingly strategic in their approach to addressing the growing threat in Africa. However, the recent evidence implicating chimpanzees as the origin of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), the virus that causes AIDS in humans, has given the conservation community a prime opportunity both to bring attention to the bushmeat problem and to pursue a cross-sector framework for solutions. The chapters in Part 2 of this volume highlight connections among social, cross-cultural, health, and legal aspects of the bushmeat crisis. In Chapter 5, Rose discusses the need to include social change as a fundamental component of addressing the threats from commercial bushmeat trade. He advocates a collective approach to problem solving, one that brings different disciplines and professionalism to addressing the bushmeat crisis. At the same time, he suggests that solutions must begin with an inspection of values, biases, levels of experience and competence. In the following chapter, Bowman focuses on the issues of culture and ethics from Western and African perspectives by constructing models to represent cultural differences and by proposing a framework for conservation intervention that is respectful of diversity in culture and values. In Chapter 7, Hardin and Auzel review potential health risks associated with bushmeat utilization, including reports of chimpanzee links to HIV and other viral infections in the rain forest region. In this context, they examine the implications for building the public support necessary to address problems of commercial trade of wildlife. Readers are encouraged to review the bibliography of resources related to social, cultural, ethical, anthropological and other aspects of the bushmeat crisis. Finally, in Chapter 8, Kormos and Bakarr discuss trends in the legal frameworks (laws and institutions) associated with protected area enforcement and with regulating hunting and bushmeat exploitation across West Africa. They provide a brief overview of the nature and diversity of laws, an outline of differences in strategies used to enforce those laws, and a synthesis of strengths and weaknesses in overall legislative systems. Although the focus is on Upper Guinea forest countries (Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana), examples are drawn from other parts of Africa to highlight the need for strengthening the role of legislation in addressing the bushmeat crisis. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

58 CHAPTER 5 SOCIAL CHANGE AND SOCIAL VALUES IN MITIGATING BUSHMEAT COMMERCE

ANTHONY L. ROSE

Central African family gathered around cooking pots.

It has long been argued that consensus to act in conservation research and development must include all stakeholders. On one political level, this has come to mean “when planning for Africa, include

Africans.” This expansion is necessary, but not sufficient. We must step back to ask who is planning – which Africans, which internationals? What are their values, their biases, their levels of expertise and competence? Whom and what do they represent? And, as stakeholders, what is their stake in this?

Professionals in applied science who have a stake in the endeavors and disciplines required to confront the bushmeat crisis reach far beyond those now eminent in the field. Leadership in the wildlife conservation movement has spread from naturalists and wildlife biologists to include ecologists, anthropologists,

59 and, more recently, economists and political hundred franc note lying on the forest floor scientists. Still, this widened spectrum does not (Incha 1996). This view of financial greed as cover many important disciplines and fields of overriding human values for honesty, community, endeavor. I have argued that a broad inclusive- and compassion is a perceptual framework that ness is imperative to underpin conservation came to Africa with the people who imported planning (Rose 1996a, 1998b). Now, in the face common cash economy – the traders and of burgeoning commerce in wildlife meat, that developers of the Middle East and Europe. The call for broad-based professional and personal fact that this economic value structure has served collaboration is doubly important. In this the outsiders more than the Africans is accepted. chapter, I attempt to sketch a theoretical blue- The possibility of controlling this destructive print for understanding and effecting lasting penchant for commerce uber alas has been largely social change in the bushmeat arena. ignored. But it is not francs and dollars that cut trees or kill gorillas. The rational constructs of supply SOCIAL CHANGE GOVERNS and demand are not capable of wielding chain COMMERCIAL EXCHANGE saws and firing shotguns. It is people who destroy forests and wildlife. Individual loggers Social values and social change capacities have not and hunters are manipulated by specific timber been studied adequately, if at all, in the context of managers and bushmeat traders who have, in bushmeat commerce. In part, this is due to turn, been seduced into exploitative enterprise by politicians and professionals only recently the exigencies of their personal situations in a acknowledging that the commercial trade in region plagued with societal turmoil and rife with wildlife for meat is big business, and that its anarchic scrambles for self-survival and private control is crucial to the conservation of nature on profit. this planet (ACP-EU 1996, Bowen-Jones 1998). Juste et al. (1995) crystallised the essence of But the disregard for social phenomena among the process: “With the advent of modern firearms conservationists precedes the bushmeat crisis. and improved communications and transport, The global conservation movement began and subsistence hunting has given way to anarchic remains focused on solving biodiversity problems, exploitation of wildlife to supply the rapidly not understanding and influencing the human growing cities with game.” The key word here is factors that create those problems (Ludwig et al. anarchic. Horta (1993) wrote that “... almost all 1993). the companies in the forestry sector are ‘outside More recently, due largely to their conflicts the law.’ Despite good legislation, there is no over the right to work in common wild areas, effective overseeing of actual operations.” conservationists and developers have been Recently, I wrote (Rose 1999a): “It is impera- attempting collaboration. The marriage of tive that international political and financial professionals who care about flora and fauna with pressures and incentives be brought to bear on profiteers who covet wood and meat is not an these uncontrolled business activities and the easy one. Occasionally they work together in a resultant social anarchy. At the same time, work domain that both grasp intuitively – economics. must begin in earnest to expand African people’s Thus, there has been a strong bias towards values beyond the imported view of wildlife and consideration of economic factors in the creation wilderness as an exploitable natural resource.” of Integrated Conservation Development Projects In this chapter, I attempt, therefore, to expand (see Cleaver et al. 1992, Brandon and Wells applied biodiversity science and its search for 1992). Science and business have made their conservation solutions beyond the clutches of mark in this world by their ability to manage resourcism to the fundamental investigation of measurables. Money counts in large part because what we humans perceive and how we behave. it is so easy to count. As Lorenz (1985) advised those who would A respected French timber executive in undertake the study of living beings, we begin by Cameroon compared bushmeat to “found examining the observing apparatus – the money” and suggested that poor Africans cannot scientist’s mind. resist hunting any more than they can leave a CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

60 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest SCIENTIST KNOW THYSELF: are utilitarians everywhere, since sensory focus on A CALL FOR SELF-EXAMINATION empirical (material/visible) phenomena is crucial to human survival and to making a living. Ask a professional what s/he learned at university, Nonetheless, it does appear that resource exploita- and you will know how s/he will perceive the tion is the prime driving force in some arenas and bushmeat crisis, or any major issue in conserva- not in others. tion for that matter. Then examine the person’s On the opposite end of the matrix, practitio- experience in the field, and her/his approach to ners in theology, ecology, and physical anthropol- solutions will become predictable. Educational ogy are perhaps the least likely to ask questions discipline and personal experience effect our like “What can biodiversity do for people?” biases in relation to science and conservation Persons in these areas are typically biased towards (Rose 1996a). In the context of social systems asserting reverence or respect for wildlife. They that opportune self-actualization, a person’s want to know about wildlife in order to appreci- psychological strengths will influence her/his ate it as an intrinsically valuable element of professional path, values, and behavior. nature. Professionals in the arts and humanities, Differential capacity to think, feel, sense, and along with conservationists and sociologists, also intuit characterize an individual’s persona and tend to approach wildlife from the standpoint of delimit one’s attitudes and behaviors (Jung 1958). stewardship and preservation. Still, there are The Matrix of Approaches to Wildlife, shown here naturalists everywhere, as intuitive experience of in Table 5.1, is constructed along these psycho- metaphysical (abstract, spiritual) phenomena is logical dimensions and seems to fit the distinction crucial to psychological well-being and to the of professional fields of endeavor, as well as quality of life. disciplines within the natural and social sciences As suggested in the matrix, professionals in (Rose 1999b). A fundamental step towards the life and social sciences seem to take a middle creation of an applied biodiversity science must ground between exploitative business people and be to understand and expand the baseline values reverential theologians. Biologists, zoologists, and that influence perceptions and decisions of the psychologists seem similarly centrist in their people who are constructing the science. respective values in that they focus neither on the As implied in this matrix, people working in domestication nor preservation of wildlife. This business, medicine, and economics are typically is not to say that these disciplines are more biased towards the exploitation of biodiversity. “objective” than the others. Rather, it suggests They want to know about wildlife in order to use that their members are more often ambivalent or it as a resource for personal and human gain. afraid to relate the subject matter of their choice Professionals in politics and law, agriculture, and to the controversial meta-issue of humankind’s political science also tend to approach wildlife involvement with wildlife, and with non-human from the standpoint of extraction and domestica- animals in general. tion of products for human use. Of course there

TABLE 5.1: Matrix of Approaches to Wildlife

CONTROL Extract Steward EXPLOIT <<<<<<<< KNOW >>>>>>>>>REVERE Domesticate Preserve COMMUNE

Endeavors: Business Politics & Law Life & Social Sciences Arts & Humanities Theology Life Science: Medicine Agriculture Biology & Zoology Conservation Ecology Social Science: Economics Political Science Psychology Sociology Anthropology ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 61 To synthesize, the division of professional affective persons in agribusiness, hands-on game fields and endeavors seems to separate the ranching is likely to be more satisfying than sensitive seeker of a way to make a living from the management of wildlife culling programs. intuitive seeker of a quality life. It has been To summarize, it is clear that psychologically- accepted in organizational psychology for decades based biases influence our perceptions and that effective leadership must integrate these decisions to act on an ongoing basis. When we dichotomous character types and contrasting call together a team of professionals to analyze pursuits if corporate, community, and individual research findings and set science and conservation goals are to be achieved (Kroeger 1992, Rose priorities, it is absolutely necessary to include a 1975). Conservation leaders, workers, and broad and balanced mix of individuals with the programs, whether in situ or ex situ, are not full panoply of values and biases. Otherwise, our exempt from this need for psychological integrity. database and our decision making will be skewed, If one’s proclivity towards Sensing or Intuiting incomplete, and misinterpreted. seems to define the disparity of perceptions and Granted, this is not an easy imperative to relationships to wildlife among diverse fields and implement. Beyond incorporating experts from disciplines, then the duality of Thinking and new disciplines and endeavors, it will mean Feeling (Myers & Briggs 1993) appears to effect ensuring that all professionals are aware of and intervention choices taken within these profes- are forthcoming about their personal biases so sional bailiwicks. Heavily rationalized persons are that their respective inputs can be balanced and likely to opt to control wildlife, while more amalgamated into a fully representative consen- emotionally directed individuals will elect to sus. And, of course, the process of expanding commune with it. and building the professional team will require For the conservationist driven by intellectual careful facilitation. To create an applied control needs, hands-off preservation of biodiversity science that pertains to the complex biodiversity seems to be preferred. On the other human forces which fuel and direct the wildlife hand, emotionally-oriented persons in conserva- bushmeat crisis, we must begin with the art and tion seeking to commune with wildlife, will select science of human development. stewardship and care-taking so as to relate to wildlife more directly. These distinctions are not fixed, however. Affective personalities can IMPLICATIONS FOR ADDRESSING THE become reactive and take rigid, irrational postures BUSHMEAT CRISIS: EXPAND AND BUILD against direct involvement with wildlife, some- THE PROFESSIONAL TEAM times to protect themselves and the animals with which they identify from emotional adversity. If it is given that professional input must be Conversely, intellect is ubiquitous and can expanded according to values/biases and disci- produce decisions which require others to connect plines, then we must first construct a more and commune with wildlife in ways that the complete and valid Matrix of Approaches to policy maker would never attempt. Wildlife. Second, we must assess the values/biases The policy planner in agriculture may find it of the professionals already involved in this easier to construct schemes for extraction of initiative and lay them out them on the matrix. wildlife resources. Intellectual reasoning provides Third, we must identify missing enterprises and a sense of righteousness for those who design disciplines, and find professionals within them methods to harvest forest protein resources to who can be assessed to determine how their meet human population demands in a sustainable values/biases and competencies fit in the matrix. manner. Clearly these designs would be less Fourth, the full complement of professionals popular, if they were presented as plans to shoot committed to working on the bushmeat issue and kill thousands of apes, elephants, and other must be organized and molded into collaborative, endangered and defenseless animals in order to interdependent teams. feed expensive game meat to rich men and their The list of professional types that could be families. Emotionally driven agriculturists may added to this effort is enormous. To fill in each prefer to domesticate “non-charismatic” wildlife cell of the Matrix of Approaches to Wildlife with such as grasscutters which do not evoke so much one African specialist and an international human empathy. From the standpoint of the counterpart will require careful analysis. Some of CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

62 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest the new fields that may need to be represented at theorizing more than reporting. But that may be this startup stage are: best at this stage: call a hypothesis, a hypothesis. We all know that what is reported in Cameroon · community development, cross-cultural or Côte d’Ivoire regarding specific preferences relations, ethics and applied theology, and taboos cannot be expected to hold in Ghana · entrepreneurial agribusiness, small business or Nigeria. What is said by certain Akan, Ewe, finance, food marketing, Baoule, or Bantu people may only partially reflect · environmental conflict management, peace- their own situations, let alone the situations of making, law enforcement, others, near or far (Mitchell 1987). Interviewer · environmental justice systems, rural and and informant relationships, agenda, gender, urban ecology, advertising media, language, and crosscultural competence all affect · organization development, applied social survey and observation results. None of these psychology, and social anthropology factors is adequately described in the studies I have read. Only with comprehensive and cohesive profes- If experimenter bias was recorded in past sional involvement can we expect to create a research, we still would need to test these artifacts solutions framework which will be grounded in in each new study to determine how to correct for enough domains to be effective in the long term. them. Most critical, the situations examined in the past are changing so fast that we cannot be confident that what we read in the academic or THE SOCIAL VALUES OF BUSHMEAT TO KEY popular literature is more than a snapshot of NON-PROFESSIONAL STAKEHOLDERS AND vanished history. In these milieus of extreme COMMUNITIES multi-vector change, applied science requires strong theory to make up for weak data. As the array of professionals involved in planning and addressing the bushmeat crisis expands, Social Variability Reigns in Africa description and analysis of social values of key In fact, I would hypothesize that the plasticity of stakeholders in West and Central African social phenomena in West and Central Africa is bushmeat commerce will also need to expand. significantly greater than in Europe, North Data available regarding West and Central America, or Asia. The global economic commu- African social values towards wildlife, bushmeat, nity labels “developing countries” in terms of and environment is mostly anecdotal, theoretical, their potential for business and financial interven- or outdated. Thus I must step back from the tions. The other kinds of development, social search for empirical findings, and develop theory and organizational, appear to be more extensive and hypotheses related to the key areas where and erratic than the commercial. Social change is social values research is needed and where the rule almost everywhere in this region of interventions that influence social change Africa. Social stability is the exception. capacity in critical stakeholder groups would best This provides challenges – impediments and affect bushmeat commerce control. Based on my opportunities. Scientists who study social own observations, ideas, and reading of the attitudes in stable populations will fail without scholarly/scientific materials, I have created a radical modification of their methods. Social schema differentiating the operational driving change professionals, on the other hand, will find forces for certain key social factors in wilderness, fertile ground for intervention. Anthropologists rural, and urban populations in African bushmeat may see few pure-cultural forms to examine. But territories. Before we review this construction, students of cultural transformation will discover however, certain scientific and strategic factors countless case studies worth undertaking. With warrant discussion. so much change ongoing, one must assume that even the most seemingly non-invasive project will Theory Guides Applied Science have an effect on local people’s attitudes, behav- Like those who study biodiversity and economics ior, and ways of life (Webb et al. 1966). We can in the bushmeat realm, I will be making broad not operate as neutral observers and insulated generalizations from a disparate sample of inputs. experimenters. It is imperative to take a clear and In most cases, given the scarcity of data, I will be proactive strategic position regarding the kinds of ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 63 influence we do and don’t want, and monitor bushmeat and its consequent social, ecological, our intended and accidental impacts. and economic collapse across West and Central Africa? Interactives Override Dichotomies More of the same will not work. The art and Conservation strategy has been dichotomized in science of conservation must change in big ways recent decades. Some strategists attempt to to face this big crisis. Individuals and organiza- protect biodiversity from people. Others try to tions struggling in isolation and in competition help the people use biodiversity sustainably. Both for conservation resources will not work either. these strategies are unidirectional in their We must collaborate in partnership programs methods and objectives. The first directs its grounded in goodwill, teamwork, and compe- science and concern towards non-human nature. tence. The future of African societies, wildlife, The second aims to study and satisfy human ecosystems, and human health depends on it. needs. There is clearly a need for a paradigm shift which will affirm the overriding importance of interchange among key elements of humanity DRIVING FORCES AND KEY SOCIAL FACTORS and nature (Rose 1998b). We need to focus our IN AFRICAN BUSHMEAT TERRITORIES science, our strategic planning, and our innovative interventions and developments on the With these positions stated, I can now present the relationships among human and non-human schema of operational driving forces for key social factors. The ultimate aim is to understand and to factors in wilderness, rural, and urban popula- influence biosynergy – the collaborative and tions within the African bushmeat territories mutually beneficial interaction of all living (Table 5.2). There are ten continua in this elements within regional ecosystems which leads schema. Surely not all social phenomena worth to individual, social, and ecological stability, consideration are represented; nonetheless longevity, and enrichment. With commitment to perhaps most of the crucial ones related to mutual benefit for all stakeholders, human and wildlife commerce are here. The five marked non-human, we stand on the highest ground of with bold print are the critical research areas global ethics and ideal. where I believe the most gain will be made to Will we achieve this ideal for all interactive expand the art and science in this relational elements? Perhaps not; but we must strive for it, domain and to enable conservation of natural expose failures and attempt to correct them, and and human heritage in West and Central Africa. identify successes and try to replicate them. We Common differentiation between wilderness, must begin to look for synergistic relationships as rural, and urban locations are made according to the main datum, with polarized outcomes being relative densities of humans and their develop- the secondary foci. Such a paradigm shift will be ments on the one hand, and nature on the other. difficult, in that it will require new methods, In this chapter, I define these terms in accord measures, and modes of operation. The construc- with social and biosynergistic factors. Wilderness tion of a biosynergy-focused science must be done environments are those where non-human in parallel with the standard unidirectional communities and ecosystems govern most applications and tested against them with the goal ongoing life processes, with human-nature to replace dichotomies with interactives. interaction being predominantly synergistic or nature dominant. Rural environments are co- BIG CRISIS DEMANDS BIG CHANGE governed by humans and nature, with varied Is all this too much to ask? Can we really define ratios of biosynergy, nature dominance, and our professional and personal biases, expand our human dominance prevailing. Urban environ- numbers to include a raft of new professionals, ments are those constructed and governed by accept the theoretical and unverified nature of human communities where human dominance our understanding, recognize social change as the over non-human nature prevails. It is important prevailing dynamic, and convert from measuring to note that the buffers between these environ- dichotomous impact to managing interactive ments – namely, mixed environments and transit synergy? How else can we hope to arrest the corridors – are often the most critical territories growing multi-billion dollar annual trade in for social control. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

64 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest The terms in the left column label the ten ment and public comment, automatically and continua. The next three columns present reliably. Daily and continual reinforcement of concepts which seem to characterize the human the myth/belief system carries through in ritual social characteristics of wilderness, rural, and practice and helps to maintain the community’s urban environments on each of the continua. institutional framework, which remains uncon- Those continua which are in bold print are the tested through succeeding generations. Where ones I will discuss in this paper in some detail. certain animals are totems, their habitat is protected, and their hunting is strictly controlled The Constitution Continuum: and typically carried out in sustainable, tradi- Myth — Precept — Law tional ways. Taboo wildlife and ecosystems are The complexity of rural African values for wildlife avoided because strong personal and communal comes from a robust and varied history infused sanctions insist on it. On the face of it, this kind and influenced by myths, rituals, taboos, and of system in isolation seems perfect for maintain- totems. Wild animals were once imbued by most ing human-nature synergy. people with theistic power, and seen as relatively But as outside factors impinge, myth-based inviolable. To offend or manipulate wildlife community conservation practices unravel and would risk the wrath of deities; thus, a view that collapse along with other social systems and people could not and should not attempt to alter controls. Introduction of foreign technology, nature prevailed. In places where spiritual myth economics, affiliation, and religion undercut and and ritual still influence community attitudes and transform indigenous society. Any hunter in the behaviors, the establishment of pervasive conser- African bush with a gun is operating as a quasi vation values could be quick and long-lasting. Euro-African who has turned away from tradi- Vabi and Allo (1998) detailed the workings of tional norms. To study gun hunters as if they are community myth and ritual practices in relation traditional people (e.g., Alvard 1993) is absurd. to commercial bushmeat hunting in eastern More ubiquitous and important — any Cameroon. In brief, they described the replace- bushmeat trader, marketer, or consumer using ment of effective, internalized myth-based social government issued money to sell and buy controls with ineffective, external law-based bushmeat transported on European style trucks administrative mechanisms. Individuals whose and roads is also basically modern. The assertion community and clan share common belief in the of traditional social control on commercial intrinsic theistic value and power of wildlife and bushmeat traders can become psychosocially wilderness can be expected to relate in predict- ineffectual. This is especially true in urban able, synergistic ways to the ecosystems in which centers, where the over-arching social and they live. Transgressions are punished and religious influence is modern, individualistic, proprieties are rewarded by personal self assess- external, and legalistic.

TABLE 5.2: Operational Driving Forces In Bushmeat Territories.

Location: Wilderness Rural Urban Social Group: Family ------Community ------Organization Constitution: Myth ------Precept ------Law Legislation: Ritual ------Custom ------Regulation Management: Kinship ------Consensus------Contract Adjudication: Elders ------Leaders ------Enforcers Identification: Nature ------Society ------Individual Theistic Power: Intrinsic Deities ------Spirit Presence ------Distant God Commerce: Hunt ------Trade ------Market Situation: Environment ------Affiliation ------Employment Wildlife Values: Theistic ------Conflicted ------Utilitarian ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 65 In the rural areas, the mix of community promising untried area for research and develop- precept and central law gives more latitude for ment. Without the capacity or will to create a normative influence. Villages and small towns in financially endowed and socially supported particular are enclaves of traditional community enforcement/judicial system spreading from and clan practice. One might consider village urban to rural and wilderness areas, the best and chiefs as mediators between the legalists and the only answer to social control of unsustainable theists – between law and myth. To the extent bushmeat commerce will be the reconstruction that local people accept the chief as empowered and institution of spiritual myth that supports the by their deities and ancestors and as working synergistic interchange of human community and within their community myth/ritual system, his biodiversity. precepts may be honored and community conservation may emerge on traditional footing The Management Continuum: that is both strong and lasting. Kinship — Consensus — Contract But intrusion by foreign exploiters and Authority and power to manage social behavior is conservationists can undercut the mediating vested more in relationships than in individuals. power of village and community or clan leaders. Elders need youth, leaders need followers, Whether it is the logger paying a chief for the employers need workers. But these social right to cut trees or a scientist paying him for the compounds vary from location to location. Social right to study apes, both are substituting money management in wilderness dwellers is empowered incentive for the traditional theistic and commu- primarily by kinship relationships. Rural villagers nity empowerment. More subtle and important, often transcend family and clan, seeking to unify though, is that a community leader’s affiliation management at a community level. The rural with foreign emissaries of any kind alters status community’s operational dynamics are primarily structures in the community and risks offending consensus systems. Urban societies have a mythic tradition. Of critical concern is the preponderance of nonhistoric and temporary transfer of northern individualistic norms onto relationships to manage and they do so by leaders, so that social affiliation isolates the chief individualized contract. and clan leader, making him an individual Urbanites who are transplanted into rural and operative and no longer an arm of gods, ances- wilderness settings attempt to install the manage- tors, and the community. ment processes they know best. The difficulty The most direct destruction community obtaining contract compliance with people conservation myths comes from foreign religion. adapted to management through rural-consensus Key to this adverse effect is the externalization of and wilderness-kinship systems has led to the deities, which strips wildlife of theistic power and proliferation of urban-migrant contract workers renders once sacred ground empty of spirit and in rural and wilderness development projects. All open for total material conquest. Ironically, a but the smallest scale conservation projects are movement is afoot in North American religious invariably run by outside contractual managers. institutions advocating ecological justice through To the extent that villagers are obligated to follow “care for the creation.” This could become a huge community consensus, contractual agreements source of funding and energy needed to make with them will be countermanded. Similarly, the conservation work in the bushmeat arena. But requirements of kin in wilderness settings can be just as scientific reductionism can defeat African expected to override most agreements that forest community conservation by denying the existence dwellers may make with outsiders. Rural villagers of god-spirit in forest and wildlife, so can have overcome this authority conflict in certain religious externalization of deities reduce the situations by forming kinship relations with forest effectiveness of this positive movement in Africa. dwellers through marriage. Immigrant-urban Solutions are available. There are many hunters who rely on forest dwellers for their examples of foreign religious missionaries livelihood have taken similar paths to secure their enabling the coexistence of local and global positions. religious myth. A very open minded, innovative Community development projects, whether approach to the support of local myth in the extractive or conservative, are increasingly built context of modern religious and spiritual concern on consensual models imported from Euro- for the living creation seems to me to be the most America. Participatory rural development does CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

66 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest play on the rural consensus capacity in building a kind of egocentric identity which allows social agreement. Problems of size, inter-community institutions (schools, businesses, governments) to conflict, and stakeholder non-participation make manipulate and manage individuals for their these efforts difficult. Consensus systems require corporate benefit through person-focused sophisticated management when dealing with incentive systems. This kind of individualistic more than 50 to 60 people, or more than four or identity pattern appears to prevail among the five subgroups. Villages with contiguous territo- affluent and educated residents of African cities, ries often manage their borders through tenuous as it does in Europe and North America. Urban- competitive relationships that are not amenable to ites tend to see wildlife as a resource for their simple facilitation. individual use as private means and ends in Most troublesome, wilderness-dwelling people pursuit of personal goals. are generally unskilled in urban-style consensus In contrast to urban selfishness, traditional building and they avoid processes of conflict people who live in wilderness areas tend to view resolution. Thus the human stakeholders with themselves as elements of nature, asserting eco- the most to lose often have no voice in decision- centric identity. Being part of nature, one making. The absence or dysfunction of a crucial identifies ecological health and stability with one’s stakeholder group renders participatory consensus own well-being. Adding the human-wildlife invalid. It is common knowledge that indigenous totem relationship deepens nature-connected forest people have been left out of conservation identity. When a forest dwelling human says “I,” and development planning, and suffered thereby. s/he can be speaking about a panoply of inter- This must be remedied in any projects seeking to laced human and non-human identities. address the bushmeat crisis where such circum- Likewise,“we” may refer to any or all flora and stances prevail. fauna who coinhabit the natural world, not There are other stakeholders, however, with merely human family or community. more to lose and less voice in development Again in a pivotal position, rural villagers planning – the flora and fauna. Since these appear to identify themselves anthropocentrically stakeholders cannot function at the planning as members of human society with proscribed table, humans try to talk for them. Conservation social responsibility and privilege relative to the scientists present their “findings and mitigations” natural environment. It is the shift from identifi- in attempts to influence the structuring of cation with nature to identification with human contracts between financiers, developers, and society that marks the loss of ecological sensitivi- urban and rural governments. Occasionally ties. Living and working in human constructed wildlife biologists and foresters argue for statisti- habitat on human social tasks erodes the sense of cal sustainability of animals and trees in rural self as animal in nature. Although rural people appraisals and other participatory programs. But are in closer contact with the wild than are urban these outsiders rarely speak in ways that reflect dwellers, their identity is more often shaped by the relationship of rural or wilderness people to the “man against nature” frontier ethos. On the wildlife and habitat. The input of forest dwellers psycho-social level, the rural ego which identifies speaking on behalf of their totem animals would totally with humanity may be less able to evoke be vital to determining ways to manage selective concern for non-humanity than the individual wildlife protection. Rural hunting subcultures are focused urban ego. a valuable source of information on community This suggests that education about and management of sustainable hunting systems. empathy for endangered animals will develop Both rural consensus and wilderness kinship differently in urban and rural settings. Urban processes for managing human-nature linked individualists may respond to personal instruction cultural subsystems must be integrated into and one-to-one bonding with apes and other contractual and consensual plans and actions. wildlife in sanctuary settings, for example. Rural socialists might be better convinced to protect The Identification Continuum: wildlife through interventions that link nature to Nature — Society — Individual the satisfaction of community needs which are The development of psychological identity, or central to the person’s communal identity. ego, is as diverse as the cultures in which people grow and live. Modern power societies encourage ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 67 The Commerce Continuum: individualistic and multicultural complexity of Hunt — T rade — Market social factors and human needs. Already in some At the bottom of the hierarchy of human needs is quarters of major West and Central African cities, survival, and we usually associate food needs at bushmeat has become a habitual and expected that level (Maslow 1971). One must have a fairly part of the diet. This demand will give incentive full stomach, as well as food for the next meal, in for opening new sources and routes of supply, order to be influenced by the higher order needs and supply will expand demand. for security, ego, status, and actualization. Urban demand and rural supply are interac- Food preferences, however, are only partly tive. Social factors mediate the two-way relation- related to hunger and nourishment. Whether in ship between supply and demand. Bushmeat the rain forest or the metropolis, the foods we hunted in wilderness, traded in rural areas, and gather, trade, sell, and buy are determined by a marketed in cities will satisfy human social needs, myriad of social factors. Wilderness dwellers may support new consummatory habits, and stimulate prefer smoked porcupine to fresh chicken because an accelerating demand for bushmeat products. it lasts longer and better satisfies food security To reverse these trends ad hoc will be more needs. Young men in rural villages may agree to difficult than to prevent them. But prevention is take a gun and hunt larger game to satisfy ego a multi-locus and multi-factorial proposition. needs in a shifting cultural milieu. Village chiefs Our colleagues who study economic variables and provincial governors could enhance their have advanced the understanding of the interac- status serving ceremonial meals with expensive tive effects of price, household income, produc- wild game meat. Affluent urban citizens may tion and availability of bushmeat and substitutes, actualize their personal sense of power and and market trends (Wilkie & Carpenter 1999). potential with traditional foods and medicines While there are relatively stable theoretical from the rain forest. models for these interactions, their effectiveness All these underlying needs drive behavior, in predicting and controlling bushmeat supply which, in turn, becomes habit. At that stage, and demand in real-life settings will be drastically consumers typically report “I buy bushmeat reduced without also studying the powerful because I like it better – chicken and beef don’t impacts of social variables on economic interac- taste as good.” It seems frivolous to eat endan- tions (see Canon, this volume). It will be very gered gorillas and protected elephants for the exciting to undertake collaborative focus on this taste sensation. But the taste familiarity itself complex set of processes and variables to produce provides a sense of food security which is models that are inclusive of all the applied social profound in all cultures. And like the holiday sciences. turkey that serves as an icon for “the good life” in North America, special bushmeat on the platter The Wildlife Values Continuum: in many African homes signals the celebration of Theistic — Conflicted — Utilitarian community. Our nervous systems are hardwired Kellert’s (1996) studies of the ways humans value to accept familiar flavors and aromas which have wildlife have set a standard for social science proven safe, and to reject unusual tastes. Ritual modeling. Unfortunately, this tome was focused feasts rely on visual and culinary consistency. on northerners in industrial society. Application Perceptual adaptation levels develop rather of Kellert’s rigorous attitude scales in African quickly, and are slow to change. Thus, once settings will therefore require adaptation. communities and families begin to include newly Nonetheless, work by Mordi (1991) provided available game meats in their diets and ceremo- attitude survey data regarding wildlife values in nies, it will be difficult to reduce the demand. Botswana, which Kellert (1996) used to expand This is why we must be especially concerned his theory to “non-industrial societies” and to about the spread of bushmeat supply from “hunter-gatherer” society. Building on this work wilderness and rural areas to the cities. Reducing and on some of my own research (Rose 1994), I the taste for game meat in smaller rural popula- have constructed a theory of the values revolution tions is a formidable challenge. Reversing which underpins bushmeat commerce (Rose bushmeat demand in high density urban areas 1998b): will become even more difficult, due to the CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

68 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest “Bushmeat commerce grows conjointly with the The practical question “which values can best progress of extractive industry that has overlaid the be developed in rural and urban populations so as economic and moral values of international to reduce demand for bushmeat?” will require resourcism on the varied cultures of the region. specific study of the diverse and changing human People who manifested spiritual reverence and care subgroups. Short-term manipulation of values for the natural world have been manipulated into through passive economic incentives to not hunt, treating wildlife as a material resource. When we active incentives to protect wildlife, and social/ see an animal as little more than meat, we will hunt, legal disincentives such as fines and incarceration butcher, and eat it with impunity (Cartmill 1993). are typically proposed as valid interventions. Russ Mittermeier (1987) warned of the pervasive While these approaches can work, the fact global threat of primate hunting over a decade ago. that such tactics rely on external material values The human values and attitudes that support renders them risky, especially if linked to a cash bushmeat commerce come in large part from mal- economy. To simply reinforce the pursuit of adaptation of old-style colonial world-views...In money can backfire whenever the money source much of central Africa “a general pattern of apathy, vanishes, or when economic need or desire rises. fatalism, and materialism towards nature and wild- Without other influential values at play, a purely life” prevails (Kellert 1996). Most contemporary utilitarian wildlife protector, for example, can be Africans have lost their traditional “theistic” rever- bought off by a patron offering more money to ence for wildlife and many have taken on the harsh- hunt for bushmeat. This is why the social values est utilitarian view (Mordi 1991). With the advent held by candidates for jobs as field assistants and and spread of cash economy, colonial religion, and tourist guides become crucial to the hiring urbanized central government, “tribal values of con- decisions of scientists and conservationists (e.g., serving and protecting nonhuman life are rendered Fossey 1983, Owens & Owens 1992). Hence, spiritually inoperable, while new ecological and expert assessment of these non-utilitarian social ethical foundations for sustaining nature have not values by applied social scientists will optimize emerged” (Kellert 1996). staffing of bushmeat control programs.

This composite theory underpins the differentiation of wildlife values for humans living in RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SOCIAL wilderness (theistic) and urban (utilitarian) RESEARCH AND INTERVENTION environments. It appears that the prevailing wildlife values in some rural settings are a There are many more questions in the domain of conflicting mix of traditional and modern. bushmeat commerce than there are answers. At Mordi (1991) reports that, except for a few the onset, we must select a set of targets for favored species, most wildlife and natural innovative intervention which our theory and environments are viewed negatively by experience suggest will best enable control and Botswanans Keller states. “These people tend to reduction of bushmeat commerce. After selecting view most wild animals with indifference and those targets, we must create research programs to often fear and hostility.” (1996). While indiffer- test crucial hypotheses and provide critical ence towards wild animals might be expected information that will cumulatively optimize our among urban dwellers who do not interact with interventions. The Long Term Action-Research them, rural people who are affected by crop- model (LTAR) is most effective in the ongoing raiding animals and are educated to stay out of improvement of social change and management dangerous nearby forests may be expected to programs in large and complex commercial report anti-wildlife values. This will be especially service systems (Stebbins et al. 1982). A funda- true where imported religious training has mental difference between the LTAR model and stripped the theistic value from wild animals, traditional basic science is the explicit and leaving them to be viewed as little more than continual pursuit of social problems and solu- pests, thieves, and thugs (Lawrence 1993). On tions. Success in LTAR is defined both as the other hand, reliance on bushmeat for protein uncovering mistakes and making corrections, and in many rural African settings strengthens the as identifying achievements and sustaining them. utilitarian value of wildlife. Thus, hunters and Finding out why things happen is subordinated to making things happen. The implementers of hunting subcultures link positively with animals. IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES LTAR programs must be multidisciplinary teams

Chapter 5 Rose 69 of professionals with process and content identity over society, resorts to distant gods and expertise in the social system being treated. their emissaries, elevates the importance of Members of the social system are partnered with utilitarian wildlife values, and reinforces the outsiders to develop the strategic intervention preeminence of the market over trading systems. targets and design and implement social change The affront of outside enforcement and projects. The best LTAR program builds capacity judgment to wilderness dwellers can be more within the social system for self-improvement, so potent than that to rural communities. Direct that, over a period of years, the action-research legalistic intervention to interdict forest dwellers programs and processes are internalized. who support commercial bushmeat hunters can It should be noted that although this sounds devastate whole families and clans. Indirect like Participatory Rural Development (PRD) effects can be similarly destructive to social (Chambers 1994), there are major differences. cohesion, as urban-style intervention interferes LTAR is a process directed at supporting self- with kinship relationships between wilderness directed change in large, complex social systems. dwellers and rural peoples. Common under- PRD is a procedure for changing rural communi- standing of this extreme adversity explains why ties. The social systems connected with bushmeat outside enforcers rarely attempt to arrest wilder- commerce stretch from African forests and ness dwellers. savannas to corporate boardrooms in Europe, Vabi and Allo (1998) suggested that control Asia, and North America. This far-flung measures must “emerge from careful location- “informal organization” requires far-flung, specific and culture specific analysis. ... greater formally organized processes to effect the changes emphasis should be placed on an understanding that will keep it from destroying the remaining of the normative and social practices at the natural and cultural heritage of equatorial Africa. grassroots level of society.” They were correct in There are three strategic intervention targets one crucial regard. Control interventions must that seem ripe for immediate action-research rebuild the power of the rural community to intervention. They fit into generic categories construct contemporary customs and precepts which are interactive, but distinguishable – through societal consensus based on amalgamated supply control, demand reduction, and alterna- myths and rituals, which will re-instill theistic tive development. values for nature and its conservation. This kind of effort will require a cadre of social change Controlling Bushmeat Supply agents trained to work behind the scenes facilitat- Many European and North American wildlife ing societal redevelopment. First choice locations advocates and their public supporters argue for for pilot projects would be those where commer- focusing first on bushmeat control for endan- cial bushmeat hunting is about to encroach, and gered species. The direct approach from the rural communities are still relatively intact. Each urban armchair says interdict, arrest, fine, and jail village and clan would develop its own commu- poachers, traders, and marketers of endangered nity control mechanisms to prevent the influx of bushmeat. Conservation biologists often argue hunters and market traders and thus protect local further that this should be limited to parks and wildlife and their own society and people. reserves. A social science perspective that What Vabi and Allo failed to address is the accounts for driving forces and key social factors location and culture-specific action research that shows why these prescriptions backfire and how is required to develop effective self-control and they might be improved. management systems in the immigrant popula- The law enforcement approach adds yet tions that enter rural and wilderness areas for another urban social dynamic to the conflicted temporary and longer-term exploitation and rural community. It signals that conservationists development. Evidence is clear that major and central governments, along with their interlopers such as loggers and miners do not international supporters, do not respect the have the capacity to manage and control the commons, nor the community ethos. This urban workers and families they attract and hire approach typically ignores rural precepts, to live and work in their concessions. Programs subordinates local leaders, undermines the must be designed, funded, implemented, and consensus power of the village, displaces custom- monitored to develop the organizations, manag- ary social control systems, asserts individual ers, supervisors, and performance systems that CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

70 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest will control and replace bushmeat commerce in consumption of endangered species. On the all settings where urban societies have been other hand we may choose to evoke negativistic transplanted into rural and wilderness environ- avoidance of wildlife and draw on individual fears ments. As mentioned above, these would be to foster human-animal repulsion to halt the LTAR programs codeveloped by outside profes- consumption of endangered species. sionals and inside managers, staff, and other As an example, let’s consider the high profile interlopers. issue of great ape bushmeat. We may find The interface between urban interlopers and ourselves encouraging wilderness dwellers and rural and wilderness societies is critical. Ulti- interlopers to respect apes because they are kin, mately, the rural and wilderness social control and to avoid them because they carry dangerous systems need to be protected and strengthened so diseases. And we may build empathy in the cities they can maintain their own self management for our ape cousins by exposing urbanites in and keep their hunting community-focused and educational settings to the human-like qualities of noncommercial. A key is to keep rural and apes, while also insisting that wild apes must be wilderness men and women from being enticed shielded from human contact in order to survive. into the cash-economy of bushmeat commerce. The messages will be mixed, as mixed as the This requires the presence of neutral facilitators cultural overlays on and interactions within Africa people with allegiance to maintaining and itself, which arguably cover the widest range of distinguishing diverse processes. any in the world. I suspect this mixing will make The parallel links between the three cohabit- sense to most of the people most of the time ing societies are vital, and must be facilitated by though, so long as we outsiders live by the same full-time independent outsiders who are skilled codes and values that we ask of Africans. both in inter-group cross-cultural relations and in The modes of influence for reducing monitoring and maintaining social systems. This bushmeat demand are many. Perhaps the most imperative will be resisted most by the individual- far-reaching medium is radio. Popular formats istic urban and kinship-based wilderness factions. such as docudramas and talk shows can provide Rural communities are more likely to recognize entertaining opportunities for many publics to the value of outside consensus managers. Practi- explore issues of health, human welfare, cultural tioners of community-based conservation projects change, environmental safety, and nature have reported time and again how smoothly conservation. To stimulate discussion and running conservation efforts unravel into inter- thought is crucial, and radio allows many voices group disputes and ultimate failure when outside to be heard at once, across all societies from conservationists leave the scene. The solution, urban to wilderness. I have sat in forest hunting then, is not to leave without first assigning a camps and heard the battery-operated radio blast replacement who has already successfully moved music and news through the air at the end of the into the community relations management day. Everyone listened. But because everyone function. does listen, it will be critical in such program- Yet, here we see the irony. We cannot tell the ming to assure that an ethos of tolerance for local people or the interlopers what to do from different cultural norms is ever-present. Listeners our urban armchairs. But at the same time we must have experiences that reflect their own must find outsiders (or streams of them) willing beliefs foremost, yet at the same time have to leave their armchairs and live as neutral experiences that put them in a larger and fuller facilitators in situations where “what to do” is context. From that expanded base, public service complex and often unknown. To control advertising can follow. bushmeat supply will be the challenge of a true Although radio messages can create a climate innovator. for change, physical interventions will be needed at key nodes of the bushmeat commerce to Reducing Bushmeat Demand modify behavior. Three critical nodes come to Reducing bushmeat demand appears to be a mind – the market, the restaurant, and the home daunting task. On the one hand we may need to kitchen. To convince restaurateurs to forego the re-ignite theistic reverence for wildlife and draw attraction and profit gleaned from bushmeat on indigenous totem beliefs to foster human- based specialties will be difficult and very animal kinship which will preclude secular important. So long as the urban gentry continues ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 71 to celebrate in public with game meat, the whet public appetite for “the real thing” and aspiring classes and generations will be enticed to stimulate corporate food marketers to enter the follow suit whenever they can afford it. Further- bushmeat business. All evidence suggests that more, the implication is that the rich celebrate in commercial harvesting of wildlife devastates private by consuming endangered species. species and ecosystems, provides “boom and bust” Whether this is true or not, the perception that profiteering, and is ultimately not sustainable. elite eat illegal meat can undercut arguments What we don’t need is more organized and against the illegal trade. Perhaps proactive public efficient bushmeat marketing in Africa. The campaigns in which restaurants and respected growing market in wildlife products for meat, fur, leaders declare “we serve grasscutters, not gorillas” and medicine in Asia is already so well organized would be one way to make a difference. that many conservationists believe there is no To address this issue, marketing and advertis- hope for most endangered and preferred species ing experts should be brought to the table with there (A. Eudey, pers. comm.). The urban market applied social scientists and representatives from logic which holds that wildlife species can be African urban, rural, and wilderness societies. conserved only when they are given value in the With the necessary data about individual and marketplace appears to be dead wrong. Promot- community preferences, taboos, and aspirations, a ing markets for ranched bush pigs and keen market professional can figure out how to grasscutters may actually be adding customers for turn people away from one product (bushmeat) wild game to the consumer force. and towards another (such as beef or chicken). This leads me to a bothersome and controver- Negative advertising risks audience backlash but sial line of thinking. The use of any type of can turn the audience’s focus towards positive market economy to replace wildlife values could alternatives. Many people concerned about the be a mistake. Making a community celebration bushmeat crisis assume that chicken and pork around the killing of an elephant by a rich preparations that simulate game meat, along with foreigner does more than present a dangerous game ranch/farm products, would reduce double message to local people. It insinuates cash bushmeat demand. Market promotions of and other market-driven benefits into rural domestic meat that include recipes and on the communities which undercut the local society’s spot samples can shift housekeepers’ choices in communal ways of life. This seems like double urban supermarkets. Similar, but idiosyncratic, trouble for the community-based wildlife culture-specific programs may work as well in protection program in the long term. What is rural areas. even more worrisome is that this may not be very different from any touristic scheme. The record Developing Alternatives to Bushmeat of tourism in Africa is boom or bust, with bust Alternative meat and protein products that look coming when civil unrest and conflagration and taste like bushmeat seem to be a promising erupt. We may be correct to say that social way to reduce the bushmeat market share. With disruption reduces tourism. But we must sufficient financial and developmental support, inversely consider the ways in which tourism itself domestic game products could be subsidized and stimulates social disruption by asserting conflict- promoted as mid- and low-priced African food- inducing values (Guha 1997). lines across the continent. Nearly every treatise It seems sensible to believe that putting a cash on bushmeat commerce points to alternative value on keeping wildlife alive will keep them protein development as a solution (Rose 1999a, alive. But if putting cash into rural and wilder- Wilkie & Carpenter 1999). Why then don’t we ness economies disrupts these societies, what can see major players in global food markets being we expect in the longer term? Some would solicited to underwrite and organize such declare that it is time for all Africans to enter the ventures? modern, market-driven, utilitarian world. At There seems to be an unspoken resistance to best, they argue, small islands of native peoples taking this tack, perhaps because of the “upside and parks can remain as reminders of what once risk” inherent in this kind of venture. If profit- was. Others suggest that without strengthening ability becomes the driving force, rather than the rich human social and cultural heritage, capturing the greater market share from that of African people and African wildlife will vanish bushmeat, the success of such ventures could altogether, leaving an impoverished social and CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

72 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest natural landscape, and furthering the already accelerated decline of diversity and quality of life on earth. The conservationists’ choice must be to save and restore the largest possible expanse of social and natural wonder on this planet by renewing the synergy of humanity and nature. It is hoped that the perspectives I put forth here will initiate further theory and research, and will stimulate development of the crucial social capacities and processes required to achieve these goals in the face of Africa’s expanding bushmeat crisis. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 5 Rose 73 CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

74 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 6 CULTURE, ETHICS, AND CONSERVATION IN ADDRESSING THE BUSHMEAT CRISIS IN WEST AFRICA

KERRY BOWMAN

Two Central African boys with an infant chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes). Live infant captures often result from bushmeat hunting – most will die in captivity.

An estimated five to ten million species exist in the world today. In recent years, however, the combined forces of habitat loss, exotic species introduction, and over-hunting may have contributed to an estimated 15,000 to 30,000 extinctions each year (Leakey & Lewin 1995). This extraordinary rate of destruction highlights two issues: our lack of knowledge about the distribution and interconnections of life on Earth, and the inadequacy of initiatives to protect single species to consider the extensive interconnectedness of ecosystems, including human life. Broader, more integrated strategies of land and habitat protection are required.

75 The bushmeat crisis of West Africa is at the West Africa. A deeper understanding of forefront of this impending catastrophe. indigenous perspectives regarding bushmeat is Bushmeat is defined as animal meat hunted in the essential to developing policies that will not only forest. Bushmeat is a traditional component of save the forest ecosystem, but also its people. West African cuisine and is in some cases Wildlife has great importance in West Africa, preferred to and less expensive than cattle meat. A as it provides a food supply, a source of income, major catalyst of the bushmeat crisis has been the and a source of employment for the population. timber industry (Rose 1996) – dominated by It also constitutes a natural resource of great foreign logging companies – which has been and economic importance. In spite of this enormous continues to open new roads deep into the value, many West Africans fail to recognize that African forest. Logging has primarily lead to the the current exploitation of wildlife is raising many commercialization of what was once a symbolic, ecological and economic problems. Hunting ritualistic practice of hunting in the forest, a practices are not selective, and wildlife is killed practice grounded in subsistence needs. both for consumption and for the protection of Bushmeat has been hunted for centuries in farmland. The majority of bushmeat comes from Africa, long before the timber industry trans- animals like squirrels, cane rats, mongoose, formed hunting into an economy. Today, porcupines, antelopes, and primates (see Eves, although hunting is forbidden in West African this volume) – in large part because they are nations such as the Côte d’Ivoire (Caspary, this considered a threat to farmers. But large mam- volume), game continues to be hunted and its mals, such as antelopes, are also particularly meat is marketed and consumed everywhere. targeted for their capacity to yield more meat per Interventions that will achieve significant, unit catch. sustainable results must take into account cultural West African views towards wildlife are quite perspectives and the values embedded in them. different from those of Western conservationists. The bushmeat trade is extensive in the forest West Africans generally do not keep wild animals region of West Africa from Sierra Leone to as pets, but instead view them as a gift from God Ghana, the region experiencing the most exploi- to be consumed as needed. Due to the difficulties tation from foreign logging companies. The goal in hunting forest animals, bushmeat was not of this chapter is to explore culture and ethics as extensively commercialized in the past. However, related to the bushmeat issue from Western and as logging companies and their trucks have African perspectives, provide cultural models as a moved deeper and deeper into the forest, both means of understanding the true nature of urban and rural dwellers now expect fresh cultural differences, and propose a framework for bushmeat on a daily basis (Baker 1999). conservation intervention which is respectful of As large numbers of species are being hunted differences in cultures and values. far above sustainable levels, widespread ecological ramifications are becoming apparent. A study of hunting practices on Bioko Island, for example, THE AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE showed that species such as the brush-tailed porcupine were being hunted at a rate more than The West Africa region does not have a uniform twice the sustainable level, the blue duiker at demography. It encompasses 17 countries, is almost eight times the sustainable level, and the home to myriad cultures and religions, and is drill at an alarming 14 times the sustainable level covered by tropical rain forest as well as savannas. (Spinney 1998). Hunting is now considered to be While conservation groups and logging compa- a great global threat to all species, and to the nies have conflicting opinions about how the destruction of their forest habitats. Groups who forests should be used, the perspectives of the once traditionally relied solely on the forest for natives to whom the forest belongs have long their protein had lived at densities of approxi- been ignored. This ethnocentric approach mately one person/km2 (Ape Alliance 2000). But towards indigenous peoples must be overcome in now in much of the world’s tropical rain forests order for any conservationist policy to succeed. the density of human populations is much higher. In this context, “indigenous” refers to local All of these facts, while alarming to Western- communities that are generally custodians of based conservationists, may mean very little to tribal lands, a phenomenon that is widespread in the African people. Throughout the dwindling CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

76 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest tropical rain forests of the Côte d’Ivoire, for tion of ethics, values, and cultural beliefs in West instance, illegal hunters are waging a constant Africa is integral to the formation of successful struggle against park guards and protected area conservation policies there. managers. Common responses to conservationist initiatives are, “I must feed my family, the forest is where I can provide for them and everybody CONSERVATION AND ETHICS has that right” (Baker 1999). In fact, the situation in some forest reserves – including some inhab- We are on the brink of an unprecedented decline ited for several generations – has escalated to the in biodiversity, possibly the greatest in 65 million point of shootouts between conservation officers years. This decline, however, has resulted from and hunters. human actions (Leakey & Lewin 1995). Aware- As Caspary (1999, and this volume) points ness of the true magnitude of the problem is out with poignant examples, bushmeat has both limited, and the implications of this crisis are cultural meaning and practical use in West poorly understood and the subject of much African culture. While wildlife is primarily debate. Conservationists must bring this hunted for food and can provide a source of enormous problem down to the level of daily income, there are also taboos associated with the human existence. From a societal point of view, hunt. For the various cultures of the West the foremost question is, “How can we allow African countries, the word “totem” refers to “no environmental needs to take precedence over consumption.” For some individuals and even human needs?” There are many situations in entire families, some wildlife species are “totem which human needs conflict with the well-being species.” A hunter can kill his “totem” but of ecosystems. Offering moral arguments that put cannot take advantage of his catch – he has to environmental interests ahead of human needs is give the animal as a present to another person. apt to gain little support, leading to conflict and, For example, among the Akan people in the in turn, apathy. One solution is to propose an southern and central Côte d’Ivoire, the bushbuck ethic that considers the long-term implications plays a special role with regard to the totem: it for human beings (Pearce 1994, Reid & Miller can invade the soul of the diseased and even 1989). For example, arguments can be based on transform the body of a living man. It is said that quantifiable economic, medical, and agricultural its meat has a human smell, and is therefore not advantages. However, the worth of many one of the preferred bushmeat. The use of creatures and ecosystems is not fully understood bushmeat for medicine can be also seen in the or is impossible to calculate. To assign value to treatment of many diseases and a large quantity only part of the natural world can be dangerous of the skulls, feet, skins, tails and bones of the and ethically questionable. Many ethicists argue forest and savanna species available on the for a broader ethic, one that views biodiversity as markets are used for what Westerners would benefiting human communities on aesthetic, define as traditional medicine. For example, the inspirational, creative, economic, practical, Agnis de l’Indienie (a native ethnic group in the symbolic, spiritual, and cultural levels (Kellert southeastern part of the Côte d’Ivoire) believe 1997b). However, fundamental questions arise that, when dried and tied around the wrist of a with the proposal of this sort of multi-faceted child, the hand of a Bosman potto (Perodicticus ethic: Is this an ethic that can be valued widely potto potto), will give the child strength and across cultures, or is it purely a manifestation of protection. western culture? However, the large-scale bushmeat trade is eroding the culture of many hunter-gatherer Ethics and Culture societies whose traditions are as old as the forests in which they live. Rural farmers are lured by the AFRICAN PERSPECTIVES potential profits from commercial bushmeat Tribal societies, once the most common form of hunting, even though the practice accelerates the social order in Africa, often possess strong decimation of both the land and wildlife. spiritual and moral affinities for the natural world Addressing this phenomenon requires careful and these affinities do not include any objections consideration of the West African conception of to killing wildlife. Convictions against excessive the natural world, for understanding the forma- hunting tend to be motivated more by profound ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 6 Bowman 77 cultural beliefs about relationships and recipro- slavery was not a moral issue 300 years ago; in cal obligations than by scientific or moralistic fact, the first people to question the moral values, those typically part of contemporary foundation of slavery were ridiculed for their arguments for the protection of nature. For absurdity. Now, racial discrimination, although most African hunters, moderation and respect still present, is broadly accepted as immoral. for the natural world is grounded in a profound Western values toward non-human life, although emotional and spiritual identification with the highly variable, are clearly in rapid transition living world, unrelated to calculated benefits or a (Lopez 1996). A case in point is the recent focus desire to prevent pain in other creatures. on the moral duty to protect the great apes In contemporary Africa, however, the spread (Singer & Cavalieri 1995). As with many moral of market forces, colonial religion, and centralized questions in Western culture, we are both divided governments together have begun to disassociate and contradictory in our views and actions. The many African people from earlier belief systems. ivory and seal trades are the subject of anxious Consequently, tribal values of conserving and public debate, intervention, and fund-raising respecting non-human life have been, and drives. To date, however, the practice of eating the continue to be, eroded. meat of great apes through the bushmeat trade has attracted none of these kinds of efforts. In WESTERN PERSPECTIVES North America, protesters chain themselves to Increasingly, contemporary Western ethics link trees to protect biodiversity. Yet in Africa, Western human society with morally acceptable behavior logging progresses at an alarming rate, radically toward non-human life and nature in general diminishing biodiversity and annihilating the (Rolston 1988, Wenz 1988, Callicott 1988, closest of human kin. Sagoff 1991, Taylor 1986). In Western cultures, feelings of compassion and ethical responsibility THE ETHICAL INTERSECTION OF AFRICAN AND are emerging from the view that other creatures WESTERN PERSPECTIVES share a basic biological kinship and experience The inconsistencies in Western culture – typical with humans. The moral circle is expanding from of a pluralistic society – are often glaringly families, communities, and nations to include obvious to those living in the developing world. non-humans, particularly those like ourselves. As one elderly African gentleman said to me, Aldo Leopold (1991) invokes the image of a “You Europeans cut down your own forests so “land ethic” in extending the focus of human you could develop, yet now you tell us that we moral interest from people to the whole natural must not.” Both the legitimacy and the credibility realm: “All ethics evolve from a single premise: of our moral arguments are frequently called into the individual is a member of a community of question in African societies. interdependent parts. The land ethic enlarges the The protection of biodiversity is often boundaries of the community to include soils, assumed to have a universal moral foundation waters, plants, and animals….” We can be ethical that is characteristic of all people, independent of only in relation to something we can see, feel, culture and history. Yet, many anthropologists understand, love, or otherwise have faith in. argue that ethical standards are relative to From this vantage point, to harm nature is to particular cultures, societies, and times and that injure oneself. ethical judgements cannot be objectively applied Despite Leopold’s assertion, most people in to any given situation. Cultures, they argue, are Western societies extend their ethical obligations much deeper than their traditions, extending to only to creatures similar to themselves, species fundamental differences in modes of reasoning that seem to possess human-like capacities for grounded in the way the world is perceived pain and suffering (Regan 1983, Singer 1975). (Macklin 1999). Applying Western environmen- Consequently, conservationists frequently use the tal ethics to non-Western nations is therefore great apes as a starting point, as ambassadors of unjust and apt to fail. Furthermore, the enormous the biodiversity of the forests. Our efforts to save differences in power and economics raise pro- them represent our will to protect and our desire found moral questions about Africa’s ability to to respect the entire biosphere. resist Western values and initiatives. Human values, particularly in Western African cultural traditions possess powerful cultures, are in constant transition. For example, elements of appreciation and concern for nature CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

78 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest and living diversity. Both Western and African expect local communities to hold a view of the traditions include affinities and affection for bushmeat trade that mirrors their own. Such a nature, elements that acknowledge how the view would measure man’s independent interac- natural world can enrich us physically and tion with the natural world and the implications spiritually (Kellert 1997a). The reasoning of those interactions would be future-oriented, underlying these beliefs, however, is fundamen- value direct communication, and be of ‘obvious tally different, and at the same time, many importance.’ Yet culture is a strong determinant African societies are under severe economic stress of people’s views of the very essence and meaning and in rapid social transition. of the natural world, and local communities may Whether or not a universal environmental in fact hold quite different views. ethic can be applied to all human societies is In relation to conservation initiatives, three highly debatable and requires much research and cultural models are considered here: cultural analysis to address. If, however, conservation context, locus of control, and value orientation. initiatives are firmly defined by and grounded in They highlight some of the important differences the needs of a community, and also take into between Western and African perspectives on account the true nature and depth of local nature and wildlife. cultural beliefs, then the problem of developing a global environmental ethic might be mitigated. CULTURAL CONTEXT For this to take place, however, the meaning that Cultural context is a concept originally developed local cultures apply to conservation must be by Edward T. Hall (1976) who defined a high assessed. context message as one in which most of the information is located either in the physical context or is internalized within the communica- CULTURE AND CONSERVATION tion process itself: very little information rests in the encoded, explicit, transmitted part of the The problems born of efforts to blend culture message. A low context message, on the other become more urgent as populations soar, as hand, is one in which the bulk of the information environmental degradation increases, and as is vested in the explicit code. Western cultures are biodiversity comes under increasing threat. In the characterized as “low context,” while non- West, many believe that protecting biodiversity Western cultures, including many African and saving endangered species is of paramount societies, are characterized as “high context.” importance, and that social and cultural argu- Within high context cultures, the most ments do not hold much weight. Yet in Africa, important decision-making units are the extended biodiversity has been connected to African family, the clan, and the kin network. In making human lives and communities for millennia. decisions, the honor and cohesiveness of the Because Western nations have significantly extended family or tribe takes highest priority as contributed to environmental problems (for these social structures provide their individual example logging), it can be argued that these members with values, direction, and support. same nations must assist with interventions that Africans often define themselves almost exclu- are respectful of African cultures and realities. sively through their interactions with others in Although many Westerns do recognize and accept the extended family or tribe. It is often said that cultural differences on both practical and the dominant ethic in African culture is to “serve intellectual levels, they also tend to underestimate for the good of the tribe or community” the powerful implications of these differences. (Chipfakacha 1994). Rights and obligations are implicit in the structure and behavioral patterns Understanding Culture of a family or a community. In terms of building Cultures are maps of meaning through which conservation strategies, the distinctions that are people understand the world and interpret the most important are, first, direct (low context) things around them. When people come from versus implied (high context) communication, and different cultural backgrounds, they frequently second, independence (low context) versus follow different “maps,” which can greatly hinder interdependence (high context). effective communication. For example, without consciously realizing it, conservationists may ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 6 Bowman 79 LOCUS OF CONTROL considered “being” or “being to becoming” The concept of “locus of control” was first cultures. Conservation initiatives are formulated by J. Rotter (1966). An internal locus grounded in a “doing” cultural perspective. of control is defined as the belief that reinforce- ments are contingent on a person’s own actions, 4. The relationship between humans and and that people can therefore shape their own nature. The three orientations are subjugation fate. An external locus of control is defined as a to nature, harmony with nature, and mastery belief that reinforcing events occur independent over nature. Because of the onslaught of of individual actions, and that the future is Western influence, many African cultures determined primarily by luck or chance. may be greatly blended in these areas. Many African communities are far more likely Although fundamental beliefs may be in to believe in an external locus of control, while subjugation to nature or harmony with westerners are likely to believe in an internal nature, modern practices related to the locus of control. Indeed, the latter belief is the bushmeat trade may reflect an attitude of very foundation on which much of conservation mastery over nature, without the concomi- is grounded. Assuming that many Africans tant belief in the consequences of such perceive control as external to themselves, the behaviour. prospect of being asked participate in conservation initiatives may seem simultaneously incom- 5. The preferred pattern of relationship prehensible, unrealistic, and alien. between humans. The value orientations are lineal (hierarchical/cross-generational), VALUE ORIENTATIONS collective, and individualistic. The first two, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) describe five common to many African cultures, view universal problems for which all societies must group life as primary over individual find some solution and these problems have a autonomy. The lineal pattern emphasizes the limited range of solutions or possible value continuity of the group through time, with a orientations. Within this finite set of value specified succession for hierarchy. (As orientations, each society assigns priorities to its described in cultural context, it can safely be own preferred world view. Kluckhohn and assumed that bushmeat strategies must align Strodtbeck maintain that all solutions to these themselves with such a belief system.) The problems are present in varying degrees in all third group, common to Western beliefs, societies at all times. The five universal problems gives priority to individual autonomy over and possible value orientations include: the commitment to group life.

1. The question of innate human nature. Cultural differences in bushmeat conservation Human nature can be perceived as good, initiatives are best achieved through open and evil, or neutral/mixed. Each of these balanced communication. The most effective orientations can be perceived as fixed or ways to address these differences are discussed in changed (good people are corruptible, evil the section on page 83, “Applying Bushmeat people can be saved). Conservation Strategies Cross Culturally”.

2. The temporal orientation of a culture. A Study of Culture, Ethics, and Bushmeat Does the society give priority to past, Research directly related to bushmeat, culture, present, or future? and ethics appears to be virtually non-existent. For that reason I summarize a qualitative ethno- 3. The preferred pattern of human activity. graphic study I conducted in Cameroon in 1996, The three possible value orientations are entitled An Ethnographic Study of the Hunting and being, being to becoming and doing. The first Eating of Gorillas and Chimpanzees (Bowman, in two stress the expression of what the human press). Although this study took place in a already is, while the third focuses on striving different part of Africa, and focuses a great deal to accomplish something else. Western on the great apes, it provides a foundation for culture would be described as a “doing” exploring some of the cultural meaning and culture. Many African cultures may be ethical implications of the bushmeat trade. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

80 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest In my study, I interviewed 20 people regard- “This is the part of Africa with an abundance of ing their attitude towards bushmeat animals and forest and animals, the trees eventually grow back, the nature. The interviews, conducted in both French animals give birth..” and English, were audiotaped, transcribed into English, and then analyzed using Glasser and INEVITABILITY Strauss’ Constant Comparison Method (Glaser & Respondents saw the eating of animals as a Strauss 1967). A sample size of 20 is substantial logical, natural, and necessary process. They did in qualitative research, the purpose being to get a not acknowledge any distinction between kinds of deeper analysis of a small group to further refine animals. research questions and better understand the “If we don’t eat bushmeat there may not be enough phenomenon rather than draw large conclusions. food for everyone..” In addition, in this study, a sample of 20 is also “Animals are going to be eaten... it’s the way things significant, considering the relatively small are, animals eat each other as well. People eat number of people directly engaged in the animals...it’s always been this way...it’s natural.” commercial bushmeat trade. “Of course animals are going to be eaten, people eat Each person interviewed belonged to one of animals...animals eat each other this is the way things four groups. One group (six people) consisted of are...” bushmeat consumers, those who had or believed they had, eaten chimpanzees and/or gorillas in MAGICAL THINKING the last year. The second group (six) was made up As with many aspects of culture, the most of bushmeat traders, those who sold bushmeat in powerful, formative beliefs appear to be not fully Yaoundé on a regular basis. The third group in the conscious mind. In several interviews, (four) included bushmeat collectors/traders, elements of minimally-expressed magical thinking people who procured bushmeat directly from surfaced. roadside sellers in the south-east province of “Perhaps there is too much hunting... but what Cameroon. Those in the final group (four) were happens to animals is determined by forest magic... hunters, each of whom regularly hunted I don’t really know, perhaps you should talk to a bushmeat, including gorilla and chimpanzee. The feticheusé (a psychic, a shaman).” quotes below reflect the primary themes that “God determines the luck of the hunt and how many emerged from the data in relation to culture and animals will die. It is important to pray for the forest ethics. in the right way to keep God happy.” “There are spirits in the forest that help or don’t help RELIGIOUS/PROVIDENCE a hunt. It is best to pray….” A dominant theme that surfaced in all interviews was that animals, including great apes, are Implications provided by God for man. The hunting, killing, and eating of bushmeat – in “The Gorillas are from the forest, the forest was made this case, gorillas and chimpanzees – did not by God to provide for man.” represent a moral issue to respondents. Respon- “God created the forest, the forests give us the things dents expressed a view of the natural world in we need.” which animals are provided for human use. “Man must use the forest as he needs to, this is why Sustainability was not a concern to respondents, we have been given the forest.” as they saw the natural world as vast and able to replenish itself. There were strong elements of INFINITE RESOURCE magical/divine belief systems. The consumption The vast majority of respondents described the of animals was seen as inevitable. forest and the animals in them as being virtually Respondents did not see the concept of infinite. suffering as something that could possibly be “I grew up near the forests. Those forests go on for as experienced by animals, although most stated far as you can see and then more...” they had never thought about it before. In “There are enough animals in the forest, gorillas and relation to culture, many people who had recently chimpanzees too, those people telling us there are not moved from rural to urban settings described enough are people who don’t know the forest, how can bushmeat as a pleasant and familiar taste, you know how many gorillas there are from reading a reminiscent of their previous environment. The ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES book?”

Chapter 6 Bowman 81 respondents interviewed did not indicate that tion initiatives might, therefore, have the greatest bushmeat was linked to important rituals or chance of acceptance and success if those traditions. The themes reflected in the data designing them first carefully assess local cultures collected only begin to directly explore the and then align their conservation initiatives with cultural implications of bushmeat. Although local needs. more data of this kind surely needs to be compiled and studied, these findings suggest that Biophilia and Cross-Cultural Conservation those involved in bushmeat consumption and Edward O. Wilson conceived the term “biophilia” trade tend to have an external locus of control, a (1984) to describe a deep biological need for high cultural context, and moral reasoning that is affiliating with life and nature. Biophilia signifies significantly different from those of Westerners, basic structures of the human relationship and at least in terms of matters related to the natural adaptation to the natural world developed over world. the course of human evolution. However, these Interestingly, the findings of this small study are weak biological tendencies unlike the “hard- appear similar to those described by Mordi wired” instincts of breathing or feeding, which (1991) in his study of attitudes toward wildlife in occur almost automatically. Biophilic values must Botswana. In his study, Mordi revealed a be made conscious and explicit by learning and perspective of Bostwanans that views nature and experience if they are to become stable and wildlife as largely beyond the control and direct consistently manifest. In other words, these experience of humans. The most distinguishing values must be cultivated to achieve their full characteristic he found was a perception of the expression and their cultivations depends on natural world as reflecting the will of supernatural repeated exposure and social reinforcement. In a forces or deities who govern the destiny of both nurturing environment, biophilic values emerge humans and wildlife. People holding these beliefs as meaningful dimensions of human emotional regard humans as possessing little influence over and intellectual life. Once learned and sup- the status of animals or the course of natural ported, they become key elements of human events. People are largely impotent before these personality and culture. forces, lacking the capacity to regulate or manage Kellert (1997a) speaks of three conditions the living world to any significant degree. The necessary for the functional development of abundance of wildlife derives mostly from these biophilia: a healthy and diverse environment, transcendent and magical forces. An attitude of attractive places of residence and work, and a fatalism prevails, as humans possess limited supportive social and cultural milieu. Although ability to intervene in nature beyond an appeal to these conditions – identified as the “values of supernatural forces for assistance and generosity. living diversity” – are biological tendencies, The fate of beasts and humans alike depends experience and culture exert a profound influence mainly on luck, destiny, or magical intervention. on their content, direction, and intensity. Yet Perhaps the most significant difference in this substantial research on the cross-cultural manifes- study was a focus on a Christian God within this tation of these values has not been conducted. belief system. The situation for West Africa is very challenging, It is neither realistic nor ethical to attempt to particularly if we assume that the direction, directly alter the values and beliefs of a culture. intensity, and functional expression of biophilia However, if wildlife conservation strategies depend on economics, politics, and other cultural incorporate the needs of hunters, hunters will be conditions. If conservation initiatives are designed more likely to view these strategies as respectful of to enrichen human communities, the fragile their views and beliefs. In turn, the strategies essence of biophilia can grow. These delicate may have a much greater chance of success. For values and conditions require constant reinforce- example, the bushmeat hunters reported that they ment to become stable and salient aspects of did not like their work: they found it demand- human culture and society. Language, customs, ing, isolating, and sometimes dangerous. They and culture all play a role in the formation of the stated they would rather be doing something else. values of living diversity. The concept of biophilia It is here that conservation initiatives, which take strengthens the argument for aligning conserva- into account the depth and meaning of the tion strategies to the needs, cultures, and values of culture, may be best built. West African conserva- local communities. Meeting local needs and CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

82 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest creating a healthier, more sustainable natural differences are both identified and reconciled is environment is the best way to create an opportu- crucial to any successful conservation initiative. nity for establishing and fostering profound and In Western culture, the primary explanatory lasting biophilia. model of the natural world focuses on man’s independent interaction with nature and the implications of these interactions. This contrasts APPLYING BUSHMEAT CONSERVATION with the majority of non-Western cultures, which STRATEGIES ACROSS CULTURALLS tend to perceive the natural world in a much broader, more integrated, and far less tangible Local communities may not see bushmeat manner. Nature and wildlife may be viewed as conservation initiatives either as a moral duty or largely beyond the control and direct experience as imperative for long-term survival. It is there- of humans. In modern day Africa, however, fore important to link strategies to the economic Western influence is ubiquitous. Many people and cultural needs, values and priorities of have intricately blended views of the natural communities. Such linkages may afford these world that require careful assessment. strategies greater credibility and, in turn, foster The following is a set of questions developed acceptance and motivation (see Figure 6.1). to explore the notion of an explanatory concept of the natural world, as described above. These questions represent a range of areas to explore Pragmatic needs History and when developing bushmeat conservation strate- for understanding of protein, income animal /land gies, and should be phrased carefully in the relations context of the culture, environment, and circumstances of use. Cultural view How does the natural world work? of bushmeat · · Why does it exist? · Do you believe it can be controlled? Cultural context Symbolic meaning If so, how? Locus of control of species, · Value system perceived danger or Do you see a problem with hunting these Exposure to Western benefit · culture days? · If so, what is causing it? If so, how best should it be dealt with? Figure 6.1: Explanatory Concept of the Natural World- · Bushmeat · What causes a hunt to be successful or not successful? · Do you believe some animals should be Explanatory concept of the natural world protected? An “explanatory” concept of the natural world · Do you believe animals and the forest could defines what the natural world is, how it came to disappear altogether? be, why it exists, and whether it can or should be · How does your village make decisions? controlled. All cultures generate explanatory · Who is involved in these decisions? concepts of nature that attempt, either explicitly · Is it good to talk about these things? or implicitly, to account for the phenomenon of · What do you think of Westerners wanting to the natural world and its relationship to human protect animals/forests? existence. Cultural models such as cultural · What is most important for your village context, locus of control, and values orientation right now? all provide us with a framework for examining an · How much have you hunted/used the forest explanatory concept of the natural world. in the past? Cultures vary enormously. Clearly, there is no · What do you think of (this species)? monolithic West African culture, and intra- · What stories have you heard about it? cultural variation can be higher than intercul- · Why does (this species) exist? tural. Individual perceptions of the natural world · Have you had trouble in the past with (this are thus embedded within a complex cultural, species)? historical, familial, and tribal nexus. That such IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 6 Bowman 83 · Has your village had trouble with the forests/land or hunting before? · Is there trouble now? · What is causing this trouble? · Is there anything different about bushmeat now than in your parent’s /grandparent’s time?

CONCLUSIONS

Despite the alarming scope of the bushmeat trade in West Africa, we have a very limited understanding of the local cultural and ethical perceptions of this phenomenon. In light of profound cultural differences between African and Western societies, a ‘universal environmental ethic’ cannot be established without conducting more empirical research and in-depth analysis. A realistic starting point is a model called An Explanatory Concept of the Natural World, which offers guidance in assessing and accommodating for cultural differences and the ethical implications embedded within them. Ultimately, in order to be successful, conservation initiatives must be defined by and grounded in the needs of a community, while taking into account the nature and depth of local cultural beliefs. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

84 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 7 WILDLIFE UTILIZATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF VIRAL DISEASES

REBECCA HARDIN AND PHILIPPE AUZEL

Human Immunodeficiency Simian Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) “budding” out of a Virus (SIV) grown in a human T-cell. cell line.

“Emerging infectious diseases are those that are newly appeared in the population, or are rapidly increasing their incidence or geographic range…. A reflection of the great, and largely uncatalogued, microbial biodiversity that exists in nature, many emerging infections are caused by pathogens that are present in the environment but are newly introduced into humans, often from another species as a result of changing ecological or environmental conditions that increase the chance of human contact.” Stephen S. Morse, “Hantaviruses, Hemorrhagic Fevers, and the Emergence of Infectious Diseases” from the conference The Value of Plants, Animals, and Microbes to Human Health, New York: American Museum of Natural History, April 17-18, 1998.

85 INTRODUCTION viral pathologies such as certain hemorrhagic fevers had been, until recently, confined to their The ecological consequences of extractive forest reservoirs or presented no pathogenic character uses and commercial bushmeat hunting in (Morse & Schluederberg 1990, Roizman 1995). equatorial Africa are little understood, and may Filoviruses remain among the least understood have implications for global human health. New of all viruses known to man. Many studies in models of the intersection of ecology and central Africa have illustrated the seroprevalence epidemiology suggest that intensified use of land of the viruses Ebola and Marburg (Ivanoff et al. and wildlife for commercial trade entails a risk of 1982, Meunier et al. 1987, Mathiot et al. 1990, contact with known or unknown animal patho- Johnson et al. 1993a,b) and have documented the gens. Until recently, a variety of viral agents were clinical aspects and transmission patterns of confined to their reservoirs or presented no outbreaks (Ndambi et al. 1999). Studies suggest- pathogenic character. Among these agents, those ing new modes of detection and monitoring are least studied are among the most dangerous, as beginning to appear, but the networks necessary demonstrated by recent outbreaks: Ebola in for adequate information flow and surveillance central Africa, Rift Valley Fever in West Africa, are far from being in place (Johnson 1999). In and Congo-Crimea Hemorrhagic Fever in East addition, environmental change as it may relate Africa. Research is beginning to indicate patterns to the emergence of these diseases is little of seroprevalence and to confirm relationships understood, and vectors and reservoirs remain between human and non-human primate strains shrouded in mystery. of various viral diseases. These indications Other diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, have long demand further study to uncover outbreak risks, been present as pathogens among human mechanisms of resistance, or both, depending populations, but are currently being reconsidered upon the economic and ecological changes in the in the context of recent research confirming the human communities being considered. correlation between closely related forms of these Commercial exploitation of tropical wood diseases in human and non-human primates. species necessitates the opening of road networks, Such findings pose complex challenges to the logging sites, and villages that connect the rain conservation community because they ask us to forests of Africa in new ways to wider national reconsider the relationship between human health and international economic systems (see Auzel and the conservation of biodiversity, and at the and Hardin, in this volume). In central Africa, same time acknowledge and incorporate standard indigenous populations are touched by both models of economic development that contradict direct and indirect consequences of this penetra- conservation goals. More specifically, the relation- tion of ecosystems, for instance by the decline of ship between bushmeat consumption, social their vital natural resources and by the intrusion change, and disease breaks down distinctions of people from other regions who are attracted by between the more material and spiritual (or less the economic opportunities found in logging tangible) aspects of bushmeat use (see Rose, in operations (Bahuchet 1993, White 1992). As this volume). To manage these challenges, and noted by Kabala et al. (1993), change is inevi- shape their relationship to conservation policy table: populations must be able to meet their and practice, conservation organizations might be basic subsistence needs. Others note that the wise to situate themselves at the interface of social systems of forest regions are highly flexible public engagement and academic research about and are able to creatively incorporate incursions these issues to attempt to assure that the complex- without massive loss of traditional forms of ity of these problems is not oversimplified in the knowledge that can be crucial for sustainable hurry to create “solutions.” management (Hardin 2000, Dounias 1995). Nevertheless, change can have dramatic consequences in terms of biological risk factors. SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDIES TO DATE The evolution of human activity in relation to wild animals has contributed to the emergence of Recent research in the Central African Republic new viral risks that may affect a broad range of (CAR) and elsewhere suggests the role that human populations (Gonzalez & Vidal 1996). logging may have in the epidemiology of Ebola The infectious agents responsible for the newest and other viruses (Gonzalez et al. 1997, Mouchet CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

86 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest & Carneval 1997). Both through direct effects years, however, there has been marked and rapid and through the incursion of husbandry and seroconversion, as well as a significant rise in pastoralism to feed growing communities of seroprevalence among human populations laborers, the logging industry plays important monitored in the area (Morvan 1998). roles in the circulation, seroprevalence, and For a number of reasons, it is important to possible emergence of Ebola among both people pay close attention to these risks. First, the and animals. For example, in the southern forests introduction of non-native species to an ecosys- of the CAR, there have been indications of tem is always a sanitary gamble. Second, one 41.6% seroprevalence for Ebola among the must be careful about the alternatives proposed to personnel of a logging company (Morvan 1997b, bushmeat consumption because, in extreme Morvan 1998). A more extended analysis of cases situations, the solutions proposed may prove within the CAR showed that the employees of the disastrous for, rather than supportive, of wildlife operation who work in the deep forest present a populations. Last, the dilemma of these zoonotic significantly higher seroprevalence load than that pathogens as dangers to humans is inextricably recorded among their co-workers who are in the bound up with social and economic development sawmill (11.4%), or among villagers (10.9%) in African rainforests, and with arguments about (Morvan 1997a). Work in logging camps, then, whether increased roads and other social infra- appears to constitute a risk behavior for contract- structures (such as markets or hospitals) are in the ing these viruses, directly for those thus contami- best interest of forest communities. At present, nated, as well as indirectly for other human all models for development in the region project groups, since transportation allows forest workers very rapid economic and population growth and to move around widely, therefore permitting the do not limit infrastructure expansion at all. Given broader diffusion of pathogenic agents. Hospitals, the information about the threats of emergent too, are a factor in nosocomial epidemics; that is, disease that we discuss here, these models of epidemics propelled by extremely rapid transmis- unrestricted expansion need to be reconsidered. A sion of disease through the concentration of those broad discussion of the interactions of these infected in particular centers or contexts (Baron et diseases with factors such as the development of al. 1983, Garrett 1994, Heymann 1997). infrastructure, markets (such as the bushmeat In East and West Africa, Rift Valley Fever is trade), and services in specific regions, however, is endemic in pastoral zones (Meegan 1981, beyond the scope of this chapter. Rather, let us Meegan & Bailey 1988, Wilson 1994). Yet recent briefly review the state of knowledge about the data from the CAR suggests a new situation different sorts of viral diseases most prominent in where the virus is maintained in forest environ- the scientific and journalistic literature at present, ments where cattle are scarce, or even absent with particular attention to their relationship to (Morvan 1997b). Results of investigations by human-animal interactions, and to their potential Morvan and the Institut Pasteur team in the links with hunting and bushmeat consumption. Lobaye region of the CAR suggest a selvatic cycle through which wild ungulates play the role of Viral Hemorrhagic Fevers (VHFs) host after having been in contact with contami- In 1976, the first manifestations of the epidemics nated cattle, who are the usual hosts for the linked to Ebola were recounted from the little disease and may transit temporarily through Sudanese town of Nzara near the Zairian (now forest zones on a seasonal basis. In either pastoral Democratic Republic of Congo) border, then in zones or forested areas, human populations may Yambuku, in Zairian territory. Death tolls were be exposed to the disease aerobically, for instance 53% and 88% respectively (Baron et al. 1983). through the skinning of either wild or domestic Other cases followed in Zaire, at Tandala in 1977 animal carcasses. Such contamination merits (Heymann et al. 1980), and then again at Nzara further investigation to ascertain whether it may in 1979. Following these human outbreaks, two be associated with the development of hemor- epidemics were recorded among wild chimpanzee rhagic syndromes. For instance, although the populations, one in 1992 and another in 1994, in virus appears to circulate freely in the forest zones the Taï forest of Côte d’Ivoire (Formenty et al. of the CAR, no epidemic has yet been recorded, 1999). The disease in chimps first appeared in suggesting that we are dealing with a relatively the U.S. in 1989 in a research facility outside of non-pathenogenic strain of the virus. In recent Washington, D.C. in a group of captive cynomol- ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 7 Hardin & Auzel 87 gus monkeys (Macaca fascicularis) (Jarhling et al. EBO-CI was discovered in Côte d’Ivoire and, due 1990), followed by other outbreaks among to the infection of a field researcher after contact captive populations in the U.S. in 1992 and again with an infected chimpanzee, has been described in 1996. Finally, in 1995, an epidemic among in great detail as a clinical case. Despite the humans was reported in Africa, in Kikwit, Zaire diversity of the viruses, few studies have at- (Muyembe & Kipasa 1995). tempted to pinpoint the vectors or reservoirs of Press coverage of the human epidemic was such diseases, or their dynamics of seroprevalence enormous, and commendably accurate: 296 cases in nature (Leirs et al. 1999). Peters and LeDuc were reported, 80% of which were fatal. Indeed, (1999) note that few research or government media accounts since 1995 have been, in the eyes health agencies appreciate that there is only one of much of the scientific community, quite fair reported study of any search for the reservoir of and have carried accurate scientific information. Ebola. They note also that, although ecological The World Health Organization also became an investigations have been made in connection with important source of accurate information starting other viruses, researchers do not know if the during the 1995 Kikwit outbreak, and mediated methods used in previous studies would have much of the aid that flowed into Zaire, where detected Ebola despite the fact that EBO-Z is distribution of relief materials encountered great virulent and lethal in the most common assay difficulties. systems (for example, the suckling mouse). In A number of other findings point to the need their review article for the special issue of the for additional rapid and aggressive study of Journal of Infectious Diseases, Peters and LeDuc VHFs. First, it has become increasingly clear that (1999) write: both humans and non-human primates die quickly after infection by the virus, the reservoir “…We assume that filoviruses, like other vi- for which remains unknown. Next, we see that ruses causing hemorrhagic fevers, can latently although epidemics were first associated with or chronically infect their natural reservoir monkey populations in captivity (Jarhling et al. hosts…. Primates seem to be susceptible hosts, 1990), another epidemic disease, originally and nonhuman primates may even provide a pathogenic only among canines, demonstrated its frequent link to humans. They are unlikely, ability to spread to felines and decimated the lion however, to be the true reservoir hosts, given populations of the Serengeti area (Morell 1994). the high pathogenicity of filoviruses for Afri- This spreading of epidemic disease to expanding can monkeys, macaques, chimpanzees, and realms of species suggests that we need to perhaps great apes…. Furthermore, a direct determine whether the fatality of VHFs in search for chronic, persistent, or latent infec- primate populations is due to mutations of the tion in monkeys was unsuccessful.” p.ix virus or to factors (for instance, environmental change?) that have suddenly increased the In fact, high levels in and around Kikwit after vulnerability of other species. the outbreaks in that region have been interpreted Filoviruses remain among the least understood as an indicator of “temporally distant infections” viruses to date. Indeed, as outbreaks have that may have occurred well before the explicitly occurred in various locations since the late 1970s documented outbreaks (Peters & LeDuc 1999). when the disease first appeared, the genetic and Some results of serological sampling by epidemi- biological diversity of these viruses is becoming ologists and virologists suggest that forest increasingly difficult to document and under- populations have high seropositivity rates for stand. However, at present, four subtypes of the these viruses (Gonzalez et al. 1983). Johnson et Ebola virus have been identified (Formenty et al. al. (1993b) note that the highest rate is found 1999a, Monath 1999), although some believe within a group of hunter-gatherers (Pygmies). there is enough variation in these subtypes to Little is known about what such rates of seroposi- conclude they are separate species. tivity mean, however. Peters and LeDuc express Several things have become clear from concern about “the important role of a dead, developments regarding the Zaire and Côte naturally infected chimpanzee in bridging the d’Ivoire subtypes of the virus (referred to as EBO- virus to humans…and the deep forest exposures Z and EBO-CI, respectively, in the literature). of index cases” and the danger of continued EBO-Z has been noted in three outbreaks in circulation of the virus where barrier-nursing CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE Gabon among non-human primates and humans. methods are not maintained.

88 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Higher seropositivity among forest dwellers believe that the virus was passed from chimps to may be explained by their frequent contact with humans there about 50 years ago, through wildlife, which they hunt for their subsistence or slaughter and handling of chimp carcasses, before for exchange with neighboring villagers spreading to an estimated 50 million human (Bahuchet 1989). It is reasonable to assume that carriers today (WHO 1994, Treichler 1992). consumption of monkey meat entails some risk of Hahn’s work has posed renewed questions of infection (Johnson 1978, Jarhling et al. 1990) why, in a species with more than 98% common and the consumption of certain species of genetic makeup with humans, the similar virus monkey meat is likely a real health risk (Mathiot does not provoke fatal immunodeficiency in the et al. 1990). In the case of the epidemic in 1976 same way. Indeed, the way is paved for further in Zaire, the first victim had purchased fresh research and, commendably, Dr. Hahn’s team has monkey meat in large quantities before develop- made an effort to associate the announcement of ing the disease and dying (Johnson 1978). In their findings with assertions of the critical sum, the connection between deep forest- situation of these chimp populations. While the dwelling and intimate contact with non-human relationships between HIV-O and other strains, primate carcasses in both EBO-Z and EBO-CI and between SIV and HIV, remain under disease cases among humans has been confirmed investigation, they powerfully suggest the (Formenty et al. 1999b), but is still far from limitations of our knowledge. New techniques, understood. developed partly in response to the advent of HIV-O in the U.S., screen broadly for reverse Retroviruses and AIDS in Non-Human transcriptates, and would thus catch either SIV or Primates and in Humans HIV-O. The initial project under the Center for Retroviruses, given their chronic nature, represent Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) auspices a very different type of risk than Viral Hemor- for such screening is currently underway in Côte rhagic Fevers, which pose the risk of outbreak and d’Ivoire (Sullivan, pers. comm.). Extensive work almost immediate mortality. The three known on retroviruses has also been carried out in AIDS viruses are all retroviruses of the lentivirus Cameroon (Froment, pers. comm). The informa- family. Two of them, HIV-O and HIV-2, remain tion gathered in these initiatives will likely shed relatively confined to their original African great light on the rates and mechanisms of the ecological niches and, to date, only three docu- two-stage process of emergence (both the mented cases of HIV-O have been recorded in the introduction of viruses to new hosts, with U.S. (Sullivan, pers.comm). HIV-1, on the other subsequent mutation/recombination, and the hand, is much more widespread, and is currently dissemination through human activities such as being reconsidered given recent findings by a migration). team from University of Alabama, Birmingham. AIDs, of course, raises the issues of human Using a technique called polymerase chain behavior, conceptions of risk, risk of transmis- reaction (PCR) (Rabinow 1996), Dr. Beatrice sion, and the politics of international public Hahn and her team recovered virus samples from health in a very different way than do VHFs. Yet tissue that were identified as a chimpanzee virus, much might be learned from the case of AIDS to SIVcpz (Hahn et al. 2000, Gao et al. 1999). inform us more generally about the intricacies of Through genetic sequencing, researchers discov- different human beliefs and practices surrounding ered surprising gaps between segments of the increasingly widespread disease. Indeed, for simian and human virus. They concluded that conservationists, knowledge of the debates about HIV-1 can be traced to a particular subspecies of the role of culture in the spread or control of chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes troglodytes), a disease is imperative in order to avoid charges discovery that has prompted closer communica- (founded or unfounded) of imperialistic, insensi- tion between biomedical scientists and tive, unrealistic, and even racist attitudes and fieldworkers in primatology. The simian virus is prescriptions (Abernethy 1993, Akeroyd 1997, closely related to HIV-1, the strain of AIDS virus Chirimuuta 1989). In addition, the broad that has caused most cases of the disease in the existing literature on AIDS in Africa addresses in world and that was first recognized in the region detail the kinds of political and economic of central West Africa where these particular circumstances that make continued risk a reality, about which, often, all too little can be done chimps are found (Hirsch 1989). Researchers IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES (Heise & Elias 1995, Ankrah 1996).

Chapter 7 Hardin & Auzel 89 HUNTING, MEAT CONSUMPTION, AND action is being expressed at present by both DISEASE professional foresters and development/conservation project teams who want to collaborate with Monitoring of a logging operation in northern other researchers to learn how to minimize the Congo that employs approximately 650 people negative impacts of their activities on the has provided annual consumption figures of 390 ecosystem, on local populations, and on wildlife. tons of wild game (live animal weight), or close to 35,000 animals per year (Auzel 1995). Local consumption varies dramatically and the carcasses CONSERVATION ACTION: are the object of intense exchange, commercial A DOUBLE-EDGED SWORD OF LIMITED and otherwise (Auzel 1996). These patterns of SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE consumption and exchange are part of the evolution of social groups that are increasingly Conservationists are in a delicate position mobile and tend to concentrate in new urban regarding the roles of wildlife in emergent disease. population centers (Thomas 1963, Wilson On the one hand, little is known for certain. On 1995). The impacts of such increased hunting the other hand, what little is known has been pressure remain unknown, and are difficult to over-simplified in some public exchanges, and ascertain, as they are influenced by social and may tend to lead public opinion in dangerous ecological factors that are poorly understood and directions relative to the protection of animals. merit further investigation (Eves & Ruggiero Impassioned advocacy of their right to life may or 1999). may not be the only strategy for their long-term Several approaches to managing such changes defense, for it may too easily alienate members of have been attempted, however. Forest manage- the scientific community who may be responsible ment projects (such as the European-funded for influencing policy and even, on occasion, Aménagements Pilotes Intégrés) have, for the public opinion. The two quotes below, which are most part, focused on the production and less impassioned than merely intellectually reproduction of wood resources (Faure 1994). curious about solutions to this complex problem, Indeed, foresters have been criticized for neglect- sketch different possible conclusions based on ing to control, or even for favoring, commercial constructions of the situation at present. They are hunting (Eves 1996), as well as for the more thus worth quoting at length: general destruction of tropical forests (Telesis 1991, Stoll 1992). In fact, exploitation of the “The debate emanates from groups whose ma- forest for logs provokes a reduction of the forest jor preoccupation is centered on “animal canopy and leads to the loss of the plant and rights…” but if one reads attentively these mes- animal species dependent upon canopy cover sages reveal that the information and the pho- (Johns & Skorupa 1986, White 1994, Johns & tographs all come from the same source; the Johns 1995, Wilkie et al. 1997). Yet logging same authors…. The announcement of a pos- provides infrastructure and short-term economic sible relationship between HIV viruses and gain for regions that are outside of the adminis- chimpanzees has brought…a subtle mix of trative power of struggling equatorial African public health messages and medical prospects. states. Conservation projects in the region have …let us note that the link between Chimps attempted to integrate forest use and forest and the vaccine for AIDS is not what has been protection and have begun providing their own retained by most researchers. That said, the contributions to regional development, such as consumption of non-human primates’ flesh is health care clinics, to compensate local popula- indeed a major risk factor that facilitates the tions for the limitations they impose on hunting passage to men of many serious viral maladies and gathering. (lentivirus, HIV, HTLV—or filovirus—Ebola, In some cases, however, these interventions Marburg, Lassa). In other eras, one would may lure immigrants to the region, for instance, conclude that we should exterminate all these contributing to ongoing environmental degrada- animals!” (Bahuchet 1989, p. 2) tion without substantially improving the economic and health status of local populations (Garreau 1995). A need for further research and CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

90 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest “Environmental instability caused by humans “Such studies require intimate knowledge of was a major factor in the rise of today’s AIDS the biology and social behavior of the target epidemic. As humans decimated the monkey primate species, and long-term observation to and ape populations that had sustained the SIV permit individual animals to be recognized and ancestor of HIV-1, the virus found a new host their life histories charted. Such data are hardin humans….Our increasing intrusion on mon- won by field primatologists, and cannot be re- key and ape habitats has convinced some sci- placed by materials collected in a rapid capture entists that monkeys could vanish from the wild event, or even by less invasive procedures such by the end of the 21st century. Monkey as collection of fecal samples for viral extrac- retroviruses will likely jump to new hosts, prob- tion.” (Phillips-Conroy & Jolly 1999). ably humans. To survive and spread, they will adapt and cause disease. While scientists race Indeed, inordinate amounts of research money to tame the AIDS virus, we must all work to- spent on AIDS and AIDS-related phenomena are ward one important goal: to protect the mon- spent on laboratory research. Given the difficult key and ape populations still extant in the wild. conditions in which field primatologists carry out We must consider their survival needs along their work, and the menaces that exist for many with our own and create more preserves and monkey populations where the largest risks of sanctuaries.” (Goudsmit 1998, p. 2) emergence currently occur, funds might well be directed to support field research. By directed, we Indeed, it was green monkeys that had been mean that work by both primatologists and brought from Western Africa to Frankfurt, biomedical researchers could be designed to yield Germany, and Belgrad, Yugoslavia that intro- benefits to the primate species, support for the duced the Marburg virus that originally infected primatologist who conducts research on that European lab workers in 1967. All those animals species, and data for the biomedical researcher were euthanized. Of course, a captive population (Phillips-Conroy & Jolly 1999). Local communi- that is a known disease carrier is another matter ties that are at risk of disease and whose percep- entirely from animals in the wild, whose status tions of risk, health, and changing hunting vis-a-vis real health risk remains ambiguous. Still, practices are dramatically under-documented and Bahuchet’s point is one well worth consideration. could also benefit from directed research. The act of implicating non-human primates in We suggest such partnerships will not simply the spread of diseases so lethal to humans may “make themselves” in satisfactory ways, given the compromise rather than bolster their chances for distinct social and intellectual environments survival in the wild in the long run. within which these different kinds of research Given this scenario, how can conservation occur. As funding proliferates for mixed environ- organizations and similar institutions best address mental and epidemiological investigations (for this double-edged sword that lurks within the instance, the Fogarty/NIH grants now becoming state of knowledge to date? We recommend a available), conservation science must be proactive strategy that emphasizes the importance of in matching some of the most promising or gaining further knowledge in the search for cures, urgent need areas for conservation intervention but that also emphasizes the danger in killing and with basic research and disease surveillance handling and eating these animals. More broadly, projects. Such work will contribute to the the goal should be to document and compare the evaluation of the risk of transmission of patho- evolution of animal populations and human/ genic agents responsible for viral disease from wildlife relationships in the forests of West and infected populations to those populations as yet Central Africa. Field researchers who combine unaffected. At the same time, it will also ensure long-term field work and intimate knowledge of that the evaluation and dissemination of informa- primate populations in fact are the most moder- tion about risk factors be both credible and ate, yet optimistic voices on these thorny issues. ethical, and will accompany coordinated scientific One research team describes the “productive investigation, capacity building, and resource collaborations” between their field team of conservation efforts within regions where such primatologists and AIDS researchers, noting that diseases are endemic. After all, the sudden their collaborations might serve as a prototype for appearance of researchers who draw serum and further research. They nevertheless caution that: then return to lab work has, in many research ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 7 Hardin & Auzel 91 areas, generated tensions with local and national populations that has stymied international public health and animal protection efforts, rather than advancing them (Gonzalez pers.comm, Lahm pers.comm). Overall, we feel that the role of mediation and facilitation between researchers, activists, and local communities is feasible and would be of great benefit for all. It is crucial that the message about the intersection of the domains of bushmeat use and human health be heard and be responded to with efforts to collect and compile new information. At the same time, conservation organizations and others must be careful to avoid falling into the trap of appearing to trumpet health risks prematurely or irresponsibly in the interest of advancing conservation. The “outbreak” mentality is becoming increasingly analyzed and criticized by those who are following the epidemiology and broader politics of disease emergence in Africa (Schell 1997). As we have seen, the consequences of incomplete information could be negative for the very animal populations we are seeking to protect. On the other hand, there is clearly a need for ongoing biomedical or epidemiological research to maintain links to local communities and to ongoing field research and conservation work. These connections could be greatly improved through the coordination of information flow on the part of all experts involved in addressing the bushmeat crisis. The role of mediating conservation agencies or projects, though not specifically addressed in this chapter, is ripe for discussion and advancement. Direct partnerships among governments, universities, and local communities in the cross-sectoral arena would be pioneering. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

92 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 8 LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS FOR WILDLIFE AND HABITAT PROTECTION IN WEST AFRICA – THE NEED FOR AN INTEGRATED POLICY ASSESSMENT

CYRIL KORMOS AND MOHAMED I. BAKARR

Guns seized in a logging concession.

Formulating a response to the bushmeat crisis will require a thorough policy assessment, including a

review of all the laws and institutional structures that affect bushmeat trade. A legislative review should

survey local, district, and national level legislation, agency regulations, non-binding government

policies, and traditional and communal rights that impact wildlife management. Likewise, an institu-

tional assessment should also address the local, regional, and national levels. This assessment should

summarize the technical and financial capacities of the relevant agencies and institutions (including law

enforcement and the judiciary where relevant), analyze the internal structure of each agency, and

93 examine the role and location of that agency examined for clarity of purpose: does the legisla- within the larger governmental framework. A tion unequivocally define its objectives, does it policy assessment that does not address both delineate a scope broad enough to address its legislative and institutional structures will by objectives, and does it create a clear mandate for default yield an incomplete picture and inefficient action by government agencies to achieve those recommendations. goals? Second, legislation should be inspected in In this chapter we do not provide a complete terms of completeness: are all the new regulations legislative and institutional assessment for the in place that are necessary to implement legisla- region. Such an undertaking is much beyond the tive provisions? Third, legislation should be scope of this work because it would have to reviewed to assess whether or not it is in actual or include, at a minimum, analysis of laws and potential conflict with other laws and policies. institutions regulating wildlife and hunting, Fourth, legislation needs to be evaluated for protected areas, forestry, agriculture, mining, and currentness: do the specifics of the legislation land tenure across many countries. Furthermore, reflect the most up-to-date rates of inflation, as others in this volume point out, the bushmeat status of endangered animals, and borders of crisis is rooted in a myriad of complex social and protected areas? Finally, legislation needs to be political dynamics, ranging from the evolution of evaluated in terms of its compatibility with local forest concession politics since colonial times customs and traditional laws; government laws at (Auzel & Hardin, this volume) to cultural values any level will not be effective if they clash too (Bowman, this volume), which are not yet well dramatically with cultural sensibilities and understood. Instead, our purpose here is to priorities. Legislation, policies, and regulations provide an analytical framework for legal and regarding bushmeat specifically need to be institutional assessments, which we illustrate by assessed in terms of their purposes, completeness, examples from countries within the Upper timeliness, and compatibility with cultural values Guinea forest sub-region. to determine how effectively they address Law and policy assessments are important for problems related to bushmeat and wildlife, several reasons. First, they allow for a general hunting (including communal hunting rights), diagnostic – helping to identify the range of protected areas, forestry, mining, agriculture, and legislative, institutional, or political parameters of land tenure. a particular problem. Second, these assessments Before beginning a regional legislative can help analysts prioritize the problems and analysis, one first must clearly acknowledge that identify the best use of resources to address them. in different countries, different laws will play For example, although one country’s wildlife different roles, some more critical in one context management legislation may not be well devel- and less in another. For example, as Auzel and oped, if the key problem in wildlife management Hardin (this volume) demonstrate, logging is rooted in a lack enforcement capacity, initiating operations play a pivotal role in bushmeat trade a lengthy and politically sensitive legislative in Cameroon because logging companies open review process may be a waste of resources. As a new roads into the jungle, provide transportation general rule, where resources are scarce, legislative for hunters, and employ workers who, whether initiatives should be encouraged only in situations out of need or preference, hunt for food in the where the necessary actions cannot be taken forest. Legislation and policies here would clearly without legal reform. Conversely, an institution need to attend to the impact of logging on may have adequate resources, but may be bushmeat trade. However, in other countries, hampered by an unclear or insufficient mandate. agricultural development can have a greater We hope this chapter will provide a framework impact on wildlife than logging, as farmers hunt both for analyzing legislative and institutional both to obtain meat and to eliminate pests. In structures, and for prioritizing responses. Sierra Leone for example, hunting to eliminate pests was officially sanctioned by the state and led to the killing of nearly 250,000 monkeys over a LEGISLATIVE OVERVIEW 16-year period (Jones 1950, Tappen 1964). In addition to noting the variability of the impact of A review of legislation must be approached from different laws in different countries, those

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE several perspectives. First, legislation should be concerned with policy assessment must also be

94 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest keenly aware that legislation in different countries with more specific regulations or decrees. does not always fall into clearly defined catego- Nonetheless, in other countries, such as Ghana or ries. For example, in some countries, wildlife and Sierra Leone, no legislation focuses on construct- protected areas are legislated under the same ing an appropriate balance between use and mandate, while in other countries, they are conservation, but rather centers on hunting covered under distinct pieces of legislation. licenses and regulations, and on protecting Bearing these points in mind, we move on to a individual species. In cases such as these, the brief discussion of legislation concerned with existing legislation is more of a constraint than a wildlife protection and protected areas in the tool for conservation. Upper Guinea sub-region of West Africa. We A second problem with legislation in the also discuss related institutional and administra- region is that many of the statutes link wildlife tive issues common to the sub-region. protection and protected areas too closely, resulting in a variety of negative consequences. For example, in Sierra Leone hunting is com- WILDLIFE AND HUNTING LEGISLATION IN pletely restricted only in protected areas, which WEST AFRICA greatly restricts the range wildlife protection. A second consequence of linking of wildlife The first and most obvious point to make about protection and protected areas is that game wildlife and hunting legislation is that, although wardens or park rangers become the only some national policies do recognize that wildlife authorities who are both familiar with and have populations are being seriously depleted (for the authority to enforce hunting regulations. As a example policies in Ghana and Guinea), no result, despite the fact that the legislation in many legislation in West Africa addresses the bushmeat countries places country-wide limits on hunting problem per se. Ghana’s sophisticated Forest and (e.g., on use of fire or traps, hunting seasons, or Wildlife Policy comes the closest to directly prohibitions against hunting females with young), addressing the bushmeat crisis by acknowledging the chances that these provisions will be enforced the problems of over-hunting and habitat loss outside of parks are very low. A third consequence and by outlining a number of strategies that of linking protected areas and wildlife legislation could be used to address the bushmeat crisis. is that it perpetuates the belief that wildlife These potential strategies include reserve expan- conservation strategies can succeed based solely sion, education and awareness campaigns, public on the protection afforded wildlife in protected participation, research, institutional strengthen- areas. In fact, relying solely on protected areas as ing, and the development of environmental a wildlife conservation strategy is not a viable incentives. Indeed, Ghana had formally recog- approach, not only because in many countries not nized the bushmeat problem as early as 1974 enough land is protected to ensure the habitat when it drafted its first Wildlife Conservation necessary to sustain viable species populations, Policy. Even with this recognition, however, but also because the bushmeat problem has Ghana has no comparable level of specificity in its become greatly exacerbated by the logging wildlife management legislation. industry that theoretically operates outside of The fact that the laws and policies in the protected areas such as parks. region only speak generically of the need to A third problem with wildlife legislation balance use and conservation of wildlife, rather across West Africa is that several countries include than about bushmeat specifically, is not a schedules or lists of species in their wildlife problem in and of itself. Liberia’s Wildlife and legislation as a means of identifying those most National Parks Act, for example, is very general threatened and in need of protection. Although yet includes a range of mechanisms that could relying on lists of threatened or endangered form the core of a very effective bushmeat species is a reasonable mechanism, there are conservation strategy, including provisions for perhaps more flexible approaches than anchoring controlled hunting areas and communal forest those lists in laws that must be passed by legisla- designations, regular wildlife surveys, and broad tures, rather than specifying the lists in regula- enforcement powers for Forestry Development tions that are developed and maintained by Authority (FDA) officers. In addition, broad or wildlife departments. It is only prudent to allow generic legislation can always be supplemented decisions about what species to list as threatened ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 8 Kormos & Bakarr 95 or endangered to rest with experts in wildlife necessary to ensure that national priorities are departments. Not only do most legislators lack integrated with local customs. Local populations the expert knowledge necessary to decide which will neither respect nor observe laws that do not species should be on protection lists, but also a take into account the realities of their socio- species may be left vulnerable during the political economic conditions, customs and values. negotiations that inevitably take place in the To be able to adequately address the bushmeat lengthy process of updating legislation. In crisis, legislation and regulations must be changed addition, in the absence of expert knowledge, to make them more flexible and more readily species lists drawn up by legislators often lack adaptable to the complexities of attempting to correctness and accuracy in regard to the tax- change the current pace and dynamics of onomy and distributions of protected species. For bushmeat hunting and trade. For example, where example, the Liberian Forest Development necessary, wildlife legislation needs to be changed Authority (FDA) lists both the grey-necked so that it is not restricted to certain listed species (Picathartes oreas) and white-necked (P. or to certain protected areas. However, legislative gymnocephalus) rockfowls as fully protected, even reform alone is not enough. Relevant wildlife when the former does not occur within its management institutions will also play a critical geographic borders (FDA Report, 1999). The role in fostering change and must have sufficient same listing has white-nosed monkeys (Cercopith- technical and enforcement capacity to play their ecus petaurista) and mangabeys (Cercocebus atys) roles adequately. The following section raises in the same genus, Cercopithecus, which clearly some of the institutional issues that should be they are not. examined in evaluating the roles that various A fourth problem is that, in many cases, the institutions can play in addressing the bushmeat legislation on the books is neither consistent with, crisis. nor in any way takes local customs and norms into account. Thus, the policy adhered to throughout the region, namely that wildlife PROTECTED AREA LEGISLATION IN WEST belongs to the state and is managed by the state AFRICA on behalf of the people, is not consistent with the traditional norm of local ownership of wildlife As noted earlier, wildlife and hunting regulations and natural resources that prevails in most of the are often limited to the management of parks and countries. However, the issue of integrating local other areas that are consistent with the World custom and national law is receiving some Conservation Union (IUCN) definition of attention. For example, most laws in the region protected areas (i.e., all habitats and ecosystems now recognize the need for local participation in set aside in their natural state for the protection natural resource management, the need to set and maintenance of biodiversity). IUCN defines aside communal forests, local dependence on six main categories for protected area manage- bushmeat for protein, and other issues related to ment: Strict Nature Reserve/Wilderness Area, the lives and livelihoods of local people. Sierra National Park, National Monument, Habitat/ Leone has taken this one step further by develop- Species Management Area, Protected Landscape, ing a number of provisions requiring approval by and Managed Resource Protected Area. These a paramount chief before proceeding with a hunt. limits effectively restrict the range of enforcement Guinea also has moved to concretely acknowledge officers, a problem further exacerbated by the fact the realities of local people by revising legislation that in West Africa, a large proportion of habitat to lift restrictions on a hunter’s ability to sell protection has historically been achieved through bushmeat locally during the hunting season, and a variety of mechanisms, some of which are to allow hunters to sell surplus meat outside the consistent with the IUCN categories while others hunting season (sharing the revenue with the are not (i.e., traditional sacred groves, forest local community), provided the surplus meat reserves in former British colonies, or forêt classeés cannot be delivered to the community. Although in former French colonies). Unfortunately, the these are important first steps in acknowledging protected areas legislated under the IUCN criteria the economic and cultural patterns and priorities represent a relatively small fraction of the total of native populations, a systematic review of all forest in all of the West African countries. For legislation related to bushmeat off-take will be example, of the total estimated 15,839 km2 of CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

96 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest lowland forest remaining in Ghana, less than Institutional Frameworks for Management 1500 km2 (10%) exist within IUCN designated and Enforcement protected areas (Sayer et al. 1992). Thus, wildlife Legislative and institutional analyses are closely in significant amounts of forested areas goes linked because a management agency’s effective- unregulated, resulting in numerous “empty ness is determined in part by the clarity and scope forests” throughout Ghana (Oates 1999). To of its mandate and in part by its location within a prevent further ravaging of forest populations, larger administrative framework, both of which mechanisms must be found to integrate wildlife are established by law. Similarly, enforcement is legislation into additional management categories also dependent on the scope of the law, and the to which the IUCN criteria does not yet apply. degree to which it can be applied effectively both The need for this kind of integration is in the field and in the courts. Nonetheless, particularly strong in former British colonies in analyzing institutional structures, strengths, and which, for historical reasons, there is less protec- constraints is quite different from assessing the tion afforded to wildlife. Burnett and Stillwell pluses and minuses of legislation. In addition to (1990) revealed this historical context by showing the need for a clear mandate and an appropriate that the creation of national parks (IUCN position in an administrative framework, the Category III) in Africa was different between the capacity of an institution — both technical and French and British colonial powers. In particular, financial — must be thoroughly considered. The not only were French Africans more active than potential of an institution to address some aspect British Africans in creating national parks, but of the bushmeat crisis must also be evaluated in biomes and biogeographical provinces were also light of the broader political context in its home treated differently, with more parks created in country including, for example, the stability of tropical forests by the French than by the British. government, the degree to which government is Burnett and Stillwell associated this disparity with structured in a way that is consistent with the differences in land development policy in colonial country’s culture (rather than inherited from a Africa, differences in attitudes toward nature colonial system), and the degree of acceptance the between British and French colonials, and public has for governmental authority. differences in environmental opportunities in To address the bushmeat crisis, a wide range British and French Africa. It is these differences of institutions must be reviewed, from wildlife that lead to the divergent evolution of distinct departments to national park services, forestry legislative instruments for establishing and and mining departments, local government managing protected areas in these regions. agencies, traditional or tribal governments, and Due to the fragmented nature of the West law enforcement agencies. Although, as with African landscape, we believe that protected areas legislation, different institutions will play remain the most effective solution to preserving different roles in different countries, a complete biodiversity in important blocks of the original assessment of institutional strengths, weaknesses, forest ecosystem. However, the effectiveness of and dynamics must include all of these groups. protected areas will depend primarily on the Although West African policy instruments need management strategies put in place, relative to the to be examined in light of their potential ability larger landscape within which they are consti- to address the bushmeat crisis, the institutional tuted. For example, a series of forest blocks with challenge for implementing and enforcing the different protected area designations could be relevant stipulations in these instruments is legally constituted into a defined landscape perhaps even more pressing. The government within which overall management is conducted. agencies charged with environmental protection Putting this kind of scheme in place would and natural resource management continue to require that the legislative and policy mechanisms have great difficulty carrying out their mandates, be fully consistent with the local context to and most have had limited success over the years. maximize the acceptance and integration of Constraints on enforcement and compliance are protected areas into the traditional landscape. numerous, and the problems can again be traced Such planned consistency would also help to antecedents of political development in the minimize conflicts with local communities and region as noted earlier. Underlying causes of reduce the costs of enforcement, which continues institutional problems include inadequate to undermine many protected areas in the region. capacity — including human resources, facilities, ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 8 Kormos & Bakarr 97 and equipment — and a lack of political will to management. Governments, over relatively short support the enforcement and monitoring of laws periods, will shift responsibility for environmental (Stuart et al. 1990). These problems can be management from different units and levels of linked to the ‘vertical’ structure of the govern- government, thus losing the benefits of accumu- ment and the unstable status of the governments lated experiences and institutional learning. in many of these countries. The implications of Jurisdictional conflicts and overlaps among this situation for any legislative reform need to be ministries and governmental agencies also carefully examined to guide the construction of contribute to enforcement problems. In Sierra effective implementation mechanisms. Leone, for example, the Wildlife Conservation Branch (WCB) is the government agency charged Departments of Wildlife and Protected Areas with administering the Wildlife Conservation Throughout West and Central African countries, Act, which includes management of national a major underlying cause of institutional prob- parks (and other protected areas designated under lems has been the lack of skilled personnel to staff IUCN categories) and enforcement of hunting and run wildlife conservation efforts (Stuart et al. laws. The Wildlife Conservation Act of 1972 1990). In its latest annual report for example, (amended in 1990) is Sierra Leone’s primary the FDA in Liberia listed only 39 (7%) of its total legislative instrument dealing with wildlife 533 employees as working for the Wildlife and conservation. The Act stipulates the categories of National Parks Division, which is charged with protected areas that can be designated for wildlife enforcement of hunting regulations and laws. In management, and outlines mechanisms for doing addition to having such small numbers of so. It also makes provision for hunting regulation employees, most are assigned to administrative (licensing, offences, and schedules) and enforce- duties, leaving very few people to carry out the ment. The WCB is, however, subsumed within actual work of enforcement and monitoring. the Forestry Division, which is the ultimate Government agencies and other entities in the custodian of all forests in the country. As a result, public sector also tend to be plagued by attrition enforcement of hunting laws does not occur in of senior management, a trend that also under- forest reserves, because they fall outside of the mines efforts to sustain effective long-term WCB mandate. Wildlife in forest reserves are actions. The issue of availability of qualified staff therefore predisposed to over-hunting and to date relates to the broader question of public adminis- a great majority have already lost all large tration in most West and Central African mammal species (Oates 1999). The same countries, and the ability of the public service to situation prevails throughout much of West and recruit, motivate, and retain capable personnel. Central Africa (Stuart et al. 1990, Martin 1991, On a broader scale these problems underscore Sayer et al. 1992). faults in the structure and management of public Even with well-drafted laws and subsidiary service, including recruitment, tenure, classifica- legislation, and clear jurisdictional mandates, tion and compensation, all of which needs to be problems arise when governments lack the reconsidered as part of public sector reform. This institutional capability to enforce their laws. will also play an important role in addressing Ministries seldom have the technical capability to overlaps in mandates and resolving conflicts conduct oversight and monitoring, much less the among the different government agencies. legal expertise to bring enforcement actions. When an environmental portfolio is attached Again, the lack of political will to enforce the law to another portfolio, such as mines or energy, that also presents the major stumbling block. Although is arguably at odds with environmental protection ‘lack of will’ is attributable to a range of factors, it and/biodiversity conservation, a conflicting is widely acknowledged that biodiversity and agenda exists for the ministry of how to maximize environmental issues do not always command a the economic exploitation of the natural resource high priority with West and Central African under its jurisdiction. On the other hand, if the governments (Sayer et al. 1992, Martin 1991, environment portfolio exists as a freestanding Oates 1999). Countries with well-established, ministry, it may rank as a very junior ministry in environmentally-related ministries and competent terms of ministerial clout, at least compared with staff often face difficulties securing sustained the revenue generating ministries. Institutional financial support. Staff, often underpaid weakness contributes to ineffective environmental themselves, usually lack adequate resources to CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

98 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest perform their duties. Consequently, officers are lured into corrupt practices that undermine the very principles for which their agencies stand, thus making even the most appropriate legislative instruments obsolete.

CONCLUSION

A law and policy analysis for the bushmeat crisis is complicated by the fact that the root causes for the increased utilization of bushmeat vary greatly within countries and across the region. The problem of bushmeat overutilization cannot be easily generalized across the region and, consequently, a generic policy solution is not possible to construct. Nonetheless, it is possible to begin taking a more systematic approach to analyzing the crisis from a legal and policy standpoint. Such efforts should be done in tandem with other major efforts that target specific aspects and stakeholders associated with the bushmeat threat. Any effective changes to policies will have to factor in the underlying social, cultural, and economic conditions unique to each national context. We hope that this chapter provides a framework for an effective and integrated policy assessment to help mitigate biodiversity threats in general, and the bushmeat crisis in particular. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 8 Kormos & Bakarr 99 PART THREE

USING BIOECONOMIC MODELING TO ASSESS SUSTAINABILITY OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING

Because of the complex nature of bushmeat utilization, the issue of sustainability is important to addressing threats to wildlife populations. Wildlife species respond differently to hunting and also can be dramatically affected by ecological factors such as habitat change. To inform the development of effective, long-term conservation solutions, authors of the first eight chapters of this volume have laid out many of the factors that impact or are impacted by the bushmeat crisis. The chapters in this final part offer an additional perspective by highlighting bioeconomic modeling as a tool that can be used to analyze the complex dynamics that promote trends in bushmeat hunting. In Chapter 9, Cannon summarizes the practical application of bio-economic modeling to analyzing bushmeat hunting in West Africa, based on the more detailed theoretical framework provided in Chapter 10 by Milner-Gulland. Both chapters emphasize the need for rigorous data collection to effectively assess the prospects of applying sustainable management practices to the bushmeat crisis. Both authors also underscore the need to build consensus about which findings and modeling approaches will be most useful in constructing sound recommendations to address the bushmeat crisis. Many different cases of bushmeat hunting have been the subject of bio-economic modeling research. While the specific aims of these different research programs vary, a common aim of bioeconomic modeling is to distill complex problems into essential components, and identify key factors driving the dynamics and observed trends of bushmeat hunting. Bioeconomic modeling combines population ecology models of the target species with economic models of the behavior of human hunters. The population ecology models typically include information on the rate of births, deaths, and growth of the hunted species, but can also include information on migration, distribution, and responses to habitat change. The economic components of the models typically include information on the variable costs associated with hunting, prices for bushmeat, and the structure of the demand, but can also incorporate data on enforcement, investment and capital costs, food security and the number of different stakeholders involved. Once the model is constructed and tested, it can be used to explore critical questions such as what are the most effective ways of conserving particular species, to how effective are protected areas, to how will the food security and incomes of hunters and their communities be affected by alternative conservation strategies? These types of questions have been investigated by bioeconomic modelers for a wide range of bushmeat hunting scenarios around the world. We hope that the analyses presented in these chapters will provide an additional constructive approach to assessing the prospects of sustainable bushmeat hunting in West Africa. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

100 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 9 POTENTIAL APPLICATIONS OF BIOECONOMIC MODELING IN WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA JIM CANNON

Forest buffalo (Syncerus caffer nanus) lounging in water.

This chapter highlights the main features of bioeconomic modeling and the findings when this methodology has been applied to bushmeat hunting. In turn, the implications for the conservation of target species are also discussed. This report synthesizes the parallel report by E.J. Milner-Gulland in Chapter

10 of this volume, which contains more details on the specifics of bioeconomic modeling of bushmeat hunting.

101 INTRODUCTION · Developing campaigns to change consumer preferences, thereby reducing demand. There are several different economic types of · Increasing the availability of substitute bushmeat hunting, each of which may have products, also reducing demand. different underlying causes and critical factors · Reducing access to hunting areas to increase that determine sustainability and impacts on hunting costs, thereby reducing supply. biodiversity conservation. The types of bushmeat · Strengthening management and enforcement hunting range from fully professional commercial of hunting and/or protected areas, thereby operations supplying distant markets, to subsis- reducing supply. tence hunting by local communities. Some · Supporting alternative income generation and combination of these various types of hunting employment opportunities, thereby reducing may be found overlapping in any given area. supply. Information on the nature of the hunting pressures and the incentives of different stakeholders can be used to design effective manage- THE BASICS OF BIOECONOMIC MODELING ment and/or conservation policies, activities, and regulations. To develop sound conservation plans, Bioeconomic models combine both ecological a variety of questions related to the economics of and economic components. The ecological bushmeat hunting must be addressed including: component describes the dynamics of an animal population and its response to hunting. The · Who are the hunters (locals, immigrants, economic component of the model describes how outsiders, and/or professionals)? the different factors driving human decision- · Is bushmeat hunting a part-time or full-time making come together to determine hunter activity for these individuals or groups? behavior. Together, the two components can · Why are they hunting (for food and/or identify the key factors driving the dynamics and money)? observed trends in the harvesting of renewable · Who are the hunters supplying (themselves natural resources such as bushmeat. This infor- and/or local markets and/or traders)? mation, and the models themselves, can then be · How much bushmeat is being supplied, and used to test the performance of alternative how profitably? conservation and management policies and · Is the hunting open access, or do individuals projects. or groups control access? · What is the structure of demand in the final The Ecological Model market(s)? · Who is charged with controlling bushmeat ECOLOGICAL MODELS INCLUDE THE hunting (communities themselves, military, FOLLOWING FEATURES: police, and/or park rangers), and what are Carrying capacity: A population of animals has a their incentives? maximum size, the carrying capacity, that varies for a given species, depending on the habitat. At This economic information, while essential, is the carrying capacity, the rate of recruitment to only half the picture. A key input to bushmeat the population is balanced by the rate of mortal- hunting – the animal populations – behaves ity (see Figure 9.1). Any population below its differently than other economic input factors. carrying capacity will, in the absence of hunting, This difference in behavior is due to the renew- grow towards the upper limit of the carrying able nature of the resource and the resulting capacity because recruitment exceeds mortality. constraints placed on supply by the population The nature of the density dependence in the dynamics of the target animals. As a result, population and the intrinsic growth rate of the conservation planners also need to address population determine how quickly a population questions about the ecological dynamics of the reaches its carrying capacity. There are significant target populations and how they respond to challenges involved in accurately measuring hunting pressure. Answers to these economic and carrying capacity, the nature of the density ecological questions can be used together to assess dependence, and the intrinsic growth rate. the policy options to improve biodiversity CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE conservation, including:

102 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest MSY and maximum grow th Rate of increase: The rate of increase in the 0.6 population per capita is greatest when the 0.5 population is very small relative to the carrying 2 0.4 capacity (because there is little intra-specific 0.3 1 competition for resources). However, because 0.2 there are few individuals, the total rate of increase 3 1 0.1 of the population is low. When the population is Grow th and Offtake near carrying capacity, the rate of increase in the 0 012345678910 population is also low because, although there are Population Size carrying many individuals, the per capita rate of increase is capacity low (because there is a lot of intra-specific Growth Offtake - high constant quantity competition for resources). The maximum rate of Offtake - low cons tant effort Offtake - high cons tant effort Offtake - low cons tant quantity increase of the population as a whole reaches a maximum at some point between these two Figure 9.1: The Ecological Model. The arrows above show extremes in population size, which depends on population movement near equilibria. Type 1 equilibria are stable. the functional form of the density dependence If the population increases (due to environmental variation, for (see Figure 9.1). example), then hunting pressure exceeds the growth rate, and the population decreases back to equilibrium. If the population drops, then the population growth rate exceeds off-take, and the Stable population equilibrium: A population can population increases back to equilibrium. Type 2 equilibria are be held at equilibrium at a level below the semi-stable, and Type 3 are unstable. carrying capacity if the hunting rate equals the rate of increase of the population. A stable target Off-take: Yield (also called “off-take”) can be population is commonly the biological indicator determined as the product of hunting effort, used to assess whether hunting is sustainable. The population size, and the efficiency of the hunting stability of these equilibria depends on the nature method. At equilibrium, yield can be determined of the hunting (whether a constant number of as a function of effort. As shown in Figure 9.1, individuals is removed from the population, or for the case of “offtake - low constant quantity,” whether the yield removed is proportional to the the same sustainable yield can be taken by low size of the population) and whether the popula- hunting effort (on a population above the MSY tion size is above or below that at which maxi- point) and by high hunting effort (on a popula- mum population growth occurs. Unstable tion below the MSY point). equilibria occur if a constant number of individuals are removed, and the population is below the Catch Per Unit Effort (CPUE): Dividing the yield size at which maximum population growth occurs by the effort and tracking changes over time may (see Figure 9.1). provide an indication of trends in population size. This method was developed in fisheries, where Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY): The maxi- yields are called “catches,” and such time series mum number of individuals that can be removed are known as CPUE (catch per unit effort) data. from a stable population, or the maximum If total catch is known, then absolute population sustainable yield (MSY), is equal to the maximum sizes may also be estimated. However, the method growth rate of the population, which occurs at a requires that hunting effort and yield are known, median population size (see Figure 9.1). When a and that any changes in hunting efficiency are constant number of individuals is removed, the accounted for. CPUE data are particularly prone MSY is a semi-stable equilibrium point. Given to misinterpretation if populations are not natural variability and measurement error (see randomly distributed across an area, but are below), using MSY as a target for sustainable instead clumped into smaller groups. In such hunting carries a high risk of failure and potential cases, CPUE may remain high and constant while extinction. successive population groups are sequentially extinguished. Maintaining observations on the range of the total population is a useful comple- ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 9 Cannon 103 mentary monitoring strategy. If the range achieving extinction. Selecting males (as is more decreases while CPUE remains constant, then typical) is unlikely to be as catastrophic, particu- sequential extinction may be occurring. larly in species where one male mates with many The model described above is highly simpli- females. fied, and a number of other factors can have serious implications. One of the most important Spatial structure: Spatial structure in populations factors is environmental variability. Environmen- can have several effects. A single hunting pattern tal variability means that populations never may be unsustainable for some parts of the remain at a constant size – a population in the population, but sustainable for others. In other real world will tend to fluctuate around an cases, if animals move into areas where popula- average size. Hunting pressure can also be tions are depleted, then hunting a single small expected to vary, and model parameters will have area may deplete a much larger area. This has measurement errors. Bioeconomic models that particular bearing on the utility of protected areas include these factors are often referred to as to conserve certain species if they are hunted in stochastic. An important conclusion of stochastic the vicinity of the protected area. models is that sustainability is most appropriately thought of as a probability of a population Selective hunting: Hunting selectively for specific remaining above a given size within a stated genetic characteristics may reduce the genetic period of time. Other important factors include variability of the population – an effect that will non-linear density dependence, the age, sex, not be picked up by standard population-level spatial, genetic structure of the population, analyses. Populations may also evolve in response hunting selectivity, and competition and linkages to hunting pressure: a gradual decline in the age between different species. of sexual maturity has been detected for several fish species (because only those that mature early Density dependence: If a critical population size is have the chance to reproduce before being required for effective mating or foraging to take caught). place, then hunting the population down below this level may quickly result in extinction – an Population variability: Hunting will tend to effect known as depensation. Another non-linear increase the variability in population size for density dependence effect determines the populations heavily affected by environmental population level at which maximum growth variability. Species with a short lifespan and occurs. This varies depending on the species discrete breeding seasons are affected most by being hunted. The maximum growth rate of environmental variability. However, if variability populations of small, rapidly growing species will in population size is driven by internal population occur when the populations are small. Con- dynamics, hunting will act to reduce variance in versely, populations of large, slow growing species population size. are likely to show maximum growth rates when they are near their carrying capacity. Indeed, Species competition: Hunting can quickly destabi- some researchers have suggested that the optimal lize an ecosystem if the target species is in hunting strategy for elephant ivory is actually not competition for resources with other species. A to hunt at all, but rather to maintain the popula- small change in the size of the target species may tion at the carrying capacity and simply collect alter the competitive balance with other species, the ivory of elephants that have died of natural such that the target species can no longer causes. compete. The population may then collapse even at low levels of hunting. Predator-prey interac- Age: Often hunters select the oldest (largest) tions are an important type of competition that individuals, which will rapidly lower the mean has implications for population stability. The age of the population. In extreme cases, extinc- over-hunting of species that significantly impact tion may result because few sexually mature their environment (that is, herbivores such as individuals remain in the population. elephants) can result in negative, ecosystem-wide effects. Sex: Hunters may also select prey by sex. Selecting The methods most commonly used to assess sexually mature females is a rapid method of the biological sustainability of bushmeat hunting CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

104 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest are exceedingly simple. The methods are deliber- point is determined by three linked factors: ately simple so that they can be widely applied, where supply and demand curves intersect, the despite the lack of data. Given the large potential level of profits earned by the hunters (which errors associated with these simplified methodolo- depends on the degree of control over access to gies, a precautionary approach is appropriate if the target population), and the hunter’s discount they are to be used to guide policy and manage- rate relative to the population growth rate. Note ment. that, under certain conditions, the economic Assessing the biological sustainability of “equilibrium” point may actually be the extinc- bushmeat hunting with any accuracy requires a tion of the target population. The main features minimum range of data to be available. These of the economic model are supply and demand, data include time series for the off-take and the and the profitability of hunting. population density of the hunted populations within a specific area, the population density of SUPPLY AND DEMAND similar non-hunted populations, and the popula- The standard market model of supply and tion growth rate. Additional data, such as CPUE, demand describes how an increase in price will could be collected at reasonable cost and would stimulate suppliers to supply more to the market, help reduce uncertainties regarding sustainability. but at the same time will reduce the quantity In particular, measures of population density and demanded by consumers. At a particular price age structure would be most useful if collected for level, supply and demand will be in balance and a number of sites, linked to CPUE data, and, equilibrium will be achieved. In a competitive ideally, recorded over time together with off-take market, this equilibrium point will be achieved and the tracking of population range. when suppliers’ profits are reduced to “normal” Collecting such data, and having the data be levels. “Normal” in this context is defined as the of reasonable quality, is a major challenge opportunity cost to suppliers of being in the anywhere in the world. Population density market, which is properly defined as the wage or estimates are particularly difficult to collect for profits they could expect in the next best industry. elusive forest-dwelling species. Data on popula- In a monopoly market, prices are set to maximize tion growth rates are virtually impossible to the monopolist’s profits, resulting in less of the collect for most forest species and growth rates product being supplied to the market at a higher usually must be estimated indirectly. Off-take price. rates can also be difficult to estimate because The shape of the demand curve is determined bushmeat hunting is often diffuse in nature – by the “own price” elasticity, which measures how there can be many different hunters, many much more or less a product will be demanded as different routes into and out of hunting areas, a result of a change in price. Own price elasticity and many different points of sale. Some particular is typically negative (that is, an increase in price cases may be easier than others, for example, will reduce the quantity demanded). The size of commercial hunting in remote areas where the the own price elasticity is determined by con- product is transported out along one major sumer preferences (how much does the consumer transport route, such as logging roads. However, want the product?), the nature of the product (is even these more simple scenarios will require the product a necessity or a luxury?), and the significant expert labor and financial resources availability of substitute and complementary not readily available in many tropical countries. A products. If a product is easily substituted, then simple and more robust approach to conserving any increase in price will result in a larger bushmeat species may center around protected reduction in the quantity demanded. The ease of areas and their supporting activities – an argu- substitution is measured by “cross-price” elastici- ment we return to later in this chapter. ties, which measure the reduction in quantity demanded of product A due to a reduction in the The Economic Model price of product B (that is, cross-price elasticities are positive). Products may be complementary if There is an economic equilibrium point in the quantity demanded of product A increases addition to the biological one just described, due to a reduction in the price of product B (that where the hunting rate and the population is, cross-price elasticities are negative).

growth rate are equal. The economic equilibrium IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 9 Cannon 105 steeply the supply curve climbs as quantity 0.5 increases. The shape of the curve will also be 0.4 affected by economies of scale. In the case of subsistence hunting, fixed costs are small and 0.3 there are few economies of scale, so a linear 0.2 supply curve is appropriate. Improvements in 0.1 hunting technology or reductions in input costs Offtake (Revenue $) 0 will reduce the per-unit costs of supply and lower Ef f ort Ef f ort 00.10.2(prof it maximizing) (open access) the supply curve. Conversely, improving enforce- Effort ment or limiting hunting to traditional weapons will increase per unit costs, moving the supply Total Revenue $ curve up. Total Costs Excess (above "normal") Profits THE PROFITABILITY OF HUNTING Figure 9.29.2: The Economic Model Understanding the profitability of hunting is necessary to determine the shape and position of Another important factor affecting demand is the supply curve which, together with the per capita consumer income. Generally as a demand curve, determines the equilibrium price consumer earns more, he or she will demand for bushmeat and the effort expended by hunters. more of a given product for the same price. This Overall, the profitability of hunting is determined has the effect of shifting the demand curve by subtracting all the hunting costs from the upwards, which means most income elasticities revenues received from the sale of the bushmeat. are positive. One exception to this rule are The total costs of hunting increase as population inferior goods that are associated with poverty size decreases, because the effort necessary to and are less in demand as consumers become harvest a given number of individuals is higher in better off. low-density populations. Thus, the profitability of The implications of these different elasticities hunting also drops as populations decline (see for bushmeat hunting can be crucial. For Figure 9.2). example, demand for ivory on the Japanese Another important cost element is the market is not dependent on price, but is deter- opportunity cost to the hunter, which is defined mined only by income levels. There are several in economic theory as equal to the normal profits. implications of this: (1) a cartel could make a lot Low opportunity cost indicates that hunters will of money, which helps explain why elephant remain active even when profits are very low, as poaching is a large, commercially and politically occurs when populations are severely depleted. powerful problem; (2) that the situation will get Unfortunately, in remote regions, opportunity worse as Japan gets richer, unless tastes change; costs tend to be low because there are few and hence (3) that a successful publicity cam- alternative employment options. While the paign against ivory purchases in Japan could have integration of remote areas into the wider a major effect on demand, as seen in the EU and economy will act to increase the opportunity costs the USA. and thus reduce hunting pressure, this effect may For bushmeat markets, a reduction in the be countered by simultaneous improvements in price of substitute products could reduce demand hunting technology and lower costs to supply for bushmeat, but only if cross-price elasticities markets, which will typically reduce hunting are significant. Attempts to change consumer costs. preferences for bushmeat via publicity or aware- Economic equilibrium is achieved when ness-raising programs may help reduce demand, hunting effort is constant. This means the but substitutes probably need to be available for hunters already in an area apply no extra effort, the effect to be significant, particularly when and that no new hunters are attracted into the bushmeat hunting is for subsistence. area. In a competitive market, with no control A supply curve also includes fixed costs as well over access to hunting areas (“open access”), as variable costs. Fixed costs determine the hunting effort becomes constant only when the minimum price at which a supplier will enter the population declines to a level at which the market, while variable costs determine how hunters earn no profits above the “normal” level CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

106 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest (see Open Access Effort in Figure 9.2). This is The profit-maximizing equilibrium occurs above because hunters have no incentive to restrain the MSY point (that is, at a higher population their hunting in order to increase future yields in size than the MSY level and a lower yield than the an open access situation. Any animals left behind maximum possible one). This is because the costs are likely to be killed by someone else. This of hunting are taken into account in the model, means that individuals will continue to hunt until and these costs increase as the population size the costs of hunting are equal to the revenues decreases. Thus, MSY is not only biologically made from hunting, and hence profits are zero. undesirable, it is also unlikely to be economically At this point, no new hunters are attracted desirable. because they can earn just as much in an alterna- The open access equilibrium is likely to lie at a tive activity, and existing hunters exert no population size lower than the MSY point, additional effort because the costs of doing so assuming that the costs of hunting are not high. exceed the benefits. If hunters are still entering Open access hunting therefore runs the risk of the market, this is likely to mean that the system low population sizes, which could be vulnerable is not in equilibrium – there are still greater than to extinction through stochastic or non-linear normal profits to be made. Hunting effort will process. It is economically undesirable because therefore increase until profits decline to “nor- the profits that could have been made from mal” levels. hunting have been dissipated. Thus, not only is open access undesirable on economic grounds, it The Bioeconomic Model is also biologically risky. The previous sections described critical findings that have emerged from ecological and economic Dynamic Bioeconomic Models modeling when carried out separately. Some of Even if there is control over access to hunting the most important findings of bioeconomic rights, it may be economically rational to hunt modeling emerge only when the two components the population to extinction. This will occur if a are combined and analyzed together. In this population is growing slower than the economic section, I first describe the results of static bio- discount rate of the hunters, and it is profitable to economic models – ones that do not include hunt the last individual. Since hunting costs per time-related factors. I then describe the insights animal increase as the population declines, this from dynamic bioeconomic models – ones that will typically only occur if the animal is highly include time as a factor in decision-making. valuable and the costs of hunting do not increase Including time as a factor in analyses is critical dramatically as population size decreases. Even because people tend to value benefits received highly valuable species (such as rhinos for their immediately more highly than they do benefits horn) are unlikely to be hunted to extinction on received at some point in the future. Thus, time- their own. However, a species may be driven to preference can significantly alter decision-making. extinction due to incidental hunting that occurs The extent to which immediate benefits are while targeting other species. This type of preferred is determined by the discount rate. In extinction is termed “piggy-back” extinction. static models the discount rate is equal to zero – A monopolist with a discount rate of zero will future benefits are just as important as immediate take the same maximum economic yield as benefits. determined in the static model. However, the higher the monopolist’s discount rate, the lower Static Bioeconomic Models the economically optimal population size. A At equilibrium in a competitive market, both monopolist with an infinite discount rate will profits and the net population growth rate (that exploit the population at the open access level. is, including hunting) are equal to zero. This allows the equilibrium effort, yield, and popula- Other Tools tion levels to be determined. The equilibrium Game theory is an additional analytical tool that effort, yield, and population levels that generate can provide useful insights when used to assess maximum profits can also be determined. The bioeconomic models of bushmeat hunting. results demonstrate that the open access equilib- Foraging theory, originally developed to describe rium occurs at a lower population level than the or predict hunting strategies by animals based on

profit-maximizing equilibrium (see Figure 9.2). energy or time efficiency, has also been used to IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 9 Cannon 107 explain human hunting strategies. This has Human population growth: Immigration and revealed that hunting strategies by indigenous human population growth will increase the peoples that appear on the surface to be conserva- demand for bushmeat, and any increases in tion strategies can in fact be economically income caused by new employment opportunities optimal. As populations grow, access to markets may also increase the quantity demanded. increases and technology improves; exactly the same decision-making process could result in Weapons: Access to more efficient weapons may unsustainable hunting. increase off-take for a given level of effort. On the other hand, access to substitute foods other than bushmeat may reduce the quantity of BARRIERS TO SUSTAINABLE HUNTING FOR bushmeat demanded, and alternative employ- BUSHMEAT ment opportunities may increase the opportunity costs of hunting. Obstacles to Sustainable Hunting Earlier in this chapter, I showed how Management Challenges bioeconomic models can help in determining Management to increase sustainability often when hunting is likely to be sustainable. In the means, in practice, finding a way to reduce case of bushmeat, the factors that work against offtake from its current level, at least for particu- sustainability include: larly vulnerable species. This means changing hunters’ incentives so that it is no longer worth- Open access: The open access nature of the while to hunt at the previous unsustainable levels. resource, with no control over access for hunters. Two approaches to achieving this goal include This means that people have no incentive to imposing regulations to prevent people from restrain their hunting to conserve stocks for the hunting as they otherwise would, or changing future. employment opportunities so that people decide they would do better by hunting in a sustainable Low costs: The generally low costs of hunting. manner or by leaving hunting altogether. These include the low fixed costs, the relatively The effectiveness of management initiatives cheap technology that is required, and especially depends on how they affect individual decision- the low opportunity costs of hunting in areas makers through changing the costs and benefits where there is little alternative employment. of hunting. Management initiatives often target the community, while the people who determine Multi-species hunting: The multi-species nature of hunting sustainability are the individual hunters. the resource. This means that even when vulner- The interest in community-based initiatives is able species become depleted, hunting in an area based on the observation of communities who is still worthwhile. Incidental killing of these at- have their own rules promoting sustainable risk species while hunting for more common hunting. However, community-level conservation species can lead to their localized extinction. only works if the communities are small, and the individuals within them interact over a long Area changes: Changes in circumstances in an area period of time. These conservation rules are not can also cause hunting to become less sustainable. robust enough to changes in circumstances and These are often linked to improved access to an they are particularly vulnerable to pressures such area, caused by the opening up of an area for as immigration or changes in community logging or mining development for example. structure. Another challenge to effective management is Improved access: Improved access may lower the the reality that regulations require enforcement. costs of transporting bushmeat to market, and so Enforcement increases hunters’ costs by adding allow commercialization of hunting. Opening up the expectation of punishment to the costs of access to previously inaccessible forest may lower hunting. It is increasingly clear that if people have hunting costs, and thus increase hunting effort. no incentive to abide by rules other than the threat of punishment, enforcement can be very expensive or ineffective. This is particularly true CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

108 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest of laws protecting wildlife from over-exploitation As summarized earlier, many different when people rely on bushmeat for their liveli- management policies have been suggested to hoods, and when the areas being policed are increase the sustainability of bushmeat hunting. large, remote, and have poor boundary control. Each policy option has advantages and disadvan- Regulations can be on the hunters themselves, tages, and the successfulness of each policy on people that are facilitating hunting activities depends on the particular situation in which it is (such as logging companies), or on people further to be used. For a thorough list of these policy up the supply chain, such as middlemen or options, how they work, and their pros and cons, consumers. The point at which regulations are see Table 10.1 in Chapter 10 of this volume. most effective is that at which they can best be enforced: this is often a bottleneck where there are few people involved. Thus, if a logging BIOECONOMIC ASSESSMENTS AND company is required to change its policy towards MODELS OF BUSHMEAT HUNTING hunters, this change will have a much larger effect than targeting the hunters themselves. Similarly, A review of the available bioeconomic assessments targeting stakeholders in markets may be more of bushmeat hunting reveals three findings. First, effective than targeting hunters. where bioeconomic methods have been used to In fact, economic studies of enforcement assess bushmeat hunting, the general findings and regimes reveal that increasing the probabilities of problems described earlier in this chapter have detection, arrest, and conviction increase the been found to apply. Second, although economic effectiveness of enforcement more than simply factors are key, they have received much less increasing the size of the penalty for illegal attention than biological factors. Third, economic hunting. Changing people’s incentive to hunt is a and biological factors need to be linked to fully method by which hunting can be made sustain- understand bushmeat hunting and find conserva- able in the long term. Regulations only work in tion solutions; unfortunately, this has been done the long run if people are prepared to enforce and only rarely. abide by them. Methods that specifically aim to Examples of these findings are plentiful. For change hunter behavior or consumer preferences example, several assessments have surveyed by providing more attractive options include markets to determine the composition and promoting alternative sources of income or quantity of bushmeat supplied. However, many protein and carrying out environmental educa- assessments of bushmeat markets do not ad- tion that highlights the non-market values of equately link the information to the target natural resources. The latter can (and probably populations and other factors and therefore they should) be carried out alongside all other types of are of limited use in determining sustainability. policy. These assessments also do not include key However, setting up economic enterprises that economic data such as prices and rarely involve a provide more attractive options than bushmeat time series of data points, which means they hunting or consumption can be extremely cannot be used to estimate important economic difficult. The enterprises must be mutually parameters such as elasticities of demand. incompatible with unsustainable bushmeat Other assessments have looked at household hunting (for example, ranching that relies on wild demand to determine consumption rates. While populations for seed individuals) and must be this kind of study can lead to a useful measure of more profitable than bushmeat hunting, other- off-take for assessing sustainability, it provides wise the opportunity costs of carrying out the limited information on the dynamics of demand. new activity are too high for it to be worthwhile. Household level assessments are particularly In addition, enterprises must be attractive to the important in subsistence hunting. In addition, individuals who are making the decision to go full bioeconomic assessments that have been bushmeat hunting, not just to the community as carried out have identified transport costs as a key a whole or to non-hunting members of the factor in determining equilibrium population and community. Critically, enterprises must also hunting levels. clearly be financially viable in the long term, Other studies have also looked at how policy without continued external support, and be changes affecting external factors have had an robust to likely changes in circumstances in the effect on hunting. Various types of investments in ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES area, such as immigration.

Chapter 9 Cannon 109 enforcement have been shown to have a positive on. Determining the production function can be effect on hunting. Increased access to hunting complex, particularly when more than one species areas and markets due to road building or the is being hunted at the same time. introduction of logging concessions has been shown to have a negative effect on animal populations. Additional finds concerning the THE ROLE OF PROTECTED AREAS AND behavior of individual hunters have found that SUPPORTING ACTIVITIES readily accessible areas are most depleted, that the distance hunters must travel to get to hunting Protected areas have been the backbone of grounds increases over time, and that changes in terrestrial wildlife conservation in modern times. technology alter offtake rates. Individual level They have been shown to be effective tools for models are useful for determining hunter effort preserving biodiversity in some cases, but they are and how that is affected by various factors (such increasingly unfashionable. Instead, a typical view as law enforcement). However, these studies need now is that local communities need to get some to be translated up to market and population economic benefits from the direct extractive use levels to answer questions about how overall of their resources if they are to conserve them; hunting effort will respond to changes in prices, this usually means that hunting should be hunting costs, animal population levels, and allowed to continue. There is no doubt that local market demand. communities will need to see benefits from Another important finding of bioeconomic conserving biodiversity, but ideally these benefits assessments is that the way in which individual would come from non-extractive use (such as incentives translate up to the market level photo-safaris), tied/conditional alternative depends on market structure. Open access will income generation projects, or development prevail unless there are some obvious barriers to funds, and so on. However, as shown above, use entry into bushmeat hunting. These barriers may of resources is not enough in itself to promote be in the form of community control and low sustainability. Sustainability of use is improved if access to capital to buy hunting equipment and/ there is proper control over access to hunting or transport meat to markets. Unless there are rights, so that people have the incentive to obvious barriers, it is best to assume an open conserve populations of hunted species for future access situation prevails, since this is precaution- use and if either the rate of offtake that maximizes ary and predicts the lowest population size hunter profits is also biologically sustainable, or compared to other possible market structures. hunter incentives are altered to ensure that this is Indicators of open access equilibrium are that the case. hunters are making only normal profits, and the Altering hunter incentives often involve number of hunters is roughly stable over time. If regulations. For example, regulations may restrict the number of hunters is increasing over time and the hunting of vulnerable species such as large, profits are high, the system is probably still in slow-growing mammals. The key to the success of disequiliibrium. a regulation is its ease of enforcement. A pervasive An additional important element in market problem with the management of bushmeat structure is the supply chain, which is important hunting is that regulations are not easy to enforce to identify the person or group whose incentives because of the large number of people and the affect the number of individuals killed. Some- wide geographical ranges involved, as well as the what surprisingly, this may not be the hunter. For many pressures that provide strong incentives for example, in wild pig hunting in Sulawesi, it is the over-hunting. At the same time, species that are at dealer who determines the offtake, and hunters risk are likely to be over-hunted whenever some are more accurately thought of as employees. form of protection is not instituted. Studies of the incentives for individual hunters For these and a myriad of other reasons, can be used to determine the production func- regulations need to be simple if they are to be tion, which can then be used to assess the enforceable. Compliance with regulations also effectiveness of interventions at the individual need to be easy to monitor, and hunters need to level. Such interventions include bans on specific understand and accept the reasoning behind the types of weapons, increased enforcement, and so restrictive rules. Fisheries science is moving CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

110 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest strongly in the opposite direction to terrestrial Although protected areas are useful tools for conservation at the moment, in terms of the types sustainable use, there is no reason why they of regulation that are becoming more favored. cannot be used in combination with other Whereas terrestrial conservation theory has been policies. Policies that increase the costs of hunting moving away from protected areas as a manage- (direct costs or opportunity costs) can be used ment tool, they are becoming increasingly high alongside policies that reduce the demand for profile in fisheries. This is because the complex bushmeat (particularly for vulnerable species), regulations that are currently in place in fisheries such as public education campaigns. are not successful – mostly because of their One thing to consider is how to ensure that a complexity in the face of the huge uncertainties project does not become the victim of its own and errors involved in setting and monitoring success. A project that increases a community’s them. standard of living while conserving their resources Instituting a protected area for fauna is a may come under severe pressure if others immi- simple management tool that is relatively easy to grate into the area to take advantage of these enforce in comparison to more complex hunting improvements. This stress may be both social regulations – particularly if access to the area is (destabilizing the community-level regulatory completely prohibited. However, designating part structures and consensus that may have built up) of a hunting area as protected need not lead to and ecological (leading to habitat destruction and reductions in the offtake that hunters achieve. If pressure on resources in the vicinity of the the area is well located, with regard to the biology protected area). and dispersal behavior of the species concerned, it can act as a source population for the surrounding areas. In fact, it may actually increase yields in CONCLUSION the surrounding areas, while at the same time providing a refuge for the most vulnerable Several conclusions are suggested by the previous species. As long as a protected area has the discussion. As always, there are those related to support of the local community and provides future research – these are described last. While tangible benefits to them in the form of increased future research is essential to guide the design of yields, then it could be the best way overall. management and conservation interventions, However, adequate funding must be provided for there is already enough evidence to support the infrastructure, patrols, and intelligence gathering, following general policy ingredients: commensurate with the size of the area. Without this, a “paper park” is created. Parks that do not · The attempt to conserve target species purely have adequate resources will not be fully effective- by promoting sustainable hunting is highly ness in conserving target species. This is particu- risky. larly true in areas with even moderate human · Protected areas, where no hunting is permit- populations, especially those that have long-term ted, are more likely than other methods to traditional patterns of use prior to the establish- succeed in conserving target species. ment of the park. · The probability of successfully preventing There are potential problems with protected hunting in protected areas is greatly increased areas that have the goal of providing sustainable by additional activities seeking to reduce both yields as well as pure conservation, often known supply and demand, and generate support for as “no take” areas. One problem is improvements the protected area among local communities are not often immediately perceivable, and often and government. require some time to become clear. Another · Additional activities addressing supply and problem is that the designated “no-take” areas demand will also act to reduce pressure on often to be the best hunting ground, thus causing populations outside protected areas. resentment among users. In addition, animal · Improved management of hunting and law populations either may not disperse out into the enforcement outside of protected areas is most surrounding areas, or may disperse into the likely to result in the sustainable hunting of surrounding empty habitat so much that the only the faster growing, most common target population in the protected area becomes species. depleted. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 9 Cannon 111 · Under certain circumstances, animals from bioeconomic model. This lack of coordinating high-density populations in genuinely important elements is unfortunate because, as protected areas may “spill over” into surround- shown in this chapter, bioeconomic models can ing hunting areas. For heavily hunted species, provide many insights into bushmeat hunting the creation of a genuinely protected area may that can be useful in guiding management and even increase long run yields. conservation. However, as is also clear from the · Despite all these measures, it will generally be previous discussions, a full bio-economic analysis profitable to hunt highly endangered, high requires a broad range of data and can be rather value species. This is particularly true when expensive. Given these conclusions, I recommend hunters are targeting several species simulta- that individual studies of particular biological or neously. economic components be carried out in such a · It will not usually be possible to determine the way that they contribute to analyses of other area where these species are being hunted. components, and that they can ultimately be · A total ban is required on hunting highly linked to create a full bioeconomic assessment of endangered, high value species, because it is bushmeat hunting. the simplest and easiest measure to enforce when control over access is difficult.

Together, these ingredients suggest a policy of core protected areas and surrounding managed areas, supported by activities to reduce supply and demand and to ban hunting of highly endangered, high value species entirely. There are serious questions over the quality of governance and level of financial support for protected areas. If these are insufficient, protected areas are also likely to fail. However, the above analysis suggests that wholesale replacement of protected areas with sustainable hunting management is not the answer. The governance and financing of hunting management agencies face many of the same challenges as protected area management agencies. The challenges facing sustainable management of bushmeat hunting may actually be higher because of the potentially complex regulations required and the large uncertainties and errors involved in setting and monitoring them. The economic cost imposed by protected areas to hunters and local communities may be higher than those imposed by sustainable hunting management. However, if additional costs do exist, they can be minimized or elimi- nated if the protected areas are designed as reserves to support hunted populations, and if the additional activities designed to reduce demand and supply include alternative income generating opportunities. Finally, we must think of future research. As described earlier, while there have been many studies of the biology of hunted species, the incentives facing individual hunters, and segments of bushmeat markets, very few studies have attempted to tie these factors together in a CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

112 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest CHAPTER 10 ASSESSING SUSTAINABILITY OF HUNTING: INSIGHTS FROM BIOECONOMIC MODELING

E.J. MILNER-GULLAND

Central African mother and child in market

INTRODUCTION [SECTION 1]

Sustainable hunting has two sides. First, there is the biological side, in which the growth rate of an animal population matches the offtake from hunting, so that the population remains stable in perpetuity. Second is the economic side in which the profits from hunting are such that the exploiters of a population continue to hunt at the same rate in perpetuity. In this chapter, I analyze both sides of this equation, starting first with an analysis of how to assess whether a given level of hunting will lead to the population stabilizing. Then I review the economics of hunting as one way of predicting the level of hunting that will actually occur when individuals, rather than a designated manager, decide hunting levels, i.e., how many animals are killed. In both these analyses, I discuss some of the complications that can arise in the assessment of sustainability, and how they can be addressed.

113 Before launching these analyses, it is necessary distribution and that species do not exist, and are to consider what is meant by sustainability. rarely hunted, in isolation. Sustainability cannot be attained, inasmuch as it In section 2.2, I discuss the methods com- implies an equilibrium situation in perpetuity. All monly used for assessing the sustainability of biological and economic systems are unpredict- bushmeat hunting in the context of the theoreti- able. Thus, although models can suggest that a cal models discussed in the previous section. The system is likely to move either towards extinction main method was developed by Robinson & of the exploited population, or toward that Redford (1991). Finally, in section 2.3, I combine population being maintained at a given size, this the analyses to make suggestions about methods should not be taken as a prediction. Determinis- that could be used to assess sustainability in the tic models produce a simple result: the offtake future. I discuss which data need to be collected level will be X and the population size Y. How- to make an accurate assessment of sustainability, ever, if more realistic stochastic models are used to and how these data could be collected in the field. assess sustainability (models that include natural variability in population dynamics, measurement Theory of Sustainability errors in estimating model parameters, and [Section 2.1] variation in the actual hunting mortalities imposed on a population), then the way in which SIMPLE SINGLE-SPECIES BIOLOGICAL MODELS sustainability is expressed is in terms of the [SECTION 2.1.1] probability of a population remaining above a The key assumption behind all sustainable given size within a stated time period. This is a hunting models is that populations of organisms much more appropriate output of an assessment grow and replace themselves. In other words, than a simple statement that hunting is or is not these models assume that population are renewable sustainable in a particular situation (Mangel in resources. Otherwise, it would be impossible to press, Ludwig et al. 1993). hunt them sustainably. Another common assumption is that populations of organisms do not continue to grow indefinitely but instead reach an THE BIOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY OF equilibrium population size, known as the carrying HUNTING [SECTION 2] capacity. A population’s carrying capacity is reached when the number of individuals matches In this section I discuss the effects of hunting on the resources available to the population, remains wildlife populations. In section 2.1, I describe the at which point the population stable. Given that simple models that have been used to predict the populations increase to a limit, a function that sustainability of hunting a single species. These describes the way in which they grow is needed. models can answer questions such as what The function will be bounded, because popula- hunting rate would be sustainable for a particular tions do not grow at the two extremes: when no species, or how many individuals can be removed individuals are there to reproduce, and when there from a population each year without causing the is an equilibrium number of individuals, so all the population to decline from its current size. Next, I resources are in use. One of the most convenient show how this simple model can be extended to assumptions to make about the growth rate include hunting effort. This expanded model between these two limits is that population growth allows us to predict what yield would be expected is sigmoidal (Figure 10.1a). for a given level of effort. I review the use of This is the assumption made in the logistic statistics on the amount of yield produced for a equation of population growth. At first the given level of effort as indicators of sustainability, population grows quickly, but the growth rate and show how these can be misleading. Finally, I slows gradually as time goes on, until equilibrium examine the complexities that usually make a is reached with a growth rate of zero. Figure simple model of bushmeat hunting inadequate for 10.1b shows how the population growth rate (in making detailed predictions about the numbers of individuals) varies with population sustainability of hunting in real-life situations. size. The equation for Figure 10.1b is: These complexities include the fact that popula- dN  N  tions are often structured by age or in their spatial =−rN1  (Eq.1) dt  K  CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

114 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest where: a 100 dN/dt = change in population size 80 r = intrinsic rate of population increase N = population size 60 K = carrying capacity 40 At very low population sizes, the value of N/K 20 is small, so the population growth rate is approxi- Population size (% of K) mately equal to rN, meaning that the population 0 is growing nearly exponentially at a rate r. Despite 0 50 100 Time this fact, the population growth rate is low, usually b because, although each individual in the population is reproducing at a high rate, few reproducing individuals are present. When the population is very large, then the value of N/K approaches 1, so the population growth rate is again very low, either because each individual is hardly reproducing at all, or because mortality rates are high. Between these two extremes, there is a balance Population growth rate between enough individuals being present and 0 50 100 their having a high enough per capita growth rate. Population size (% of K) The population growth rate is at a maximum when N = K/2. Figure 10.1: Curves of the logistic equation. a) Sigmoidal population growth, as described by the logistic Part of the appeal of the logistic equation is equation. b) The parabolic relationship between the that it describes population growth using very few population growth rate and the population size. parameters. Yet the measurement of these parameters is not necessarily simple. The two key National Park in the savannah areas of East Africa parameters in the model are carrying capacity and might be 2/km2, while the carrying capacity of the intrinsic rate of population increase. Carrying the same species of elephant might be less than capacity is a concept that is simple in theory but 0.5/km2 in a West African forest. The habits of slippery in application. Population sizes generally the species dictate that carrying capacity is never fluctuate over time, and K is then taken as the high, but it varies four-fold with habitat type average size of the population at equilibrium. It is (Burrill & Douglas-Hamilton 1987). unlikely that it will have an exact value for many While K is problematic in its interpretation populations, and is more realistically thought of and varies between populations of the same as the bounds within which a population species, at least its biological meaning is relatively fluctuates. Even if populations fluctuate greatly in easy to comprehend. This cannot be said of the size, they will have some upper size limit beyond intrinsic rate of population increase, r. However, which they cannot increase further. Carrying r is often cited as the key parameter that needs to capacity is most likely to be a meaningful concept be known if a population is to be exploited for species with low intrinsic rates of population sustainably. The intrinsic rate of population increase, which tend to have more stable dynam- increase is best understood as the rate at which ics. In these species, the population variance is the population grows (the difference between normally significantly lower than the mean births and deaths) when the population is very population size. The mean is therefore an small and growing exponentially, as in Equation 1 adequate approximation to the equilibrium when N=1. Mortality from factors other than population size. Carrying capacity is defined as resource constraints (such as predators or climate) the equilibrium, unexploited, density of a is ignored, although in reality these factors might particular population in a particular area. It is not be very important. In practice, primary data on intrinsic to a particular species, although the the value of r are rarely obtainable. In particular, probable range of carrying capacities is for it will be hard to obtain a value for r for popula-

example, the carrying capacity of elephants in a tions already stable at intermediate or high IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 115 resources, such as food or space, among members of a species. Increases in competition for these scarce resources lead to increases in the mortality or decreases in the fecundity of individuals. The functional form of density dependence depends on these individual-level processes.

THE EFFECTS OF EXPLOITATION [SECTION 2.1.2] The simplest way to model hunting is to modify the logistic equation so that a certain number of individuals is continuously removed:

dN  N  =−rN1  − H (Eq.2) dt  K  If the number of individuals removed (H) is constant, then the population is at equilibrium when the number of individuals removed is equal to the population growth rate (Figure 10.2a). If a proportion of the population is removed, then H = aN, and the equilibrium situation is as shown in Figure 10.2b. The equilibrium population size under a particular hunting rate can be Figure 10.2.: The equilibrium population sizes under various found as follows: From Equation 2, the popula- hunting rates. The solid lines represent the number of tion is stable when it is not growing; that is, when individuals removed from the population at particular values dN of H. The dashed line is the population growth rate at a given =0. This happens when the population value of N. The equilibrium population sizes occur when the dt number of individuals removed by hunting is equal to the growth rate is the same as the hunting rate: population growth rate (where the growth curve and the hunting rate curve intersect). Three hunting rates, H to H ,  N  1 3 rN1−  = H are shown for each hunting strategy. a) Hunting removes a  K  constant number of individuals. b) Hunting removes a constant proportion of the population. In Figure 10.2a, the hunting rate H1 leads to two possible equilibrium points: a low population population sizes. Usually r has to be inferred, size N and a high one N . However, H leads to either by fitting a population model to data with a b 2 only one equilibrium point, NMSY, which is the all the other relevant parameter values known, or population size that produces the maximum by using fecundity data from zoo populations growth rate (half the carrying capacity with together with assumptions about natural mortal- logistic growth). The off-take level H2 is called the ity rates (Robinson & Redford 1991, Caughley maximum sustainable yield (MSY) because it is the 1977). See Section 2.2 for further discussion. largest yield that can be taken from a population The logistic is a simplistic model. Other at equilibrium. If H was higher than H2, then functional forms for population growth have been offtake would exceed the population’s capacity to used, particularly in fisheries (Getz & Haight replace itself at any population size (H3). In 1989). I will use the logistic for the sake of Figure 10.2b, there is only one equilibrium simplicity and to make use of previous theoretical population size for a given slope of H. If H is too results. Most of the results I present are easily steep to cross the growth rate curve (H3), then generalized to these other functional forms. there is no equilibrium population size, as the Whatever functional form is used, it will gener- hunting rate is higher than the population growth ally involve negative feedback; that is, the growth rate at all values of N, a rate of hunting that is not rate of the population in the next time period sustainable. depends on its current size (density dependence). Analysis of the stability of these equilibria in Density dependence is a population-level the face of environmental fluctuations gives an amalgamation of processes occurring between insight into their usefulness as targets for a

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE individuals, when there is competition for scarce

116 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest hunting manager. Inspecting the equilibrium point producing population size Nb in Figure 2a, assume a perturbation increases the population size slightly, perhaps due to an especially good breeding year. This leads to the hunting rate slightly exceeding the population growth rate, because density dependence makes the population growth rate decline (thus the line for H1 is above the dashed population growth rate line). This means that more individuals are being removed than are being added to the population, and the population size moves back to Nb. Similarly, if the population size were reduced below Nb, density dependence would lead to the growth rate increasing, and the population would return to equilibrium. So the equilibrium point

H1, Nb is stable, because the population returns to it after a perturbation. Figure 10.3 shows the outcome of this analysis for each equilibrium point. It can be seen that, for a constant H with two equilibria, the higher population size equilibrium point is stable and the lower unstable (because any perturbation leads to the population size moving away from the equilibrium). The MSY equilibrium is semi-stable; a small increase in population size is compensated for, and a small decrease leads to extinction if H is not decreased. Hunting at MSY is dangerous, because it is on a Figure 10.3: Stability analysis for the equilibrium knife-edge: Any small population decline leads to population sizes shown in Figure 10.2. a) Hunting positive feedback, with the population declining removes a constant number of individuals. b) Hunting removes a constant proportion of the population. rapidly to extinction if the number exploited stays the same. If H varies linearly with N (Figure 10.3b), then all the equilibrium points are stable. Observation 2: The reason why populations can The MSY hunting rate produces the same kind of be sustainably exploited is that they exhibit a equilibrium as all the other rates. density- dependent response. This means that at Even this very simple analysis leads to some any population size below K, the population is useful observations. The first two are general; the producing a surplus yield that is available for hunt other two apply specifically to the logistic model. without reducing population size. Density dependence is the regulatory process that allows Observation 1: Starting to hunt a previously the population to return to equilibrium after a unexploited population will always lead to a perturbation. The logistic equation assumes that decrease in the population size. It is impossible for density dependence takes the form of smooth an exploited population to remain at carrying negative feedback. If this is not the case, small capacity. The exploited population will either changes in hunting rate can lead to sudden large stabilize at a new lower equilibrium size or, if the changes in population size, which could be hunting rate is too high, decline to zero. The dangerous for the population. The form of density model does not specify how long it will take for dependence assumed is a key component of model the population to stabilize at its new equilibrium. predictions about the effects of hunting on This depends on the values of r and H. Thus a population size. decreasing population size does not in itself indicate that a population is being unsustainably Observation 3: If hunting involves removing a exploited, rather that it is not at equilibrium. This constant number of individuals (Figure 3a), then point is ignored in most of the literature on hunting at a level greater than the MSY leads to a ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES sustainable use.

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 117 rapid population decline to extinction. Hunting 2.1.2. E, the hunting effort, is treated as a variable. below the MSY level leads to a stable equilibrium Hunting effort can be measured in various ways, population if the starting population is above the such as the number of days spent hunting or the unstable equilibrium population size. The further number of each type of gun or snare used. Data below the MSY level hunting is the safer it is on effort need to be collected in appropriate units because the two equilibrium population sizes are for the situation being analyzed. The constant q is further apart. This reasoning lies behind a the catchability coefficient, which is a measure of common suggestion that hunting should not the ease of catching an individual of a particular exceed half the MSY level. If a population is over- species. For example, if a single snare is set in a exploited, the hunting rate needs to be reduced previously unhunted area, q is the probability that below the current population growth rate to allow an individual of a particular species is caught in the population to recover. The fastest recovery it. The units of q depend on the measure of effort occurs when H=0. chosen. Equation 3 says that if either the effort expended by hunters or the population size Observation 4: If hunting rate is proportional to increases, the number of individuals killed will population size, a single stable equilibrium increase. population size results (so long as the hunting rate By substituting H for N in Equation 2, and is low enough to cross the population growth qE curve at some point). A slight increase in hunting assuming that the population is at equilibrium rate leads to a slight decrease in population size. ( dN =0), we obtain an expression for yield (H) as There is a smooth and gradual relationship dt between the two, with no rapid changes. Thus, in a function of effort: the logistic model, a strategy involving hunting a  qE  =−  (Eq.4) certain percentage of the population each year is HqKE1  safer than hunting a fixed number of individuals r each year, so long as the hunting rate is not too This produces a parabolic curve (Figure 10.4). high (the proportion taken must be less than r). As effort increases, yield increases to a maximum There is no need for wide safety margins to guard and then declines to zero. At E=0, the population against unstable equilibria. The IUCN recently size is at its maximum, K. As effort increases, suggested that sustainable use projects should population size decreases and more and more hunt at a maximum rate of r/2 (Prescott-Allen & effort is needed to catch the remaining individu- Prescott-Allen, 1996), which is equivalent to MSY als, until at maximum effort, the population size (H in Figure 10.1.3b). This is not a safe sugges- reaches zero. The yield-effort curve is effectively a tion2 because hunting at MSY is dangerous, mirror image of the population growth rate and although taking a constant proportion of the population size curve (Figure 10.1b). population that is equivalent to MSY is safer than This result is very useful because yield and taking a constant number of individuals at MSY. effort are parameters that are easily measured and come directly from hunting data. Population size A BIO-ECONOMIC MODEL OF HUNTING is, by contrast, very hard to measure directly; [SECTION 2.1.3] forest-living mammals are obvious examples of The simplest model that includes the economic cases where individuals are difficult to count. If parameters determining hunting level assumes this model were to hold, simply measuring yield that hunting rate is proportional to population and effort should be enough to discover the size and is also determined by hunting effort. This underlying stock-production relationship, allows us to predict the effect of hunting on without the difficulty and expense of population population size in situations when resource monitoring. managers do not intervene to set the hunting One much-used concept in the literature on level. It is assumed that the hunting level H can be resource use is catch per unit effort (CPUE), the expressed as: ratio of yield to the effort expended. For example, if it was known that the number of hunters in an H = qEN (Eq.3) area had remained constant over time, and Here, qE has replaced the percentage of the nothing else was assumed to have changed, then population killed, a, that was used in Section trends in the number of animals sold in the local CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE market could be interpreted as a trend in CPUE.

118 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Trends in CPUE are an indication of trends in population size, because Equation 3 can be H rearranged as ∝ N . So if the yield from a E population is declining while the hunting effort remains unchanged, the population size can be assumed to be declining as well. This relationship

could be a very useful indirect measure of Yield ($) population trends. A non-declining CPUE has been promoted as a good indicator of sustainable hunting. However, it is important to remember the assumption that has been made to get to this useful relationship: yield is directly proportional to effort and population size. In the early stages of Harvesting Effort hunting, a declining CPUE does not necessarily mean hunting is unsustainable, because the Figure 10.4: The yield-effort curve for a population with logistic growth. population may just be declining to an equilibrium size. Conversely, a stable CPUE could be that smaller populations grow slower than larger due to undetected increases in technological ones. Depensation is usually assumed to happen efficiency, giving a false picture of stability as the only when the population is small, and reasons population declines. The effects of aggregative might include difficulties in finding a mate or behavior on hunting costs can also lead to reductions in foraging efficiency as group sizes misleading trends in CPUE. If a population become too small. One species for which the aggregates into large groups even at low popula- circumstantial evidence seems to point to tion sizes, or if its location is always predictable, depensation playing a role is the passenger then the costs of hunting are not related linearly pigeon. This species declined to extinction very to population size. The CPUE does not decline as rapidly from large numbers. The original cause of population size declines, because small popula- the decline was probably habitat destruction, but it seems likely that a critical population size was tions are not much∝ harderN to hunt than larger ones. The population declines dramatically required for the species to reliably find masting without any reduction in hunting effort, and trees. Mast is a patchy and unpredictable food without warning signs, because catches continue source, and once below the critical size, the to appear healthy. These conditions are common population could not find food consistently in fisheries, and may affect social forest species, enough to recover (Bucher 1992). such as primates. Depensation has serious consequences for the safety of the strategy of hunting a proportion of Adding Ecological Realism to the Single the population each year. The effect is to make Species Model [Section 2.1.4] the outcome similar to that of hunting a constant number of individuals, with two equilibria — one NON-LINEAR DENSITY DEPENDENCE stable, the other unstable (Figure 10.5). [SECTION 2.1.4.1] If a population is hunted to a low enough The simple bio-economic model is linear in level to reach the unstable equilibrium, it may most parameters. Introducing non-linearities recover much more slowly from hunting, or not can give insights into the dynamics of real at all. To assess the importance of depensation in populations. One non-linearity that is especially the real world, we need to know how common it emphasized in the natural resource management is, and at how large a population size it is likely to literature (e.g. Clark 1990) is depensation, also express itself. Myers et al. (1995) carried out known as the Allee effect. In the standard statistical analyses of 128 fish stocks for which 15 logistic model, the proportional growth rate is a years or more of data were available, and found decreasing function of population size, so that only three that showed statistically significant the smaller a population is, the faster it grows. evidence for depensation. There were two other However, if depensation occurs, the population stocks for which depensation could not be entirely ruled out, which had also not recovered growth rate increases with population size, so IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 119 a of carrying capacity, as in the simple logistic H model. This issue has been explored by Fowler (1981, 1984), who showed that the degree of non-linearity can be linked to a species’ life- F(N) history strategy. Large-bodied, slow-growing species are likely to have their highest production at populations nearer to carrying capacity than predicted by the logistic equation. Other species, particularly insects, have their highest productivity below 0.5K, which may be linked to popula- Population growth/Harvest rate tion dynamics that are limited more by predators 0 N1 N2 100 Population size (% of K) than resources. If an exploited species has a significantly non- b linear stock-production relationship, then it is important to take this into account. It has MSY implications for the optimal population size under hunting as well as for the population’s reaction to hunting. The optimal population size for a hunter is related to the degree of non- Yield ($) linearity; species with their MSY well below 0.5K will be harvested to a lower level than those with their MSY well above 0.5K. Elephants have their / MSY well above 0.5K, and are unusual in that 0 E1 E Effort tusks continue to grow exponentially with age. Figure 10.5: The effect of non-critical depensation (the Basson et al. (1991) showed that the optimal Allee effect) on the parabolic relationship between the strategy for an elephant manager was therefore to population size and the rate of population increase. a) keep the population at carrying capacity and Harvesting a proportion of the population each year collect ivory from animals that had died from produces two equilibria, N1 and N2. b) The yield-effort curve for non-critical depensation. If the effort level natural mortality. increases above E/, yield declines rapidly and effort

must be reduced to E1 in order to allow the population to HUNTING STRUCTURED POPULATIONS recover above the unstable equilibrium level N . 1 [SECTION 2.1.4.2] Biological populations are structured, with from very low population sizes. It seems that individuals varying in their age, stage, sex, or depensation is only found in commercial fish spatial position. In some species, this structure species at very low population sizes. This is the can have a major effect on the outcome of only large-scale study of the prevalence of hunting (Getz & Haight 1989). Age structure has depensation that has been carried out to date, and a strong effect on the outcome of hunting when it seems to show that, at least in fish, depensation fecundity and mortality rates vary with age, is not a widespread problem. particularly if there is a time lag between birth Although depensation is probably uncommon, and sexual maturity. Hunting lowers the mean it is worth taking seriously because it could age of a population because the additional compromise the ability of particular species to mortality lowers the life expectancy of all recover from low numbers. However, social individuals. If the lag between birth and sexual disruption caused by hunting is not confined to maturity is sufficiently long and the hunting small populations. Complex behavioral effects of mortality sufficiently high, mean age can be hunting, particularly those associated with lowered to a point at which there is a danger of distorted sex ratios, are better not lumped into recruitment failure because all remaining the simple population-level factor of depensation, individuals are immature. If older individuals are but included more explicitly into hunting models. selected for by hunters (perhaps because they are Another complexity is non-linearities in the larger) the reduction in mean age with hunting stock-production relationship. These mean that the pressure is even more pronounced. For example, population size at which populations are most the North Sea cod is a long-lived species that CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE productive (the MSY population size) is not 50% reaches sexual maturity around the age of four

120 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest years. It has been so heavily exploited that some their efficiency in searching for prey (Clark & 1-year-olds are now exploited, and 2-year-olds are Mangel 1986). Spatial structure in variables such fully exploited by the fishery. Only 4% of 1-year- as population growth rate could lead to different olds now survive to age four (Cook et al. 1997). hunting rates being optimal in different sub- Sex structure is not included in population populations, and so to different optimum models as a matter of course, despite often being population sizes in each sub-population. Move- the most obvious division between individuals in ment of animals between areas complicates the a population. This is because, at least in the case picture considerably. If an area is being heavily of mammals, males are assumed not to be exploited without significant movement taking limiting on population growth rates. However, it place, that area becomes depleted but surround- is often crucial to include sex structure for ing areas are unaffected. If, however, individuals exploited species in which hunters select by sex, move into the depleted area (because the popula- particularly if they select males. This selection tion is well below carrying capacity and so might be explicit, for trophies that only adult resource levels in the area are high), then the males bear (such as saiga antelope horns), or hunting depletes the surrounding areas as well. implicit for the largest individuals that provide Baskin (1998) discusses how the Lapland Reserve the most meat. If a species is polygynous, so that was set up to re-establish the reindeer population one male mates with many females, then at in northwest Russia. The population recovered moderate levels of hunting pressure, targeting quickly, so hunting started in the area around the males relieves the pressure on females. Because reserve. Six years later, almost the whole popula- females provide the recruits to the population, the tion had been killed, because most of the reindeer population growth rate at a given population size had migrated out of the reserve into the sur- is higher if males are targeted than if both sexes rounding area, where they were vulnerable to are hunted. So hunting a high proportion of hunting. males is both less damaging to the population Because individuals are genetically different, than hunting females, and more profitable. This any preferential hunting for or against a geneti- is true for many hunted ungulate species, cally determined trait is evolutionarily selective although great care needs to be taken that these for particular genotypes. The genetic effects of “surplus” males really are surplus, and that the hunting, through selection for individuals with proportion of males in the population doesn’t particular characteristics, could well have drop so low that it limits fecundity (Ginsberg & important long-term consequences for popula- Milner-Gulland 1993). If the reproductive system tions and are not immediately apparent from is not polygynous, selection for males might be as population-level analysis. Heavy hunting pressure damaging to population fecundity as selection for can cause strong selection on a population, and females. thus rapid evolution. Heavily exploited salmon Spatial structure in the exploited population populations may have evolved a smaller mean can have major consequences for the population’s adult body size as a response to the selective dynamics, particularly in sedentary species in hunting of larger individuals, while reproductive which interactions with neighbors are much more maturity has been observed at younger ages in important to an individual than interactions with exploited cod populations than in unexploited distant individuals. Plants and corals are obvious populations (Law 1991). It is difficult to ascertain examples. Spatial trends in hunting costs intro- from observations such as this whether the duce a non-linearity into the relationship between response to hunting is ecological or evolutionary. costs and population size, and lead to patterns of Individuals (particularly males) can reach sexual resource depletion in which the lower cost areas maturity earlier if there are few adults present, are exploited first. The optimum population size showing phenotypic plasticity rather than for a hunter could be higher in a spatially evolution. However, if it is suspected that hunting structured population than in a population with could be exerting a selective pressure on a constant hunting costs, so that individuals may population, then a genetic model might well be survive in remote areas that are very expensive to needed to examine the long-term consequences of hunt (Clayton et al. 1997). If resources are hunting. patchily distributed, it may become worthwhile for hunters to forage in groups so as to increase ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 121 HUNTING VARIABLE POPULATIONS other, species. Some exploited populations fulfil [SECTION 2.1.4.3] these criteria, others do not, and require further Climatic variability is the most commonly analysis. In this section, I give a brief overview of included stochastic variable in hunting models, some of the likely effects of hunting on systems of because it can cause significant variation in two or more species. population parameters however large the population size is. Population characteristics such as a SPECIES THAT INTERACT BY BEING short generation time and discrete breeding EXPLOITED TOGETHER [SECTION 2.1.5.1] seasons make a species more sensitive to climatic The simplest situations to model are those in variability. The hunting rate also affects popula- which the biological interactions between two tion variability. Variation in the population size is species are weak or non-existent, but they are important for conservation and sustainable use, exploited together. In this case, they can be treated because the more variable the population size, the as two independent populations, but with a more variable the sustainable exploitation rate is, combined hunting effort. This means that the and the greater the chance of population extinc- costs of hunting are also combined, so that the tion. In general, the higher the hunting effort on costs relate to the combined population size of the a highly variable population, the higher the two species. If one species is much more common variance in the population size. (See Milner- than another, then the costs of hunting are not Gulland, 1994, for an example using saiga related in any significant way to the size of the antelopes.) This is true if the variability is rarer population. Thus, the simple bio-economic externally generated (such as by the climate); if model considered in Section 3.1.4 can predict the variability is internally generated (such as by extinction of one of the species at the long-term population cycles) then hunting will tend to “sustainable” open-access equilibrium. In the stabilize the population. Another consideration single-species model, extinction cannot happen at with long-lived species is that hunting, by the open-access equilibrium unless hunting costs lowering the mean age of the population, are zero or non-linearities are introduced into the increases the relative reproductive contribution of model. Writing the model equations out as in the younger age-classes. If a population has Section 3.1.4, we have: stochastic recruitment, this increases the relative variation in recruitment by reducing the averag- dN  N  1 =−rN 1 1  − qEN 11  11 ing-out effect of having several fertile age-classes. dt K1 The more fertile age-classes there are, the lower (Eq.5) dN  N  the unexploited variation in recruitment, but the 2 =−rN1 2  − qEN dt 22 K  22 more that variation is increased by hunting (Reed 2 Π =+p q EN p q EN − cE 1983). 11 1 2 2 2

INTERACTIONS BETWEEN SPECIES where: [SECTION 2.1.5] Π = profits from hunting It is not ideal to consider a single species in p = price per individual of species i isolation when analyzing the sustainability of c i= cost per unit of effort (e.g., per day’s hunting. This is what is usually done, however, hunting), and the other variables are as in and it is testament to the explanatory powers of Equations 2 and 3. simple models that they bear any relation at all to the real-world dynamics of exploited species. A Two conditions must be met for hunting to lead single-species model is an adequate simplification to the extinction of one of the two populations in for a population in which there is strong intra- this model. First, one of the populations (Popula- specific competition for certain resources (production 1 in this case) must be slower-growing and/or ing density-dependence), but there are only weak easier to catch than the other: interactions with other species, whether they be r r 1 < 2 (Eq.6)(Eq.6) competitors, prey, predators, or pathogens. From q1 q2 the economic side, the model is an adequate simplification if the population is exploited in Second, the cost-price ratio of Population 2 must isolation from other populations of the same, or be sufficiently low for hunting to be worthwhile CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

122 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest when Population 1 has been exterminated: elephants. It was the lucrative ivory trade that was driving the rhino decline, not the (appar- c < (Eq.7) N 2 ently more lucrative) rhino horn trade (Milner- pq22 Gulland & Leader-Williams 1992). where N 2 is the size of population 2 at the If a species is already rare, a low level of hunting effort which exterminates population 1. opportunistic incidental offtake can have a serious This result generalizes to more than two species, impact on its population size. If the two popula- r with the relative values of i determining the tions are separated in any way, there is the chance q i of a refuge from hunting pressure for the more order of extermination of the species. The carrying sensitive species. For example, Sulawesi wild pigs capacities Ki do not affect the equilibrium popula- and babirusas are two species that are hunted tion sizes, but affect the speed of the transition. If, together in Sulawesi (Clayton et al. 1997). as often happens, the slower-growing species is Because Sulawesi wild pigs are common in both also found at lower densities, it will be extermi- primary and secondary forest, it is possible to nated more quickly. Note that the economic value dramatically reduce hunting pressure on the of the exterminated species is not relevant to the endangered babirusa (found only in primary outcome; it could be much more or less valuable forest) without stopping hunting altogether, than the surviving species. The cost-price ratio of simply by hunting only in secondary forest. This the surviving population is the key economic could be a way to make hunting more sustainable variable; if it is too high, then hunting becomes that might be acceptable to hunters. Fin and blue uneconomic before Population 1 is exterminated. whale stocks are geographically separated because This simple model has been used to explain fin whales tend to feed in more northerly waters the pressures causing overhunting of various than the blue whales, so hunting could be species, including blue whales (on the back of the confined to northerly areas (Clark 1990). Other fin whale fishery, Clark 1990) and rhinos. The species might be separated in time, perhaps by Luangwa Valley saw its rhino population decline coming into an area at different times of year, so rapidly to near-extinction in the early 1980s, that a closed season would be similarly helpful. coinciding with heavy elephant poaching in the area. Rhino horns were much more valuable than HUNTING SPECIES THAT INTERACT elephant tusks (1.7x as valuable per kill), but BIOLOGICALLY [SECTION 2.1.5.2] modelling showed that the rhino population was Models of hunting interacting species (competi- small enough for it not to be worthwhile for tors or predators and prey) have concentrated on organized gangs to poach specifically for rhinos. interactions involving just two or three species. On the other hand, it was highly profitable to Increasing the number of species leads to complex hunt the more numerous elephants. Hunting models, which may not reveal any more general both species together was only slightly more principles than the simpler models. It is hard to profitable than hunting elephants alone. Thus the make generalizations about the likely outcome of poaching gangs captured in the area were large, interactions between populations because, because hunting specifically for elephants requires depending on the model’s assumptions, any type carriers for the bulky tusks. As predicted by the of dynamic behavior can be generated in the model, the poaching gangs were caught with system (White et al. 1996). Simple models of tusks and the occasional rhino horn. In neighbor- hunting competing species show that the effects of ing Zimbabwe, on the other hand, small gangs competition can be particularly difficult to predict went poaching specifically for rhino horns (Clark 1990). A fishery can collapse due to a shift because the rhinos were still numerous. Small in competitive dominance before it has even gang sizes are preferable for poachers because they reaches MSY. Because the exploited species is are less visible to guards and wildlife, and can be dominant, it is the abundant species before the used for rhino horn hunting because the horns fishery starts. The competitor is rare and easily are easier to carry than tusks. So the economic overlooked. The apparently healthy fishery can analysis showed that the rapid decline in rhinos in collapse before the existence of a competitor is the Luangwa Valley was not caused by poaching even noticed. Not every exploited species is going specifically for rhinos, but by opportunistic to have this kind of problem (otherwise there killing of rhinos by gangs out hunting for would have been many more observed collapses of ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 123 exploited populations with subsequent takeovers THE ROBINSON & REDFORD METHOD of their niches by another species). The difficulty [SECTION 2.2.1] lies in identifying in advance which exploited This is the most widely used method for assessing species are vulnerable to collapse through com- hunting sustainability. Examples of recent studies petitive exclusion. that have used it include Fa et al. (1995), The results of exploitation depend on whether Fitzgibbon et al. (1995), Muchaal & Ngangjui the hunter is taking a species that is low in the (1999), and Alvard et al. (1997). The method is food chain, and is a resource for many other appealing to users because it is relatively simple, species, or whether the exploited species is a uses parameter values that are on the whole predator or competitor for other species. The obtainable, and gives a useful threshold value competitors of an exploited species benefit from against which sustainability can be judged. As it the increased availability of resources as the has become the standard method, it is especially population size of the exploited species declines, important that its assumptions are fully analyzed and their populations will probably increase. The and the effects of using it are well understood. The prey of an exploited species may or may not method is fully described in Robinson & Redford increase in population size, depending on (1991). whether there are other predators present that can Robinson and Redford (1991) state two increase to compensate for the removal of their requirements for sustainable harvesting. First, competitor. Removing more than one species they argue that sustainable harvesting should from an ecosystem will have effects that are even achieve maximum production from the wildlife more complex and hard to predict. Fisheries population. Second, they state that sustainable modellers are starting to address the effects of harvesting requires that the population should hunting several species from multi-species not be reduced to levels at which the species is predator-prey systems, using techniques such as vulnerable to local extinction or the ecosystem multi-species virtual population analysis, but functioning is affected. If either condition is not there are still many uncertainties (Magnusson met, the species can be considered depleted. 1995). This definition of sustainable harvesting is Hunting does not affect non-target organisms ambiguous, but maximum physical yield from a only through their population-level interactions population is obtainable at MSY (see Section with the exploited population. It can also affect 2.1.2), while maximum economic yield is the physical processes and structure of the obtainable at a point dependent on the discount ecosystem. Ecosystem-level effects of hunting can rate of the owner, but generally at a higher have long-term impacts on all the component population size than the MSY level (see Section organisms of the ecosystem. Two categories of 3.1.4). Assuming maximum physical yield, effect that are particularly important are the requirement 1 states that the population should effects of hunting on nutrient flow and on be held at the MSY level. Requirement 2 could be community structure. Humans can have large interpreted as meaning that the population indirect effects on ecosystem structure by hunting should be kept on the right, descending portion a keystone species. Keystone species have a of the logistic curve (Figure 10.1), because on the disproportionate effect on their ecosystem, due to left, ascending portion, it may be vulnerable to their size or their activities. Any changes in their unstable equilibria (if a constant number is being population size have correspondingly large effects removed each year) or to factors such as on the ecosystem. Examples of keystone species depensation. Thus the Robinson & Redford are beavers, which change water flow substantially definition says as that the population is depleted by building dams, and elephants, which can alter if it is below the MSY level. They then discuss the ecosystems by destroying trees. parameter values that are required for their model, including Methods Used for Assessing Bushmeat Hunting Sustainability [Section 2.2] D = Density at carrying capacity They In this section, I discuss the methods that are suggest obtaining this from actual data (taken currently used for assessing the biological as the average of estimates from unexploited sustainability of bushmeat hunting, highlighting and lightly hunted areas), or from a simple their strengths and weaknesses. I also suggest other relationship between density, diet, and body CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE possible methods that could be used.

124 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest size, which they have derived from a number immigration) in a given time period (such as a of forest species. year), whether these animals survive, emigrate or die, and maximum production as the MSY. λ = The arithmetic intrinsic rate of increase of the They state that production P = Nt+1 - Nt, but population. They suggest estimating λ from r, with the caveat that no mortality has been

the geometric intrinsic rate of increase, which included (that is, actual estimates of Nt+1would is related to λ as λ = er. They suggest that r in not be useful in estimating production). turn can be estimated using Cole’s equation, which requires data on the age at first and last They then define the population size at which

reproduction and the annual birth rate of fe- Pmaxwould be produced as: male offspring. The equation assumes no mortality in the population, which can be a λ (Eq.9) Nt+1 = max Nt problem in some species. However, Cole’s equation is not ideal, because the data There is clearly confusion here. As explained required are not often obtainable for the in section 2.1.1, when the population is growing λ species under study, introducing estimation at max, the per capita growth rate is highest, but error, and because of the assumptions made the actual number of individuals produced is about mortality. Instead, it might be better to small, because the population size is small. The estimate r for a given species using an maximum production (in the case of MSY; the empirically derived relationship between maximum number of individuals available for known r’s for other species and characteristics harvest) occurs at intermediate densities (K/2 in such as body mass. As mentioned (in Section the sense of the logistic) when the population is 2.1.1), r is an extremely difficult parameter, growing at an intermediate rate per capita, but both conceptually and practically. It is best because there are more individuals in the popula- described as the maximum rate of increase tion, the actual number of new individuals that a population can achieve under natural produced is highest. This is the point for which conditions but without any significant intra- Robinson and Redford are aiming. specific competition. Thus it is best measured They also suggest that two empirical formulae as the rate of increase of a very small popula- could be used for calculating production. One tion (assuming no depensation occurs) under (based on Banse & Mosher 1980) relates the best conditions available in the habitat production to population density and body mass, type under study. It is clearly unfeasible to and was derived from a comparative analysis of 7 measure r in this way in most cases. λ is the mammal species. Robinson and Redford use the same quantity, but it relates population sizes unexploited population density in this formula; as to each other in discrete time. Thus, in the production is positively related to density in the absence of density- dependence: equation, this will have the effect of maximizing the production estimate obtained, as required. dN and = λ (Eq.8) = rN Nt+1 Nt The second empirical relationship simply relates dt birth rates to body mass, again in a regression of There is huge confusion in the literature about data from a number of mammal species. How- the meanings of λ and r, including among the ever, the use of these empirical relationships is users of Robinson and Redford’s method. perhaps not ideal, because the point of the Generally, people assume that λ and r are the exercise here is to relate productivity to changes in actual growth rates of the population, which population density. Neither of the comparative decrease as population size increases, rather than relationships was designed to quantify the effects that they are constants. For this reason, it can be of density dependence on yields, as we are aiming λ λ helpful to refer to and r as max and rmaxto to do here. If they were both derived for clarify their meaning. I will do so from now on. unexploited populations (at K), then the estimates of productivity obtained will be too low. This is

Pmax, Maximum production, and the Density at because productivity (as defined by Robinson & which maximum production occurs. Redford) in a density-dependent species is likely Robinson & Redford define production as the to be low at K, assuming that fecundity rates are additions to the population (through births and density-dependent. Robinson and Redford make ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 125 the following assumptions in the calculation of the greatest effect for the more sensitive, longer-

Pmax: lived species, which is good, but the original over- estimation may be more severe for the shorter- 1) Predicted densities are more reliable than lived species. However, it is rather a fudge factor λ observed densities, in general. This is fine, and because the methods used for estimating max are will depend on the data quality in a given case. actually estimating production net of natural The predicted density D is equal to K. This mortality, so the inclusion of this factor is assumption is also uncontentious. conceptually unnecessary. Only if the model were more complicated, based on birth rates rather

2) Maximum production (Pmax) occurs at 0.6K. than overall rate of population growth, would it The logistic equation assumes 0.5K, but as be necessary. Perhaps the requirement for this discussed in section 2.1.4.1, the actual point at factor is linked to the use of Cole’s equation to

which maximum production occurs depends on estimate rmax, but it would be better to make this the life-history strategy of the species. According explicit. to Fowler’s (1981) data, 0.6K would be about In assessing sustainability, they compare the

right for bighorn sheep, so may fit forest estimate of Pmax to the production of the area ungulates relatively well. However, for faster- or (that is, the number of individuals harvested from slower-growing species, there may be significant the area over the appropriate time period). They error in this approximation. clarify that this should be only a crude comparison, and that any estimate of productivity close to

They then calculate maximum production as: Pmax should be treated as worrying. This is true. However, the main concern about this assump- λ Pmax = 0.6D ( max - 1) (Eq.10) tion is that it seriously overestimates the sustainable production level if the population is already Assuming that MSY is indeed at 0.6K, then the depleted. Referring to Figure 10.2 and Section main problem with this equation is that it will 2.1.2, if a constant number of individuals is being

substantially over-estimate Pmax, because of the use hunted each year, then there is a stable and an λ of max in the place of the actual population unstable equilibrium at each hunting level, from growth rate at 0.6K, which will be much lower zero to just below MSY. (There is one, semi- due to density dependence. If MSY actually occurs stable, equilibrium at MSY.) A sustainable

at less than 0.6K, then Pmax will be further over- hunting level would best be represented by the estimated because in Equation 10, the estimated population being at a stable equilibrium on the maximum productivity is positively related to the right, descending part of the curve. If the proportion of K at which MSY is assumed to population is already below MSY, then any occur. Thus in this case the logistic equation hunting level above the curve is unsustainable would be a more precautionary assumption than and leads to rapid descent to extinction. The the one used here. more depleted the population, the more the

They then multiply Pmax by a factor to account Robinson & Redford method over-estimates the for natural mortality because their definition of sustainable hunting level by calculating the MSY. productivity is the population increase before If instead, the population is being hunted at a natural mortality takes place. This factor varies constant rate (Figure10.2b), then there is a stable with the longevity of the species on the assump- equilibrium at any population size. However, if tion that, if a species has a high natural mortality we were being precautionary, we would want to rate, the proportion of the harvest that would be on the right side of the curve. In this case, the have died anyway if it had not been harvested is “sustainable” hunting rate would need to be lower high, and thus hunting can afford to take a higher than the MSY hunting rate. The more precau- proportion of the population than if natural tionary we wish to be, the lower the proportion of mortality rates are low. The factors suggested a MSY at which we should set the sustainable

range from 20% of Pmax if the species is long-lived hunting rate. (>10 years) to 60% if the species is short-lived A brief exploration of the outcome of using (<5 years). Robinson and Redford’s method on a model This assumption has the effect of moderating population following simple logistic growth the over-estimation of P in Equation 10. It has suggests that the use of this method over-

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE max

126 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest estimates the sustainable yield most severely when 70 the population is large, the intrinsic rate of 60 increase is high, and the natural mortality factor 50 is large (Figure10.6). 40 Thus any estimates of sustainable yield that 30 have been derived for short-lived, fast-growing 20 species using this method should be viewed as 10 suspect. Also, as explained above, if the popula- 0 tion is depleted (below 0.5K), then there is a -10 danger of rapid population decline, and a 40 precautionary sustainable hunting rate should be 30 set at zero. Any estimates of sustainable yield derived using this method for a population that is 20 below 0.5K or for which population density is unknown should also be viewed with suspicion. 10 However, for lightly exploited populations of large, slow-growing species, although the method 0 is conceptually flawed, its use may not be Overestimate of-10 production (% of K) disastrous because the degree of error is low. 15 These preliminary results were obtained using a 10 model of simple deterministic logistic population growth, and should be substantiated by further 5 analysis under stochastic conditions and with 0 more complex population dynamics (particularly age structure). -5 -10 Other methods [Section 2.2.2] -15 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 2 THE BODMER METHOD [SECTION 2.2.2.1] Lambda A similar method to Robinson and Redford’s was 0.1 0.4 0.7 1 proposed by Bodmer and is described in Robinson Figure10. 6: The relationship between the sustainable yield and Bodmer (1999). The formulation below is a calculated by the Robinson and Redford method and the true modified version of his equation, with different sustainable yield for a population with simple logistic growth in discrete time. The graphs show the degree to which the interpretations placed on the parameters used to Robinson and Redford method over- or under-estimates true clarify the procedure. The number of individuals sustainable yield (the difference in yields as a proportion of produced by a population is calculated as: carrying capacity) as a function of the intrinsic rate of population increase, l. The results are displayed for 4 population densities, expressed as a proportion of carrying P = D F s (Eq.11) f capacity, l max (0.1,0.4,0.7 and 1) ranging from 10% to 100% of K. Three levels of the Robinson and Redford natural mortality where: factor are shown: a) Factor = 1, so that there is no correction to P = number of new individuals produced. their calculation of maximum production to account for natural mortality. b) Factor = 0.6, the value they suggest for short-lived species. c) Factor = 0.2, the value they suggest for long-lived Df = population density (females only). They species. Note the different scales of the y-axis between the 3 graphs. suggest calculating this as Df=0.5Dtot on the

assumption of a 1:1 sex ratio, where Dtot is the overall population density. s = female survival from birth to average age at reproduction. This is a value ranging F = female fecundity. They suggest calculating from 0.6 for short-lived species to 0.2 for this as gY, where Y = Number of young long-lived species (the same as the Robinson recorded per female (such as number of and Redford mortality factor). embryos found in harvested females or number of young at foot) and g = average The actual harvest is compared to this estimated number of gestations per year. value P to assess sustainability. The method is useful in that it is simple, uses readily obtainable IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 127 data, and makes no assumption about intrinsic function, such as the number killed as a rates of increase. Instead, birth and survival rates proportion of the population size (see are used explicitly, albeit with the survival rate Sections 2.1.2 and 2.1.3). being a relatively crude approximation. Other assumptions need to be noted, for example the 1:1 We will assume that β=1 for simplicity, hence sex ratio, which is violated in many systems where Equation 12 represents simple logistic growth, as harvesters can select (such as for larger individuals, shown in Figure 10.1. By using the discrete-time which may be adult males). However, if the sex version of the equation, we make data collection ratio is female-biased, as would be the most usual and parameter interpretation much simpler; we scenario for mammals subject to sex-based can name a time period (such as a year) and selectivity, assuming a 1:1 sex ratio is generally calculate population growth rates and harvests for precautionary. Also, there may be a big difference that time period. between the number of embryos counted and the If offtake is at a sustainable equilibrium then

number of young counted at foot, because peri- the population is stable. If we set Nt+1= Nt and natal mortality can be significant. This may be rearrange Equation 12, then a sustainable harvest taken into account in the value used for the rate can be obtained at any population size: survival rate s. These problems are relatively  λ  minor, however, in a purposefully simple method H = N  −1 (Eq. 13) t  +  such as this.  (1 aN t )  The main drawback of the method is related to its main strength. This is that no assumptions However, if we wanted to assess sustainability, we are made about density dependence, and there is would compare the actual harvest rate to a no attempt to calculate maximum production. putative sustainable harvest rate. Assuming that a The use of current birth rates, measured in the sustainable harvest rate is one that maintains a population under study, means that sustainable population at a given proportion, p, of K, then by substituting λ − 1 and N = pK and then production is assessed for the current population a = t size only. As population size changes under K hunting pressure, it would be expected that birth rearranging, we obtain: rates (and mortality rates) will also change. Thus  λ  (Eq. 14) the method is useful as a way of getting a quick H = pK −1  + λ −  snapshot of the current situation, not of measur- 1 p( 1)  ing long-term sustainability. It should also be noted that for the method to be valid, it is Following Robinson & Redford, we may want to important that birth rates are actually estimated set p = 0.6, although there are several options. For for the population in question at the same time as example, it has been suggested that a more the harvest rates are assessed. precautionary approach would set p = 0.75 (Roughgarden & Smith 1996), while a common AN ANALOGUE OF THE ROBINSON & REDFORD fisheries definition of a depleted population is one METHOD [SECTION 2.2.2.2] that is below 0.35K (Mangel in press). If a method was desired that had the same To ensure sustainability, we next need to check conceptual underpinning as Robinson and that the population is currently on the right, Redford’s, then one simple approach would be to descending portion of the logistic curve. Otherwise, use the discrete-time logistic equation: with a constant number harvested, there is the danger of H representing the unstable rather than λN N = t − H (Eq. 12) the stable equilibrium (Figure 10.2). The higher t+1 + β (1 aN t ) the value we set for p, the easier it is to be sure where: about this, because the inevitable sampling error in λ = arithmetic intrinsic rate of population increase estimating population density is less likely to lead to confidence intervals that include values below a = a constant related to carrying capacity: λ − 1 β = the degree of over-compensation (non- a = 0.5K. Clearly, if the threshold value below which a linearity) in the population growth rate. K population is considered depleted is below the H = the offtake. This could be a simple number of MSY level (such as 0.35K), then there is a conflict individuals killed, or a more complicated between these two steps in the process. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

128 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Although I feel that this procedure would be number of boats of different sizes), the yield just as simple to use as Robinson and Redford’s should be directly related to the population size. method, but without the conceptual flaws, it is The simplest assumption, shown in Equation 3, still not ideal. There is still no easy way to is that there is a linear relationship. A decline in λ yield per unit effort (usually called catch per unit estimate max for the poorly known species of forest mammal for which it would be used (let effort, CPUE) denotes a corresponding decline in alone for well-studied species), and the underly- population size. If CPUE continues to decline, ing model is overly simplistic (see Sections 2.1.4 rather than stabilizing at an equilibrium level, and 2.1.5). However, it might be useful for a first then the offtake can be inferred to be unsustain- stab at assessing sustainability. Similarly simple able. models, such as that shown in section 2.1.5.1 for Changes in CPUE are relatively easy to two species experiencing joint effort, could also calculate, given a time-series of yield and effort. be used to assess the sustainability of hunting in a These data are usually available for managed similar way. fisheries, but are rarely available for bushmeat harvesting. However, given that the data can be LESSONS FROM FISHERIES MANAGEMENT used in this simple way, it may seem worthwhile [SECTION 2.2.2.3] investing in collecting them so that the time series Many of the problems encountered in assessing can be used in future assessments of sustainability. the sustainability of harvesting of forest mammals Alternatively, it might be worth collecting yield are also encountered in fisheries. These problems and effort data in a number of locations, so that include the poor quality of population size spatial variability in offtake can be linked to estimates and the predominance of offtake data as spatial variability in sustainability. This data the main information from which sustainability collection has been done for bushmeat, for must be assessed. Thus it is worthwhile looking at example by Muchaal and Ngangjui (1999). the fisheries literature to see how they have tackled However, the interpretation of trends in CPUE is these problems. Standard texts such as Gulland fraught with difficulties, such that the usefulness (1983) and Hilborn and Walters (1992) include of CPUE in fisheries assessment is being seriously descriptions of the methods used in fisheries. questioned. Some of the many problems with Here, I will comment briefly on some of the basic using CPUE are mentioned in Section 2.1.3. issues that they tackle. Others include undetected changes in hunting As we have seen in the discussions of the efficiency confounding trends, and changes in the Robinson and Redford and Bodmer methods, behavior of targeted species, which may become natural mortality is a difficult quantity to assess. more reclusive or move into or out of the area as In the fisheries literature too, the natural mortal- hunting pressure changes. ity rate is generally assumed rather than being measured, and this leads to serious problems in POPULATION DENSITY AND STRUCTURE the accuracy of sustainability assessments. [SECTION 2.2.2.4] Methods do exist for assessing natural mortality In an excellent review of sustainability indices for rates (Gulland 1983). These methods include bushmeat harvesting, Robinson and Redford relating natural mortality rates to fish growth (1994) discuss some of the issues related to CPUE rates and deriving an empirical relationship mentioned above. They also discuss the problems similar to those that can be derived for quantities and possibilities in using direct measures of population density and structure to assess the such as rmax and body size. Ideally, tagging experiments should be carried out, so that natural sustainability of hunting. mortality rates can be estimated more directly. Point estimates of population density are But these methods are likely to be impractical for useful only if they can be compared to estimates the majority of fish species and more so for the of population density in similar, but otherwise majority of bushmeat species. unhunted areas (that is, estimates of carrying For many years, one of the planks of fishery capacity). Often the reason why an area is stock assessment has been the relationship unhunted is that it is inaccessible; this may be between yield, effort, and population size given in because it is of a different habitat type (wet or Equation 3. After normalisation to account for mountainous), or it may be a protected area, in which densities of hunted species may be

changes in effort levels (number of fishing days, IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 129 unnaturally high. In these cases, estimates of mortality increases, life expectancy decreases; as carrying capacity will be unreliable because they the mean age of death decreases, so does the are not representative of carrying capacity in the mean age in the population. area under study. Given a reliable estimate, the In a similar way to data on population size, fact that hunted populations have lower densities data on age structures tells us only that a popula- is in itself not surprising; a relationship between tion is being hunted, not whether the hunting is (long-term) hunting effort and population sustainable. But age structure data is even less density is expected. If there are several point useful because there is no clear threshold that can estimates from different areas, with data on be set below which a population can be consid- CPUE attached, the shape of the relationship ered depleted and therefore of concern. However, between population density and CPUE may be there is one situation in which the examination of informative about the dynamics of the population age distributions can highlight populations of and its reaction to hunting. If the point estimate concern. This is in species where it is known that shows that a population is depleted (such as with reproductive maturity is at a relatively old age, a density less than 0.5K), then this may be useful but where animals that have not reached repro- as a way of highlighting that this population is of ductive maturity are hunted. In this case, it is concern. However, point estimates are not useful possible that hunting can reduce the mean age of as predictive tools, because they say nothing the population low enough that reproductive about the dynamics of the system, such as failure can occur because there are not enough whether a population is stable or declining. mature individuals in the population. As men- A trend in population estimates can give tioned previously, North Sea cod is a good evidence that a population is declining (assuming example of this; they breed at age four, but they that survey methods are comparable over time, have been so heavily exploited that only 4% of 1- Milner-Gulland & Lhagvasuren 1998). This may year-olds survive to this age (Cook et al. 1997). be a cause for concern, but it must be borne in However, many species are able to respond to this mind that even ultimately sustainable harvesting pressure with individuals becoming reproduc- causes a population decline when it begins, as the tively active at a younger age; thus the problem population size moves towards equilibrium. may not be too serious in most cases. Another However, if there are data on factors which may problem is that it is impossible to tell whether the be causing the decline (changes in hunting rates population is declining or increasing from an age over time, changes in habitat availability), it may distribution. As the population declines, it would be possible to use a model to tease out which be expected that the population would get factors are likely to have been the main causes of younger. However, as a population recovers, a the population decline. Using a simple popula- high proportion of juveniles is also likely to be tion model to link data on population decline found due to higher birth rates. rates and offtake rates makes it possible to suggest Age structure data in the offtake may be easier whether hunting has been sustainable in the past, to come by, but it is even less informative than and the size at which the population will stabilize age structure data from the population. This is given that hunting rates continue. Thus, trends in because the distribution of ages in the offtake is population size in themselves are only suggestive the result of two confounding processes: changes that the population is of concern. With the in age structure in the population itself and addition of data on offtake rates and a population selectivity by hunters. It is possible to disentangle model, they can be used to assess sustainability. these two processes in a model and infer the most Robinson and Redford (1994) also discuss the likely combination of hunting mortality and possibility of using data on age structure, either of selectivity that would have caused these patterns the population itself or of the offtake, to assess (Milner-Gulland & Mace, 1991) did this for the hunting sustainability. Again, these data can often ivory trade). Alternatively if there is evidence that be highly ambiguous. If age structures in both the hunting methods used are unselective, then exploited populations and unexploited popula- age structures in the offtake can be assumed to be tions can be obtained, then it would be expected equivalent to those in the population. However, a that the higher the hunting mortality, the more simple examination of age distributions in the skewed the age distribution will be towards offtake can be very misleading if there is strong younger animals. This is because as hunting selectivity operating. Milner-Gulland and Mace CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

130 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest (1998) show several tusk weight distributions the offtake is calculated by counting animals on from the ivory trade and discuss the various sale in a market, so that all that is known is that interpretations that can be drawn from them. they are local in origin. Many of these problems also apply to other Fourth, with the data listed above, it is forms of data about the structure of the popula- possible to use simple models of the types tion, such as sex ratio data. Overall, the effect of described above to assess crudely the hunting on population structure depends on the sustainability of hunting. However, to do this, demographic characteristics of an individual some estimate of the population growth rate is species. Inferences can be made through the use needed so that this growth rate can be compared of age-structured population models, but it is to the hunting rate. This is usually the most certainly not a quick and easy method to use. difficult parameter of all to obtain. Generally, if a predictive model is required to assess the long- Assessing Biological Sustainability term sustainability of the hunting rate the best [Section 2.3] approach is to estimate the intrinsic growth rate In Section 2.2, I discussed the various sorts of data and make an assumption about the functional that can be collected to assess sustainability and form of density dependence. If the current their relative usefulness. From this, a priority list snapshot position is all that is required, then can be drawn up for data collection: estimating the current population growth rate will First, data should be collected on population do. This method is less demanding in terms of density in the hunted area. This tells us little assumptions made, but it also gives less informa- without comparative data, but it is nonetheless tion. the building block without which no further As we have seen, there are four feasible inferences can be made. approaches to estimating intrinsic growth rates: Second, data should be collected on First, one can use empirical relationships derived unexploited population density in similar habitat as from comparative analyses to relate intrinsic well. By comparing these two densities, it is population growth rates to measurable variables possible to discern whether a population is such as body size and trophic level. Second, data depleted but not to infer whether hunting is to from zoo animals can be used, which has the blame or whether current hunting levels are problem of the artificial conditions under which sustainable. Data on unexploited population the animals are kept. Third, Cole’s equation can density may be difficult to obtain, but the data be used, but this is not an ideal approach. Last, must be independently estimated in order to serve one can observe growth rates over time of as a valid comparative data point. This can be populations in similar habitat which have no done by various means, but the common practice density-dependent constraints, usually because of obtaining data from lightly exploited popula- they are very small (which is unlikely to be tions is not satisfactory because some species’ possible in all but a tiny minority of species). population densities may be dramatically affected Measuring current population growth rates by light hunting pressure. Large mammals are (the number of new individuals added to the particularly vulnerable both because of the population that will become available for hunting functional form of the density dependence they rather than the change in population size over often exhibit (in which much of the change time) can be done by measuring female fecundity happens near carrying capacity) and because they and making an assumption about natural are often strongly selected for by hunters in the mortality rates. early stages of hunting. Alternative approaches include constructing Third, data should be collected on number of models that explicitly model birth rates and animals killed. This can be used to derive the survival, with density-dependence placed on one hunting mortality that the population is experi- or both of these vital rates. If the population is encing. However, the number of animals killed very depleted, density dependence may be must be expressed per time period and from a minimal and so ignorable. These birth-death given area. It is important that the size of the area models are easily extended to age-structured from which the offtake is obtained is estimated; models, which can be useful for long-lived otherwise, it is impossible to assess sustainability. species. The advantages of these types of models This is not always easy to estimate, for example if is that they are more representative of reality than ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 131 a simpler model where births and deaths are 3.2, I discuss the models that have been used to λ collapsed into the single parameter or r max, and describe the behavior of individual hunters. These their assumptions are more transparent. The include models that answer questions about how disadvantage is that they are not so tractable to hunters choose which species to target, where to analytical solution, so a simple formula like hunt, and for how long. I also show how the Equation 14 can’t be used. economic models of hunting developed in Section From a time series of data on population sizes 3.1 can be extended to model a hunter’s decision- and hunting rates, information can be gleaned on making when hunting is illegal and there is a risk whether the system is at equilibrium or not; that of being captured and receiving a penalty. In is, whether the population is still declining, Section 3.3, I review previous studies that have whether the hunting rate is increasing or decreas- looked at the economics of bushmeat hunting and ing, and whether hunters are taking a constant relate them to the theoretical models. In Section number of individuals or a constant proportion of 3.4, I make suggestions about how the economic the population (which has implications for the modelling of bushmeat hunting could be carried stability of any equilibrium that will be reached). out in the future. I discuss the types of data that Spatially extended data sets, in which data from are needed to model the economics of the sites with several levels of hunting mortality and bushmeat trade and how these can be collected. associated population densities are collected, can also be useful in the assessment of hunting Supply and Demand for Bushmeat sustainability. This kind of data can give informa- [Section 3.1] tion on how the species reacts to different levels of hunting mortality, and thus on what functional THE MARKET MODEL OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND form is appropriate for the population model. In [SECTION 3.1.1] multi-species harvesting systems, assessments People will only produce a particular good in should be carried out for all the species individu- response to a demand for that good. This is as true ally, bearing in mind how a given amount of for the hunter who uses time and effort as inputs hunting effort is apportioned between the in order to supply dinner for the family as it is for different species (see Section 2.1.5.1). a firm manufacturing burgers. But unlike ordinary The collection of data on hunting effort is economic goods, the size of an exploited popula- useful; but not advisable for use in assessments of tion is affected (through hunting effort) by the CPUE, as this is too fraught with difficulties. amount of the good that hunters wish to supply. Instead, hunting effort data is useful for the Two functions need to be estimated in order to assessment of the economics of hunting, and thus estimate the amount of a good supplied to a for assessing sustainability from the economic market. One is how the costs of supply vary with side. This is covered in Section 3. the amount produced. The other is how the quantity demanded varies with the price of the good. Together, these functions determine the THE ECONOMICS OF HUNTING equilibrium price of the good. The shapes of these [SECTION 3] functions have implications for how the market responds to regulations that aim to reduce the In this section, I move on to the issue of how the supply of the good, such as hunting quotas. Thus, number of individuals that hunters wish to kill is the shapes of an exploited good’s supply and determined. In Section 3.1, I describe simple demand functions have important implications for economic models of supply and demand and policies that aim to promote its conservation and relate them to the market for bushmeat. I discuss sustainable use. the factors which determine the quantity of a good The market model of supply and demand that is supplied or demanded, including the price describes the relationship between costs and of the good, consumer incomes, and the prices of prices and the quantity of the good supplied and substitute goods. I then develop the models demanded. It can be used to derive the equilib- introduced in Section 2 to predict the equilibrium rium price and quantity of the good supplied. It is size of a hunted population, depending on a static equilibrium analysis, like the previous whether there is a sole owner or whether there is simple bio-economic model, meaning that the open access to all who wish to hunt. In Section

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE long-term equilibrium is being described, not the

132 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest dynamics of getting there. The basic model is shown in Figure 10.7. Demand is assumed to slope downwards with the quantity consumed. If a good is very hard to obtain, consumers are prepared to pay a very high price per unit for it. If the market is swamped with a good, all the consumers have enough and are not prepared to pay much for it. Conversely, the supply curve usually slopes upwards because the higher the price, the more of the good the supplier wishes to sell. The equilibrium is reached in this way: If the price is too high, the suppliers produce more of the good than is wanted. In order to clear excess stock, they cut their prices, which has the dual effect of increasing the Figure 10.7: The market model of supply and demand. amount of the good that consumers demand and The supply and demand curves intersect at the market equilibrium. The equilibrium price, P , and quantity decreasing the amount that they wish to supply. E demanded, Q , are shown. Similarly, if the prices are too low, there is excess E demand that is unsatisfied. Suppliers increase the The major external variables affecting price, which both cuts the amount of the good demand are the price of related goods, consumer the consumers want and increases the amount income, and consumer tastes. Related goods can suppliers want to supply, and equilibrium is be substitutes or complements. For example, the reached. In a competitive market, the equilibrium prices of rhino horn, water buffalo horn, and is reached automatically through individuals saiga antelope horn on the traditional Chinese pursuing their own best interests. In a non- medicine market, are probably linked because competitive market, the equilibrium is not saiga antelope horn and water buffalo horn are reached automatically. A sole supplier of a good being promoted as possible substitutes for rhino has the power to set the price of the good. If the horn. However, saiga antelope horn is generally sole supplier is a private monopolist, the price is used in traditional medicines as a complement to set at whichever level maximizes the firm’s private rhino horn. profits. This is not usually at the socially optimal Consumer income can be a major influence level, where the supply and demand curves cross, on demand for a good. In fact, it seems that in but at a higher price instead, leaving demand Japan, consumer income was the only significant unsatisfied. determinant of demand for ivory over the period Because bushmeat is a perishable good, prices; 1950-85, while the price of ivory had no discern- may vary through the day as meat quality declines ible effect (Milner-Gulland 1993). This informa- near the end of the day; the supplier may have to tion is important not only for those planning sell at a low price in order to clear stock that ivory cartels but also in predicting possible future would be unsaleable the next day. Some solutions increases in demand for ivory as other Asian to this problem include smoking the meat or countries become richer. Changes in consumer carrying it on ice, as a way of extending its tastes can also be important as was demonstrated saleable life. by the virtual shutting down of the markets for furs in the UK and for ivory in the EU and USA. DEMAND (SECTION 3.1.2) Explanations for a change in the quantity of Price is highlighted in this model because it both bushmeat demanded as an isolated community determines the quantity supplied and is deter- integrates into the general economy might thus mined by the quantity demanded, while the other include a decrease in the price of substitute goods, variables are externally determined in the wider as meat from domestic livestock becomes cheaper, economy. In the model, changes in these external causing a decrease in the quantity of bushmeat variables shift the supply and demand curves to demanded as its price becomes relatively higher. the left or right, thus affecting the equilibrium Changes in tastes may decrease the quantity of price and quantity. bushmeat demanded if other meats become more ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 133 socially acceptable. The income effect is more other good demanded, and Eij is positive. If the ambiguous; as incomes increase in the commu- goods are complements, like fish hooks and nity, the amount of bushmeat eaten may increase fishing line, an increase in the price of one good more or less than the increase in income, or even should decrease the quantity of the other good

decrease. The parameter that determines the demanded, and Eij is negative. The income degree to which each of these competing influ- elasticity of demand measures how a change in ences affects the quantity of bushmeat demanded income affects the amount of a good demanded. is the elasticity of the demand curve to these The income elasticity of most goods is greater factors. than zero, so the amount demanded increases as The price elasticity of demand measures the people’s incomes increase. These are called

responsiveness of demand to changes in price. It “normal goods.” “Luxury goods” have EI>1, so an is defined as the percentage change in the increase in income leads to a more than propor- quantity of a good demanded with a 1% change tional increase in the amount of the good in price. A 1% fall in price that leads to a 2% demanded. Ivory and foreign travel are examples increase in the quantity demanded has an of luxury goods. If a good is particularly associ- elasticity of -2. Elasticity is related to the slope of ated with poverty (an “inferior good”), as some a curve; but unlike the slope, it is dimensionless. bushmeat may be, then an increase in income This allows elasticities to be compared between leads to a decrease in the amount of the good

goods with different units and between different- demanded (EI<0).

sized markets. If the demand for a good is The price elasticity of demand, EP, is largely “elastic” with respect to price, this means that the determined by how easy it is to substitute another quantity demanded is strongly affected by price, good for the good in question. If there are a lot of and the magnitude of the elasticity is greater than similar goods, demand is elastic because a small 1. If demand for a good is inelastic, the quantity price increase causes consumers to switch to the demanded is not greatly affected by price, and the substitute goods. Tastes and social customs are magnitude of the elasticity is less than 1 (Figure also important. For example, if a product is 10.8). regarded as frivolous, then consumers have elastic Elasticity is most conveniently calculated using the demand for it and buy much less of it if the price formula below, for small ∆P: rises. If the product is seen as a necessity, people continue to demand it despite price rises — it has ∆Q inelastic demand. Long-run demand tends to be ε ≈− Q (Eq.15) p ∆P more elastic than short-run demand because, in P the long run, consumers can change their where ∆ means a change in a variable, | | means behavior and substitutes can be found, while in the magnitude of a variable (regardless of sign), P the short run, continuing to use a good despite price increases might be unavoidable. is the price, Q is the quantity demanded, and EP is the price elasticity of demand. SUPPLY [SECTION 3.1.3] Similar equations can be derived for any other The production function defines the relationship elasticity. For example, the cross-price elasticity of between the amount of the good produced and demand (how demand for a good i changes with the costs involved in producing it. In the simple respect to changes in the price of another good j) bio-economic model discussed in section 2.1.3, ∆ is: Qi ,while the income (I) elasticity of the production function was assumed to be linear; ε ≈ Qi ij ∆ the total cost of producing the good increased Pj P linearly as the amount of effort put into hunting it j ∆ Q increased. This relationship was simplistic in that demand is: ε ≈ Q . The cross-price elasticity of I ∆I it assumed constant marginal costs– the cost per I demand measures how strongly the demand for unit of effort was constant however much effort one good is affected by changes in the price of was exerted. This is unlikely to be true because for another good. If the goods are substitutes, such as example, there are often economies of scale. As the beef and bushmeat, an increase in the price of scale of a hunting operation increases, it is possible one good should increase the quantity of the to introduce cost-saving technologies like larger

CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE boats or better guns. The model also assumed no

134 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest fixed costs. This can be unrealistic, particularly for commercial hunting, because some costs, such as the maintenance of hunting equipment or the salaries of managers, need to be paid regardless of the amount of hunting that occurs. However, small-scale subsistence hunting is unlikely to have many fixed costs. The model also assumed a constant price throughout. This is a fair, short-term assumption for open access hunters supplying only a small quantity of a good to a large market. But if a significant proportion of the market is being described, or if prices change through time, then the assumption of fixed prices is not tenable, irrespective of whether the hunting is done in an Figure 10.810.8: Inelastic and elastic demand curves. If open-access system or by a monopolist. demand is inelastic, a small change in price leads to a small change in quantity demanded, while if demand Like the demand curve, the supply curve is is elastic, a small change in price leads to a large also affected by variables other than price. These change in quantity demanded. variables include technology, input costs, and regulations. Improvements in technology shift the economic model is needed to capture these two supply curve to the right because they make it sides of the coin. Analyzing the economics of possible to supply more of a good at a given price. hunting leads to insights into the likely equilib- This can be crucial to the sustainability of rium size of exploited populations under a range hunting because the model predicts that techno- of market conditions. This range includes the logical improvements such as better, more situation when a sole manager has full control of modern weapons will increase the equilibrium the hunting of the resource, as well as when quantity exploited. Finally, regulations affect the hunting is an uncontrolled free-for-all. supply curve, preventing producers from adopt- The level of hunting can be predicted by ing otherwise cheaper technologies, and thus adding a term for the profits made from hunting moving the supply curve to the left, leading to to the population model. The profits made from higher equilibrium prices and lower quantities hunting are calculated as the revenues from supplied. Regulations requiring hunters to use hunting, which depend on the yield, minus the traditional weapons would have this effect. costs of hunting, which depend on the effort MacKinnon (1998) discusses programs in Irian expended. Costs are defined rather differently in Jaya, Indonesia, where local hunters have economics than in ordinary life, using the collaborated with a conservation organization to concept of opportunity costs. The opportunity cost develop regulations that limit hunting to tradi- of an action is the cost of not doing whatever you tional weapons. This allows the locals to continue could have done instead of what you decided to to hunt in their usual way but makes it illegal for do. The costs of hunting include not only the outsiders to come into the area and hunt game direct outlays involved but also the costs of the using more efficient technologies. hunter’s time. The opportunity cost of working as a hunter is the wage the hunter would have PROFITABILITY AND THE MARKET received in the best-paying alternative employ- [SECTION 3.1.4] ment. If the hunter’s revenues are not covering In Section 2.1.3, the level of hunting effort was this wage, then it would be better to leave introduced as an important determinant of the hunting and move into the best-paying alterna- yield obtained from hunting a population. Here tive employment instead. Thus, “profits” actually we explore what determines the level of effort that means the extra money that the hunter is earning hunters wish to expend. So far, effort has been over and above that which can be earned in other treated as an externally determined parameter. feasible jobs. This definition of costs is important However, in the real world, the sustainability of when one considers that individuals in economi- natural resource use is not determined arbitrarily, cally undeveloped areas may not have much but by the interplay between the biology of the alternative employment other than hunting exploited species and market forces. A bio- wildlife; thus their opportunity costs are very low. Individuals in areas with more developed IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 135 economies have more employment opportunities as strange an assumption as it appears, due to and so higher opportunity costs. Other things opportunity costs — zero profits mean that being equal, over-exploitation is more likely when hunters are earning the same as they would earn opportunity costs are low, because low costs lead in the best-paying alternative profession possible to an equilibrium point at lower population sizes for them. At equilibrium, the population growth and higher hunter numbers than would be the rate is zero because the population is stable. So we case in an area with alternative employment can write: available. − = The integration of a hunting community into Profits are zero: pqEN cE 0 (Eq.17) the wider economy is likely to have two impor-  N Population growth in zero: rN10−  −=qEN tant effects on costs, which work in opposite  K directions: increasing opportunity costs because the opportunities for wage-earning employment Rearrange and substitute: improve, and decreasing actual costs of hunting ⇒=c r  c  N ∞ E∞ =−1  due to the introduction of new technology. pq q  pqK  Frequently the latter outweighs the former. Many

fisheries follow the pattern of gradual cost where N00 is the population size at equilibrium,

reduction as their equipment improves, contrib- and E00 is the equilibrium level of effort. The

uting to the over-exploitation of a once lightly solution, E00, is shown in Figure 10.9, along with exploited resource. However, Freehling & Marks the solution obtained under the assumption that (1998) describe the opposite effect. In the instead of being zero, profits are maximized.

Luangwa Valley, Zambia, in the first half of this This is denoted by EP and occurs when the century, the use of muzzle-loading guns became distance between the revenue curve and the cost widespread because the guns were a symbol of curve (revenues minus costs) is maximized. An prestige. However, the adoption of this new important observation is that the profit-maximiz- technology reduced the hunting success of local ing solution occurs at a lower effort level (and so hunters, compared to using traditional weapons a higher population size) than the zero-profit like snares and poisoned arrows. A simple solution. It also occurs at a population size above assumption about profits is that: the MSY level. Hunting at the MSY level was a standard management recommendation until recently. We have seen that it is an unsafe strategy biologically, due to the semi-stable nature of the where Π is the profit from hunting, p is the price equilibrium. We now see that it is not likely to be per unit of offtake (usually per individual killed), the most profitable strategy either. The inclusion and c is the cost per unit of effort expended (for of the costs of hunting, which increase as stock example, the cost of a day’s hunting). The yield size decreases, means that maintaining a larger from hunting, H, is qEN (Equation 3). Equation population size is a better strategy for the profit- 16 implies that the total costs of hunting increase maximizing hunter than hunting at MSY. as population size decreases, because more effort is Hunting at MSY is a profit-maximizing strategy if required to hunt low density populations. costs are zero or unrelated to population size. Equations 2 and 16 can be combined to produce a Otherwise, MSY will be neither popular with complete bio-economic model of the equilibrium conservationists nor adopted by hunters, however state of the hunting system. A bio-economic convenient it might be mathematically.

equilibrium involves two separate equilibria: The zero-profit equilibrium E¥ is sustainable, biological and economic. The biological equilib- in as much as it is a stable equilibrium if the rium occurs when the number exploited equals environment is deterministic and the stock- the population growth rate, so the population size production relationship is smooth. However, is constant over time. The economic equilibrium hunting at the zero-profit level is unsatisfactory occurs when the amount of effort expended is both for biological and economic reasons. The constant over time, because the individual hunters resource is biologically over-exploited if the cannot improve their profits by increasing or equilibrium point is on the descending portion of decreasing their effort. One common assumption the revenues curve, which happens if hunting is that at equilibrium, profits are zero. This is not costs are sufficiently low. The population might CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

136 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest be in danger of sudden collapse from stochastic events, and in any case the productivity of the resource will be very low. Also, it would be more Total Revenues economically efficient both for the hunters and for society if the profits from hunting were Total Costs maximized, rather than dissipated. When benefits from the resource are being lost, the resource is considered economically over-exploited. Yield ($) The key determinant of whether hunters maximize profits or dissipate them is the market structure of the industry. One extreme of market structure is when a sole owner has full control of E E the resource and can set the hunting level - a Harvesting Effort monopoly. In this case, the producer can choose any price to charge, knowing that the amount of Figure10.9: Equilibria for the bio-economic model. Revenues the good that consumers will buy depends on the are related parabolically to effort, while costs are linearly related to effort. Profit is the area between the two curves price set. The owner could be a private indi- (Revenues-Costs). The equilibria shown are the profit- vidual, a community, or the state. A likely aim of dissipating equilibrium E¥ and the profit-maximizing level EP. a sole owner is to maximize profits and thus to hunt at the profit-maximizing equilibrium E . We P resemble one or the other more closely. In are making important assumptions here, particu- particular, a competitive market can develop larly that prices are fixed at a constant value and even when there are only two producers present, that there is no time dimension. The other if they are engaged in a price war which drives extreme is that the resource is open access; anyone profits down to zero. can hunt it. This leads to the other extreme of The bio-economic models described so far hunting at E , because as long as there are profits ¥ give a static result rather than a dynamic equilib- to be made, new hunters enter the industry. If rium. In other words, there is no mention of time losses are being made, some hunters leave the In particular, there is no account taken of how industry. The equilibrium number of hunters, long it might take to reach equilibrium. Time is and so the equilibrium effort level, is when profits important because resource owners trade off are exactly zero. Open access hunting is also present and future revenues. Another way to known as hunting under conditions of “perfect describe market structure is to incorporate time competition.” The price in an open access market preference (Clark 1990). Under perfect competi- is generally lower than the price in an equivalent tion, producers are effectively placing a value of monopoly market. zero on future revenues. If the resource is open to Specific conditions must be fulfilled if an anyone who wishes to exploit it, then the hunters industry is to operate at the extremes of either look only to short-term gains and have no interest monopoly or perfect competition (Begg et al. in increasing future productivity, because 1984). For perfect competition to exist, indi- individuals that one hunter leaves to replenish vidual buyers and sellers must have no influence future stocks will simply be exploited by another. at all on the market price for the good. Then an Thus the effort level is E , the open access individual can just assume that the price of the ¥ equilibrium shown in Figure 10.9. Monopolists good is given, however much of it they personally are able to profit-maximize over time, because buy or sell. This happens when there are a large they are sure that the increased future yields will number of individual buyers and sellers, each be there for them and will not be taken by selling an identical product. Many cases of small- someone else. Thus a monopoly hunter should scale hunting probably fit this scenario fairly well. preserve a larger population size than an open Monopoly markets are found wherever there are access hunting system. How much larger the barriers to entry into resource hunting, which population size is depends on the monopolist’s may be caused by the type of resource, or by discount rate (the rate at which value declines regulation or legislation. Most markets are over time, equivalent to an interest rate). A somewhere between these two extremes of person with a zero discount rate would hunt at E . monopoly and open access, although they usually P EP is thus the most conservative effort level, IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 137 which is only adopted by hunters who value the the next (Kaplan & Hill 1992), what size groups future equally with the present. With a discount hunters should forage in (Clark & Mangel 1986), rate between zero and infinity (as is usual), the and how the arrival of more efficient hunting optimal population size depends on the discount technology might influence these decisions rate — the higher the discount rate, the lower the (Alvard & Kaplan 1991). optimal population size. An important point These studies have some important messages raised by Clark (1973) is that it can be in the for conservation. There has been a tendency long-term interests of the sole owner of a among some anthropologists to create an image exploited population to hunt it to extinction. This of the “ecologically noble savage” (Redford only happens under rather special conditions, the 1990), whose resource use decisions are assumed main one being that the growth rate of the to be based on the motive of conserving that population is always below the prevailing interest resource. Detailed studies of hunting and rate in the economy. This could be a problem for gathering decisions have used the framework of very slow-growing resources that potentially will foraging theory to show that this is not the case never yield a competitive return on an owner’s (Alvard 1993). For example, it has been observed investment. The rapid depletion of the popula- that Amazonian hunters typically do not hunt in tion is then an economically rational act. depleted areas, which are usually areas close to settlements. They usually move on to new areas Individual Decision-Making about Hunting when the vicinity is getting depleted of prey. This [Section 3.2] is consistent with conservation, but is also An individual hunter is working within the consistent with optimal foraging models, which framework of a market and is exploiting a resource predict that hunters should not spend time in less that others may also be able to access. These profitable areas (Hames 1987). However, if considerations have important implications for hunters are simply maximizing hunting returns, sustainability. But the way in which individuals they should always take prey from the depleted make decisions about their hunting behavior may areas opportunistically as they pass through, also have important consequences, for example on which is what they have been shown to do how they decide where to hunt, how many to (Alvard 1995a). Further, these models, based hunt on a given day, and how they react to ultimately on fitness maximization, stress that regulations about hunting. In this section, we traditional populations must be seen as groups of discuss the foraging theory approach to predicting individuals, where each person is trying to hunting behavior and how economic models can maximize individual fitness or the fitness of very be used to predict hunters’ reactions to law close kin. Evolutionary models do not predict enforcement. that such individuals will make sacrifices for the good of the wider group. A more likely explana- FORAGING THEORY [SECTION 3.2.1] tion for the many examples of traditional foragers One important type of model for individual hunting resources sustainably is limited technol- decision-making comes from optimal foraging ogy, low population growth, and distance from theory. The theory was developed in behavioral markets. There are also examples of traditional ecology to examine how animals might be communities cooperating to set rules limiting expected to behave when foraging to maximize hunts in places where resource scarcity has their biological fitness (Krebs & Davies 1991). become an issue (McCay & Acheson 1990), but Fitness is not measured directly, but a currency this involves individual fitness maximization as assumed to approximate to fitness, such as the rate well. The members of a small closed community of energy intake while hunting, is assumed to be are likely either to be relatives or to have long- maximized. Most of the models that have been term interactions with each other. Relatives may used only consider maximizing hunting rate over cooperate because helping kin also increases an the short-term. The theory has been successfully individual’s fitness. Game theory predicts that used to analyze the behavior of foraging people. unrelated individuals within communities will Precise predictions can be made about foraging cooperate to keep hunting sustainable only under decisions, such as which prey types a hunter rather specific conditions. Important consider- should hunt and which the hunter should ignore, ations that determine when cooperation is likely when a forager should move on from one patch to to develop and be stable are when there are few CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

138 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest people involved so that deals can easily be struck A key component for understanding how and compliance monitored, when there is different law enforcement policies work is the communication between individuals, and when theory of how individual decision-makers chose the “game” between the same individuals is whether or not to undertake an illegal activity. iterated over time, not just played once. This has been studied in the economic theory of Thus, theory suggests that small communities law (Becker 1968, Eide 1994). The theory was that interact with each other over a long period of first developed to understand the behavior of time are the most likely to develop rules promot- burglars in the USA. No empirical testing of its ing sustainable hunting. These results mirror applicability to natural resource use has been those found by researchers working on the carried out. However, the results of these studies evolutionary stability of reciprocal altruism in do have direct relevance to the problems of animal populations (Trivers 1971). Recent resource management. A person’s attitude to risk initiatives in conservation promote the idea that is an important determinant of the decisions they by giving communities control over, and benefits make. from, wildlife (in the form of schools or clinics, The most analytically convenient assumption for example), sustainability of wildlife use can be to make is that people are risk-neutral — they promoted. However, Gibson & Marks (1995) calculate the monetary values of the possible used a game-theoretic framework to illustrate how outcomes of a risky decision and weight them by important individual, rather than community- the probability of occurrence to find the optimal based, incentives for hunters are: individuals will decision. However, if people are not risk-neutral, only comply with rules that benefit the commu- this is not a valid approximation of their behavior nity as a whole if the benefits that they obtain as when considering whether to undertake a risky individuals outweigh their costs (Mesterton- enterprise. People are generally risk-averse. Poor Gibbons and Milner-Gulland 1998). people who are barely surviving might be more prepared to take risky decisions, such as poaching LAW ENFORCEMENT AND THE ECONOMICS OF in a protected area or hunting unsustainably, to HUNTING [SECTION 3.2.2] survive. Those who are slightly better off are Many of the crucial questions about how to make generally more risk-averse, tending to act resource use sustainable revolve around illegal conservatively. Usually only relatively well-off exploitation. The options for a manager of a people are prepared to gamble with new, perhaps resource that is being illegally and unsustainably more sustainable, methods of resource use. exploited include attempting to stop the resource A person’s attitude to risk and uncertainty is a use entirely, legalizing the resource use and then crucial determinant of the mix of activities trying to find ways to regulate it at sustainable undertaken — a risky, high-return crime versus a levels, and attempting to contain illegal resource safe, legitimate job. The amount of risk involved use at sustainable levels through law enforcement. in the crime and the amount of security in The last option, though rather unsatisfactory, is legitimate employment varies with the type of the one that is usually arrived at de facto, when crime and the social circumstances of the person insufficient funds lead to imperfect enforcement. involved. In general, a risk-averse person under- Game theory can be used to model the incentives takes a greater proportion of legitimate activity for people to break the law, particularly when than a risk-lover. As Cook (1977) pointed out, members of the same community are both law- illegal activity also has a threshold caused by breakers and law-enforcers. Mesterton-Gibbons respect for the law and social opprobrium, which (1993) describes a community irrigation scheme is not easily quantified and varies with the type of in which people take turns to guard the water crime. In the economic theory of law, the law- supply, and members of the community have the breaker is seen as a rational utility maximizer in opportunity to cheat by stealing extra water for an uncertain world, that is, as risk-neutral. There their own crops. He uses game theory to show that has been strong resistance to the idea that law- whether stealing is optimal or not depends on breakers act in a rational economic way (Eide how much extra benefit the stealers receive. If the 1994), but poachers are perhaps more likely than probability of the supply failing is high enough, it most to act this way, either because they are is optimal to be trustworthy, even when there is already hunting legally and are weighing up no one guarding the water supply. whether to take a bit extra, or because their social ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 139 climate is relatively positive towards poaching, the theory. Freehling and Marks (1998) show and they feel they have a right to hunt their local how hunter behavior in the Luangwa Valley, resources. Abbot and Mace (1999) describe how Zambia, has changed as law enforcement has law enforcement aimed at regulating fuelwood increased. They now tend to use less easily gathering in Lake Malawi National Park came detected snares, rather than guns, and are more under strain for this reason. Most women have no secretive in their consumption of meat. Simple source of fuel available to them other than bio-economic models of hunting can be altered to firewood from the park. Collecting wood from incorporate the risk of capture and a fine into the the park is legal, provided an inexpensive permit costs of hunting (Sutinen & Anderson 1985). is purchased from park authorities. Due to the Mazany, Charles, and Cross (1989) modeled the poverty of the women, the permits have to be likely extent of illegal fishing in a situation where extremely cheap. But the women resented any there was a legal fishing quota, with imperfect expenditure; they felt they had an historical right enforcement. People who fish above their quota to collect wood in the area. As society in general face an expectation of a fine, expressed as the fine agreed with the women’s view, penalties for illegal received multiplied by the perceived probability wood collection were rarely imposed on transgres- of receiving it. The hunter’s short-term profit- sors. This meant that it was not economically maximization (in an open-access situation) then rational for women to purchase permits, and they becomes: rarely did so. Eventually, the park scaled down −−ℑθ enforcement of the permit scheme. max E []pH cE (Eq.18) Several factors are likely to reduce the crime rate: an increase in the perceived probability or where p is the price per unit of output; H; E is severity of punishment, a decrease in the profits all the inputs to production, not just effort; c is made from the crime, or an increase in the the cost per unit input; and q is the probability of opportunity cost of crime through improved receiving the fine Á. q is assumed to depend on wages elsewhere. Studies seem to show a strong the amount of input E. Á can be expressed as a deterrent effect of the probabilities of being function of either input or output. The profit- caught and convicted but are contradictory as to maximizing condition found by Mazany, Charles, whether the severity of the sentence has a and Cross (1989) for Equation 11 was: deterrent effect. It is the perceived severity of the =+[]θθ ℑ+ℑ (Eq.19) sentence before the crime is committed that is the pHEEHH c H relevant factor affecting incentives to commit

crimes. If a prison sentence is given, the person’s where HE means the partial differential of H discount rate and time horizon (the distance into with respect to E. This is equivalent to the profit- the future they look) affect the sentence’s maximizing condition found for the standard perceived severity. With a positive discount rate, model, but with the addition of a term for the one year in gaol with a probability of 0.2 is a marginal change in the expected fine with a worse option than two years with a probability of change in the output H. The mathematical 0.1 (Cook 1977), because the second year in analysis assumes that the decision-maker is risk- prison is valued less highly than the first. With a neutral, because it assumes that the cost of the short time-horizon, 10 years in prison may look fine is the expected monetary value of that fine. exactly the same as 5 years. This discounting, We have already seen that reality is more complex together with the empirical evidence, suggests than this. The model also assumes that the actual that with a limited budget, it could be better to fine and the probability of capture have equal concentrate on increasing the perceived probabil- weight in calculating the expected fine, implying ity of detection than to spend the same amount that the policy-maker can increase the expected on housing prisoners for long periods. fine in two equally good ways: increase the Natural resource users’ attitudes to law probability of capture or increase the fine. enforcement measures have been little-studied. As increasing the probability of capture is Sutinen and Gauvin (1989) show that the rate of expensive, the strategy of lobbying for increased violation of regulations by lobster fishermen in penalties has been a common reaction of wildlife Massachusetts varied with the perceived probabil- authorities to unsustainable poaching (Leader- ity of detection and conviction, as predicted by Williams & Milner-Gulland 1993). But the CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

140 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest socio-economic studies discussed above suggest be used in an assessment of biological that the best strategy to achieve effective law sustainability (see Section 2). However, it is still enforcement is to increase the perceived prob- virtually useless for assessing economic ability of detection. This whole discussion is sustainability. The biological analogy would be made more complex by the involvement of collecting data from an area on population several authorities with different priorities and density alone. This is crucial data, without which budgetary arrangements. Crime-reduction one cannot go any further, but by itself, is not initiatives taken by law enforcement officials may useful. not be supported by the judiciary in sentencing. Other studies look at bushmeat demand on a For example, in Zambia, concern about the loss household level, assessing the amount of meat of elephants and rhinos, and about ivory and that a household eats in a given period (for horn trafficking, led the government to intro- example, Wilkie & Carpenter 1999, Njiforti duce mandatory 5-15 year prison sentences for 1996). This is another useful measure of current elephant and rhino poachers in 1982. After 1982, offtake that can be used to assess biological magistrates did tend to deliver more prison sustainability (as done by Njiforti 1996), but in sentences to elephant and rhino offenders, but itself, says nothing about the dynamics of not all of them received prison sentences. Those demand. The main case in which it is necessary to who did receive prison sentences received only obtain estimates of household bushmeat require- short ones, of a few months. The maximum ments is when hunting has a subsistence compo- length given over the first three years of the new nent, rather than being purely for sale or ex- law was 36 months. The legislation that was change. Even then, it is the households of the required to increase the penalties was slow and hunters that are relevant, not the households of difficult to enact, meeting much opposition. purchasers. Once in place, it has been widely ignored by the Clayton et al. (1997) calculate the long-term magistrates and has failed to curb poaching. The equilibrium population sizes of two wild pig rhino population of the Luangwa Valley declined populations under open access harvesting. Thus rapidly to near-extinction over the same period as their model does involve both the economic and the new legislation was coming into force the biological sides of hunting. They identify (Leader-Williams et al. 1990). transport costs as key determinants of the equilibrium wild pig population size and hunting Assessing the Economics of Bushmeat level. However, they assume a constant price of Hunting [Section 3.3] wild pig meat in their calculations. Although PREVIOUS STUDIES [SECTION 3.3.1] their short run market observations did suggest Much less work has been published in the that this was the case (Clayton & Milner- conservation literature on the economics of Gulland, 2000), longer run data on the market bushmeat hunting than on the biological are needed to give a full picture of the supply of sustainability of hunting. This is also true in the and demand for wild pig meat in their study fisheries literature. Research on the behavior of system. fishers and the dynamics of markets for fish has a A number of researchers have collected data much lower profile than that on fish stock on the behavior of hunters, showing how dynamics. However, if the system is to be fully individuals choose which animals to target and understood so that adequate assessments of how they make use of their hunting areas. These sustainability can be made, then the economic data are often suggestive of the impacts of and social sides of sustainability must also be hunting on surrounding animal populations, considered. typically showing depletion near villages, or Many of those studies that do exist report the changes over time in the distance that hunters quantity of bushmeat found in a market. They need to travel to catch their prey. They can also usually break this down by species and report illustrate the effects of changes in technology on quantities over time or in different markets in the offtake rates. Good examples of this kind of study area (such as Juste et al. 1995). On its own, such are Marks (1994), Alvard (1995b), Collel et al. information tells us little. If quantities found in a (1994), and Hofer et al. (in press). These studies market can be related to the offtake of hunters can be very useful in assessing hunter effort and from a particular area, then the information can showing how various factors (such as law ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 141 enforcement) can influence it. But these results which kind of data to collect so as to allow future at the individual level need to be translated up to researchers to carry out studies on other aspects of the market and population levels before they the system. One way to approach the issue is to become useful for assessing overall sustainability: divide it into two components: studies of the How many individuals are likely to wish to go incentives facing individual hunters and studies of hunting at a given set of market prices and the dynamics of the market and consumer choice. hunting costs, and how does the total number of Broadly, these can be thought of as addressing the hunters interact with the price of the good and supply side and the demand side of the market. the quantity on sale in the market? How does the The way in which individual incentives translate behavior of all the hunters in the area interact up the market level depends on the market with the population sizes of their prey? Milner- structure. This also needs to be addressed. Gulland and Leader-Williams (1992) use an analysis of the costs and benefits of ivory hunting MARKET STRUCTURE [SECTION 3.3.2] at the level of the individual gang to predict how As the market structure is an overriding influence many elephants and rhinos would be left in the on how hunting proceeds, it is useful to assess it Luangwa Valley area of Zambia at the open access first. Generally, bushmeat hunting would be equilibrium. However, their job was made easier expected to be competitive, leading to open access by the fact that ivory is an internationally traded behavior (see Section 3.1.4). It is probably a fair good, so that the quantity of ivory removed from assumption that open access conditions prevail one area is unlikely to affect the price; thus a fixed unless there are obvious barriers to entry into price could be assumed. If bushmeat hunting is bushmeat hunting. Such barriers include commu- for the local market, then this is unlikely to be the nity-level controls such as the handing down of a case. gun through a lineage, with hunters only being Other studies have assessed the impacts of allowed to operate after training by the previous external factors on hunting effort, and thus have owner of the gun (Freehling & Marks 1998). direct relevance to policy. For example, Jachmann Intimidation by other hunters, such as is practiced and Billiouw (1997) and Martin (1996) look at by lobster fishermen in parts of the United States the effects of law enforcement spending on (McCay & Acheson 1990) is another example. elephant and rhino poaching. They show that Barriers such as access to capital to buy equipment there was a direct relationship between spending to hunt or to transport the meat to market may on informant networks and the number of hunter also exist. If barriers to entry do exist, there may arrests (used as a proxy for the amount of be imperfect competition operating, leading to poaching activity). Dublin et al. (1995) looked at hunters being able to make super-normal profits, the effect of spending on law enforcement in and to a more complex analysis being required. general on detected poaching rates and found Otherwise, the system will tend towards an open that there is a positive effect. The main problem access equilibrium, with profits at zero (so that with this kind of study is that the rate of illegal there is no incentive to enter or leave the hunting hunting detected is not a suitable proxy for the profession and hunter numbers remain stable). actual illegal hunting rate: at low levels of law Assuming an open-access equilibrium is precau- enforcement, detection rate will be low and tionary, inasmuch as it predicts lower population hunting rate high, while at high levels of law sizes than would be expected with imperfect enforcement, detection rate will be high but competition. If an assessment of hunter profits hunting rate low. Other studies looking at the shows that they are not making super-normal impact of external changes on hunting effort profits, and that the total number of hunters in an include Ayres et al. (1991), who looked at the area has remained roughly stable over time effects of a new road on hunting yields and diets, (despite individuals entering and leaving the and Wilkie et al. (1992) who assessed the effects industry), then this suggests that open access of a logging concession on hunting rates. equilibrium has been reached. If, however, as is The requirements for a full economic analysis the case for wild pig hunting in Sulawesi (Clayton of bushmeat harvesting are rather extensive, and I & Milner-Gulland 2000), dealers are making have yet to see a study that carries one out. super-normal profits and the number of dealers is However, even if a particular study does not aim expanding rapidly, this suggests that the system is to carry out a full analysis, it is useful to know in disequilibrium and hunting pressure will CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE continue to increase in the short term.

142 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest One important consideration is the structure inputs) translates to a given level of offtake. In of the supply chain. It is important to identify the the simplest case, one could assume that hunters decision-maker: the person whose incentives lay snares in an area and that for a particular affect the number of animals killed. It is at this species, the more snares that are laid, or the more level that the economic analysis should be carried individuals of that species there are in the area, out. In the case of wild pig hunting, this is the the greater the offtake. Equation 3 shows a linear dealer, not the hunter. The hunter can be treated relationship of this kind. However, hunter effectively as an employee. In the case of elephant behavior cannot always be assumed to be this and rhino hunting, two types of poacher were simple. If, for example, they stalk their prey and identified: organized gangs who were hired by a are able to maximize the chances of killing a middleman and were similarly best thought of as particular species, then more complex formula- employees, and local poachers who themselves tions for the production function will be re- decided when to go hunting (Milner-Gulland & quired. It is particularly important that when a Leader-Williams 1992). If the trade structure is hunter targets more than one species, all the complex, with a number of middlemen and thus species are included in this analysis. Often, it is a number of different markets, analysis can be found that when hunters kill several species difficult; this is the case for internationally traded together, the slowest growing species can be goods like ivory and rattan. In this case, it may exterminated while the hunter is still making not be possible to attempt a full assessment of good profits from the other species (Section trade economics and sustainability. If hunting is 2.1.5.1). Similarly, if hunters change their by local people for local consumption, with no selections as different species become more scarce complex supply chain, then market structure is (by actively targeting progressively smaller-bodied relatively easily analyzed and a full assessment is species, not just taking species in the proportion feasible. that they encounter them), then this needs to be modeled in the production function. INDIVIDUAL HUNTER INCENTIVES [SECTION 3.3.3] Once the function relating a given level of A study of individual-level hunter incentives aims inputs to a given level of outputs has been to estimate the production function of bushmeat specified, then the next step is to put a cost on the hunting (how a given set of inputs is combined to inputs. Costs may be fixed or variable. In the case produce a particular level of output). The of bushmeat hunting, where technology is production function is estimated for a particular generally simple and people are self-employed, hunting method; this is usually assumed to be the there are few fixed costs. This means that the optimal method (because the hunters have chosen costs can be expressed per unit of input (for to use it). But if there are several methods in use, example, per day’s hunting) or, more conve- each could be assessed for its cost-effectiveness for niently, per unit of output (per animal killed). different types of game (for example, Noss 1997). Costs do not necessarily need to be expressed in A study of hunters’ production functions can be monetary terms. If the hunting is purely subsis- used to assess the effectiveness of interventions at tence in a non-market economy, then it is the individual level, such as banning a particular perfectly feasible to express costs in terms of a kind of weapon, increasing law enforcement metric such as time. But if the offtake will be sold patrols, or preventing logging companies from or is a substitute for meat that would otherwise allowing their vehicles to be used by hunters. have had to be bought, then money is the best However, effects of interventions at the individual metric to use. If the hunter has a number of level do not always translate up simply to the income-generating activities as well as hunting, it market level. By including information on prices, can be useful to compare the inputs and outputs a study such as this can predict the profit that a from each of these activities to gain an under- hunter would make at a given price level. This standing of how the hunter determines how prediction can then be combined with informa- much effort to invest in each activity (for tion on market structure and demand to make a example, Noss 1997). full economic model. In order to calculate the costs of hunting, each The first issue to address is hunter behavior, component of cost must be assessed and included. which affects how a given level of effort (or ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 143 For example, in the case of wild pig hunting, the profession, a hunter’s costs should add up to data were collected on the costs of one week-long the amount he is paid by the dealer. The equip- trip to buy wild pigs for sale in the market ment needed to make a snare is just string and (Clayton & Milner-Gulland 2000). These costs natural materials. So their only cost is the (at 1995 prices and wild pig population sizes) are opportunity cost of time: the time taken to walk made up of the following components: into the forest and walk out again carrying the week’s worth of pigs for sale to the dealer and the Vehicle costs: Each trip costs the dealer approxi- time taken to set and check snares. This time cost mately Rp 89,428 in fuel, parts, maintenance, and is calculated from the average wage/week for an amortized vehicle purchase costs. agricultural laborer. If there are costs of law enforcement, these can Opportunity cost of time: The average wage/week for be added into the calculation of overall costs. The a person in the nearest alternative employment costs of law enforcement could include both a (owner of a medium-sized shop) is approximately penalty and the confiscation of the hunter’s kill. Rp 70,000. Each trip involves a week’s full-time These costs need to be multiplied by the prob- work, as the dealer leaves home on Monday ability of being caught (Section 3.2.2) and evening and returns home at 6 am on Friday. He assumptions must be made about the hunter’s then sells from his house for a few hours on Friday attitude towards risk and the monetary value of and at the market all day on Saturday. the penalty incurred (if it is a prison sentence, for example). Food on trip and table in the market: Rp 10,500/ In the case of ivory hunting in Zambia, the trip. cost to a middleman of mounting an ivory hunting expedition was calculated (Milner- Pay for hunters: The case-study dealer pays Rp Gulland & Leader-Williams 1992). One expedi- 11,200 per pig to the hunters. Each dealer has tion was the unit of effort and was assumed to approximately 33 hunters on his books (as there are consist of one gang (two hunters and six carriers), 12 dealers and around 400 hunters operating in on a one week trip, using one automatic rifle and North Sulawesi). The case-study dealer buys an one other weapon. This level of effort was average of 24 pigs per trip, paying Rp 268,800. assumed to enable the gang to kill every elephant This represents an average weekly wage to a hunter it encountered. A linear relationship was assumed of Rp 8,145, and a yearly wage of Rp 423,564. The to exist between the elephant population size and hunters work in Gorontalo district, where the the number of elephants encountered by the gang average wage is Rp 462,850, very similar to the during the expedition (that is, Equation 3). Given wage calculated for hunters. these assumptions about the production function, the costs of hunting were calculated as follows: String: The dealer buys string to give to hunters for snares. The hunters receive the string as payment, Opportunity costs of time: The total wage bill that together with the money received per pig. Each the gang would command in the nearest alterna- hunter receives approximately Rp 100,000 worth of tive profession. The hunters were assumed to be string a year. Assuming 33 hunters per dealer, this able to command higher wages than the carriers. gives a string cost per trip of Rp 63,460. It might be appropriate to include a risk premium in the wage if there is a significant chance of a Opportunity cost of capital: The major capital that hunter being killed by a game scout. This means the dealer requires is a truck. The cost of a truck is that a rather higher wage would be needed to Rp 3,300,000. This money could have been attract a hunter into the profession than simply invested elsewhere. The rate of return on capital is the wage in the nearest alternative (safe) profes- assumed to be 20% per annum in Minahasa (the sion. bank interest rate). The investment in the truck thus represents an approximate opportunity cost of plus Rp 12,690 per trip. At the open access equilibrium, when the Costs of equipment: The guns and ammunition. hunters are just making enough to keep them in plus CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

144 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Costs of law enforcement: In this system, it was by processes such as human population growth usual for the middleman to pay the fine incurred rather than consumer incomes and preferences. by their hunters if caught. So the cost of enforce- The metric used to assess hunter incentives at the ment was the average fine payable per person, individual level might be time. For example, the multiplied by the number of people caught (most hunter may act to maximize offtake per unit of of the gang escapes, leaving an average of one time invested. If, as is often the case, hunter person being caught), plus the cost of losing the households consume a portion of the meat and output of the expedition through confiscation of sell the surplus, then the revenues that the hunter tusks (calculated as the average number of tusks obtains from the portion consumed at home can the gang is caught carrying), multiplied by the be estimated from the cost of the food that would probability of the hunters being caught. This last have had to be bought if the bushmeat supply was parameter is actually the hardest of all to estimate, not available. Money is still the appropriate as it cannot be obtained directly from law metric to use. If hunters exchange bushmeat for enforcement data, which only gives the number of other commodities, and these commodities have a gangs detected, not the number that operate price, then money can also be used. undetected. Instead, it needs to be obtained from A major assumption that is made in an independent sources such as village heads or the equilibrium analysis such as the one for ivory hunters themselves. poachers in Zambia is that the price is constant. These costs can be varied as other factors vary, As mentioned above, this is an adequate assump- such as the chance of being caught, the number tion when the harvest in the area concerned is a of elephants in the area, or the cost of hiring a very small proportion of the total quantity of the hunter (for example through improvements in good on the market. But if this is not the case (for local employment prospects). They can be example, the wild pig trade is being described in compared to a given price per tusk to give an full, and there is no other source of wild pig meat overall profit that the middleman would expect to available), then the demand side must be make per hunting trip. If this is more than he considered. could make by investing in some other activity (such as drug smuggling), then it is worthwhile ASSESSING MARKET DEMAND [SECTION 3.3.4] continuing to hunt. This model of the ivory trade As the quantity of bushmeat in a market changes, (and the model of wild pig hunting) can then be for example because of the increasing scarcity of a linked to a calculation of biological sustainability particular species, or because of an increasing by using a population model for the number of number of people becoming hunters, then the wild pigs/elephants in the area, and by seeing at price that consumers will pay for it also changes. which population size the profit for a unit of Generally, as a particular good becomes more effort is zero. This is the size towards which the scarce, consumers would be expected to pay more population is tending. for it, while if there is a lot of it on sale, they will The calculation of revenues obtained from pay less. The degree to which the quantity of hunting is straightforward if the hunter is selling bushmeat consumers buy varies as price varies is his entire catch in a local or distant market. It is measured by the own price elasticity of demand. simply the price per unit of offtake multiplied by Consumers are also generally prepared to pay the amount of offtake. However, there is usually a more for goods as their income increases. The spectrum from entirely subsistence hunting, ability to do so is measured by the income through selling only the surplus after the house- elasticity. Finally, as the availability of substitute hold has taken their requirements, to completely goods changes, so does the amount consumers are market-oriented hunting. Rather than selling for prepared to buy of a particular meat at a given cash, a hunter may also exchange his kill for other price (see Section 3.1.2). In this analysis, we goods. In the case of a purely subsistence hunt, assume that the person who makes the decisions the demand to be satisfied is generated purely by about hunting levels (the “hunter” above) is also the households of the hunters, and money is an the person who sells the meat in the market (the inappropriate metric to use to assess hunter “stallholder”), so there are no supply chain incentives. The overall dynamics of demand can complexities. In order to assess demand for a still be modeled, but in this case, will be driven good, at the absolute minimum, one must have information about the total quantity of each ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 145 species of interest on sale in the market and the obtainable from local government statistics price of each species of interest on sale in the offices, or are even calculable directly from the market. Price and quantity data need to be prices of a representative bundle of goods. collected over as long a period as possible; one-off Analysts must also have information about market surveys give very little information about prices of substitute goods. It can be difficult to market dynamics. What they can tell us is: a) how decide a priori which goods people would be profitable hunting currently is, if combined with likely to buy as substitutes for bushmeat, but data on hunter costs. This might give a hint as to being too inclusive makes for an enormous data whether hunting pressure is likely to continue to collection task. In some cases it is clear. For increase; and b) the current offtake level, which, example, domestic pig meat is a substitute for together with population estimates and a popula- wild pig meat in Sulawesi. Asking consumers can tion model, gives an idea of how sustainable help to clarify their preferences. Often the various hunting is, thus whether the population is likely to bushmeat species that are harvested together are continue to decline. close substitutes; it is thus important in multi- We are assuming a competitive market, so that species systems that data are collected for all the the price charged by all stallholders should be species that are harvested and sold together. about the same. This should be checked. If the Analysts must also have data on consumer system is still in disequilibrium, the price that incomes. In a country without a developed they can charge is higher than their costs; but at statistical service, this can be incredibly difficult competitive equilibrium, the price that a hunter information to get. It is also rarely useful to receives is the same as his costs. This is a useful obtain it at the national level, because bushmeat comparison to make. hunting often happens in areas which are poorer Data collection is complicated in the case of than the national average and where the benefits perishable goods like meat, which may drop in of economic growth may be slow to trickle down. price at the end of the day; thus, market prices Incomes are often estimated in one-off surveys; and quantities must be assessed first thing in the but these are not very useful unless they are morning. They should also be assessed by an regular enough to be relatable to the collection inconspicuous monitor, such as a local woman frequency of the other data. While extremely doing her shopping. Ideally, she should buy a difficult to get, income data are important, piece of each type of bushmeat, as quoted prices particularly if income changes seasonally (with are not always the same as actual prices. However, harvest triggering a feast, for example) or if there ethical issues then emerge when the species in is a trend or step change in income levels which question is endangered. may affect demand (perhaps caused by an In order to carry out a full economic analysis integrated conservation and development project of the trade in bushmeat, more data are needed so or a logging concession). If data are collected long as to be able to assess the likely effects of conser- enough before and after a policy is implemented, vation actions and how trends in the general its effect on demand can thus be assessed. economy will affect hunting sustainability. For Other variables may be important in particu- example, analyists must have information about lar markets. For example, if the good is exported, the inflation rate. This is crucial, as prices can exchange rates may be important, or if it is kept only be compared over time when they have been as a store of wealth (like ivory), interest rates may deflated (that is, the inflationary trend has been be relevant (Milner-Gulland 1993). However, the removed). Inflation affects all prices in the three listed above are likely to be the key ones for economy at once, and so it has a neutral effect bushmeat markets. These variables only need be overall. Hence, the need to remove it so that true collected if a time series of market data is being trends in bushmeat prices can be discerned (for collected; as, without a time series, no full example, because of increasing scarcity of analysis can be carried out. The frequency of bushmeat). Inflation rates in local regions can be market monitoring then becomes an issue. rather different than the national published rates, Generally it is impossible to record every piece of for example, if the economy of a particular region bushmeat sold, unless the market only happens is linked to a particular sector of the general once a week and all stallholders are present at the economy such as agriculture or timber. National beginning of the day. Monitoring should be rates are easy to obtain. Local rates may be tailored to capture as much of the predictable CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

146 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest variability as possible. For example, if there is a power is significantly weakened by removing any daily market but its size varies, then monitoring more variables. The ones that are left are the key should sample each day of the week in order to variables driving the bushmeat market. If the get a true picture of the flow of bushmeat into the equation is specified in a particular way, the market. Monitoring should then perhaps coefficients of these variables are their elasticities, concentrate on the busiest day of the week on the which can then be used to interpret how changes assumption that the relative importance of a in policy (for example providing a cheap alterna- given day does not vary. If there is seasonal tive meat source) would affect the quantity of variability (for example, due to changes in hunter bushmeat demanded. availability with crop-growing commitments, or due to inaccessibility of hunting areas in rainy seasons), then each season needs to be sampled. APPLICATION TO THE BUSHMEAT INITIATIVE In our wild pig study (Clayton & Milner-Gulland [SECTION 4] 2000), we have been surveying the main market fortnightly on a Saturday for six years, checking Summary of data requirements [Section 4.1] other days and minor markets monthly to ensure that there is no change in their status. This time Below is a summary of data requirements for a full series should be long enough to ensure useful study of the biological and economic sustainability results are obtained from the analysis. The general of bushmeat hunting. It is based on the previous rule is the more data points that can be collected, detailed discussion of the data needs for answering the more power there will be in the economic specific questions in Sections 2 and 3. analysis. It is particularly important to capture variability in consumer incomes or meat availabil- BIOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY ity. It is only when quantities available and • Data on population density in the hunted area. consumer preferences vary that the dynamic This tells us little without comparative data behavior of the market can be seen. If there is no but is nonetheless the building block without variability, the information received is not much which no further inferences can be made. more useful than a single point estimate. • Data on unexploited population density in Econometric analysis of demand is data- similar habitat. By comparing the two hungry, principally because there are many densities, it is possible to discern whether a different factors that affect demand, all of which population is depleted, but not to infer need to be included in a multiple regression, whether hunting is to blame or whether usually with several lags. This means that the data current hunting levels are sustainable. need to be collected over as long a period as • Data on number of animals killed. This can be possible to maximize the degrees of freedom used to derive the hunting mortality that the available to the regression. It is also important to population is experiencing. The number of collect every piece of information at each time animals killed must be expressed per time point, so that the data sets are comparable, and period and from a given area. preferably to collect data at the same regular • An estimate of the population growth rate. interval throughout. Holes in one data set can Preferably an estimate of the intrinsic growth cause all the other data sets to be discarded for rate or independent estimates of birth and that day; and when several lags are included in a death rates, with an assumption about the regression, losing one data point can be very functional form of density dependence. expensive. Interpolation can fill blanks to some Alternatively an estimate of the current extent, but should be kept to a minimum. I will population growth rate/birth and death rates. not go into econometric analysis of market data, • Added value can be obtained by collecting data but a good text on the subject is Maddala (1989). as a time series or for a number of similar sites It is a multiple regression, in which changes in the under different hunting pressures. quantity demanded are related to the price of a good and other factors such as incomes and prices MARKET STRUCTURE of substitute goods. The fully specified model, • Can hunting be considered to be open access? containing all the variables that might be Are there any barriers to entry? important, is simplified until its explanatory • Is the market at equilibrium? Have there been ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 147 changes in the numbers of hunters over time Policy Issues [Section 4.2] and/or profits made by individual hunters? • Description of the supply chain. Who is the GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS [SECTION 4.2.1] decision-maker about hunting levels? Many authors have discussed the policy alternatives that are available for increasing the SUPPLY SIDE sustainability of bushmeat hunting (Wilkie & • The production function. How do hunters Carpenter 1999, Feer 1991, Bowen-Jones & combine inputs to produce a given level of Pendry 1999). In practice, this often means outputs? How do changes in effort level and finding a way to reduce offtake from its current prey population sizes affect output levels? level, at least for particularly vulnerable species. In • The costs of hunting, per unit of input or order to reduce offtake, hunters’ incentives must output, divided into fixed and variable costs, be changed so that it is no longer worthwhile to and including the opportunity costs of time as hunt at the previous unsustainable levels. There well as costs of equipment. May include a cost are two approaches to doing this: imposing from law enforcement activity. regulations to prevent people from hunting as they • The revenues obtained per unit of output by otherwise would, or changing people’s opportuni- an individual hunter. Price may be fixed or ties so that they decide that they would do better determined by the market. by hunting in a sustainable manner (or by leaving • By combining costs and revenues, the profits hunting for another profession, which also reduces of hunters can be obtained. These need not be overall hunting rates). In both cases, the costs of expressed in monetary terms if the economy is continuing to hunt as they do currently are purely subsistence. increased, either actually (through fines) or via • The number of hunters currently operating, opportunity costs (a better option is available). their hunting methods, and overall offtake Although the former is the usual approach for levels. This links to the biological sustainability controlling large-scale commercial exploitation data collection. (for example, many fisheries) and has been the usual approach to controlling hunting in pro- DEMAND SIDE tected areas in the past, it is not currently in favor. If the bushmeat is sold in a market: Regulations require enforcement, and it is • The total quantity of each species of interest increasingly clear that if people have no incentive on sale in the market. to abide by rules other than the threat of punish- • The price of each species of interest on sale in ment, enforcement can be very expensive or the market. ineffective. This is particularly true of laws protecting wildlife from over-exploitation when If an analysis of market demand is to be done, a people rely on bushmeat for their livelihoods and time series of quantity and price is needed, the areas being policed are large, remote, and have together with an equivalent time series of: poor boundary control. On the other hand, regulations can be swift to implement, unambigu- • The inflation rate, local if possible. ous in their intent, and effective immediately. For • The price of substitute goods. example, it is apparent that the only way to • Consumer incomes. control rhino poaching for the international If the bushmeat is not sold or exchanged: market is first to protect them in small, highly • An estimate of household requirements to be guarded areas, and only then to find ways for local supplied by the hunters. people to benefit from their presence. In the case If the bushmeat is exchanged for other goods of wild pigs in Sulawesi, one species is protected or partly consumed at home: and highly endangered by hunting, and the other • The replacement cost of the bushmeat eaten or can sustain a reasonable level of offtake. Current exchanged (that is, the price of goods that conservation initiatives are concentrating on firm would need to be bought to replace the meat enforcement of the law banning hunting of the in the household’s diet or the price of the endangered babirusa, which is possible because goods for which it is bartered). dealers can be arrested along the single road which all must travel along to the market (Clayton & Milner-Gulland, 2000). The circumstances under CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

148 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest which the exploitation takes place thus determine that doesn’t offer advantages to them personally whether regulation is a feasible option. (Mesterton-Gibbons & Milner-Gulland 1999). Regulations can be on the hunters themselves, Also options must be financially viable in the long on people that are facilitating their hunting term, without continued external support, and be activities (such as logging companies), or on robust to likely changes in circumstances in the people further up the supply chain such as area (such as increases in incomes, increased middlemen or consumers. The point at which linkage with the general economy and inward they are most effective is that at which they can migration, perhaps even caused by the project’s best be enforced; this is often a bottleneck where success). there are few people involved. Thus, if one logging These issues have been addressed by a number company is required to change its policy towards of authors. For example, Oates (1995) describes a hunters, this will have a much larger effect than conservation project that aimed to provide an targeting the hunters themselves. Similarly, alternative income for local residents. The project targeting stallholders in markets may be more caused large-scale immigration to the area, which effective than targeting hunters. Note that led to even more environmental damage. Thus, regulations do not just include total bans on projects that involve improving people’s incomes hunting, but also systems such as offtake quotas or can be successful in altering incentives at the limitations on the equipment that hunter can use. individual level but can increase environmental These, too, need to be enforced and are unlikely damage at the market level by making the area to be suitable for most bushmeat harvesting more attractive to newcomers. Community systems, as they require a high level of manage- dynamics can be extremely important to the ment intervention in order to work (Milner- success of these projects. For example, Solis, Gulland & Mace 1998 discuss various regulatory Rivera and Edwards (1998) discuss an iguana options in more detail). ranching project that generated income and had Changing people’s incentives is the method by positive social effects but was threatened by which hunting can be made sustainable in the internal divisions within the village. Gibson and long term. Regulations only work in the long run Marks (1995) discuss how the ADMADE scheme if people are prepared to enforce and abide by in Zambia was effective in bringing benefits at the them. Methods that specifically aim to change community level but did not succeed in deterring hunter behavior or consumer preferences by individual hunters from continuing to hunt, as providing more attractive options include they saw no benefits coming to them as individuals. promoting alternative sources of income or protein, and carrying out environmental educa- SUMMARY OF THE EFFECTS OF POLICIES TO tion that highlights the non-market values of INCREASE HUNTING SUSTAINABILITY natural resources. The latter option can (and [SECTION 4.2.2] probably should) be carried out alongside all other In Table 10.1, I list some of the approaches that types of policy. Setting up economic enterprises have been suggested to improve the sustainability that provide more attractive options than of bushmeat hunting, including those suggested bushmeat hunting or consumption can be by Wilkie and Carpenter (1999) and Bowen-Jones extremely difficult, as the enterprises must have & Pendry (1999). In the table I show who is several characteristics. First, they must be targeted by the policy, where in the economic mutually incompatible with unsustainable system the approach has its effect, and whether it bushmeat hunting (for example, ranching that is the type of approach that relies on regulation or relies on wild populations for seed individuals) persuasion. If the approach requires enforcement, and be more profitable than bushmeat hunting I show whether this can be carried out by the local (otherwise the opportunity costs of carrying out community, or whether it is more easily done by the new activity are too high for it to be worth- external agencies such as government officials. If while). In addition, these options must be the local community can enforce its own regula- attractive to the individuals who are making the tions, this has the advantage of allowing control of decision to go bushmeat hunting, not just to the resource use to be devolved. If local communities community as a whole or to non-hunting have control of the process, regulation may be members of the community. Individual hunters better accepted by local people. Finally, I list some may not be interested in supporting an initiative of the major pros and cons of each policy. As can ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 149 be seen from the table, each policy does have case-by-case approach, although it can be useful, both advantages and disadvantages, and most are does not help to build a framework within which not mutually exclusive. Which policies are best new information and experience can be placed. depends on the particular situation in which they Finally, it is important to consider the scale at are to be used. which processes operate to determine hunting sustainability. These include the level of the individual hunter, the community, the market, CONCLUSIONS [SECTION 5] and finally the national and global economies. Although we can have a lot of influence at the In this report, I have covered the broad issue of smaller scales, there is little that a project to assessing the sustainability of bushmeat harvest- promote bushmeat hunting sustainability can do ing. This has two facets: biological and economic. to affect events at larger scales. As the linkages Both need to be considered if a full understanding between each scale get stronger, these larger scales of the dynamics of bushmeat hunting is to be (national, global) will have more and more obtained, and thus if conservation policies are to influence at the local level. For example, the be effective. Too often people consider the economic crisis in Asia in 1998 clearly influenced biological side in isolation. Offtake levels are the behavior of rattan collectors in the forests of determined by the action of many individuals — North Sulawesi, causing them to turn to gold hunters, dealers and consumers — whose panning instead (Clayton et al. in press). This is incentives need to be understood if changes in the not a reason to stop attempting to influence level of offtake are to be predicted. Although a full sustainability at the local level; rather it highlights assessment is ideal, there are a number of types of the increasing importance of taking economics information that can still be useful in a prelimi- into account when considering the sustainability nary assessment of the situation without necessar- of bushmeat hunting. ily carrying out a full analysis. In this report, I have highlighted the use to which each individual piece of information can be put, and suggested which types of data are indispensable and which can be left to future studies if time and money are short. Bushmeat hunting is a complex process. It often targets a number of species, with differing resilience to hunting. Protecting particularly threatened species without destroying the livelihoods of people who rely on bushmeat is a problem that needs to be addressed. A number of the policies available to conservationists loveable to distinguish between species, and may be particularly useful in this case. On the economic side, bushmeat hunting for local markets is relatively simple to address, compared to hunting that supplies a market with a complex supply chain. In the latter case, expert analysis will be necessary. I have devoted a lot of space to the theoretical underpinnings of the techniques that are used to assess hunting sustainability. I feel that this is important because many conservationists do not have a background in economics or population ecology, where these theoretical issues are raised. However, without a theoretical underpinning, discussions about which policies work and why tend to rely on opinion or particular cases. The CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

150 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest TABLE 10.1: A summary of policies for increasing the sustainability of bushmeat hunting and their effects.

Target Policy Effect Type Local? Pros Cons Logging company Reduce access to Increase hunter costs Regulation or No Easy to implement (small number Top-down approach, hunters (use of (of transportation to persuasion (by govt of companies involved), may relatively short-term company vehicles, market and to hunting on company) have impact on large scale roads) site) Logging company Reduce demand for Reduce hunter revenues Regulation or No Mitigates impacts of Doesn’t address general bushmeat by (demand decreases, so persuasion by govt immigration. Easy to implement, wealth and/or population employees (e.g. price does) on company may have impact on large scale. increases in the area due to provide food) company presence. All Education & Change preferences Persuasion Ideally Can change situation Not always effective in awareness permanently. without need for short term. Individual continual management. responses differ. Changing Relatively cheap culture/imposition of other values. Stallholders Market inspections Increase stallholder Regulation No Can be very effective, Trade may shift location. and arrests for costs. particularly if few markets. Regular inspections needed illegal meats Message clearly sent on which on continuing basis. meats are acceptable to sell, which not. Consumers/ Promote alternative Increase opportunity Persuasion After initial May be sustainable in long term, Link between conservation protein sources costs of hunting; provide phase if alternative continues to be and livelihoods removed. Hunters (e.g. smallstock substitute good. better option than hunting. May be slow to implement. rearing) Hunters/dealers Checkpoints on Increase hunter costs Regulation No Very effective if cannot be Must be continued regularly roads (confiscation, circumvented. Can target and indefinitely. arrest or taxation) endangered species. Hunters Limit weapon types Decrease hunting Regulation Can be Protects traditional way of life. Not long-term solution; that can be used efficiency so increase Can target endangered species. clock can’t be turned back. hunter costs Imposing unnecessary inefficiencies is not best approach to the problem except for protecting endangered species. Hunters Restrict hunting Decrease offtake Regulation Can be Should have direct effect on Needs continual monitoring. effort (locations, wildlife population sizes. Can seasons) distinguish between species. Hunters Offtake quotas Decrease offtake Regulation Can be Direct link to biological Needs high level of sustainability. Can distinguish management. between species. Hunters Ownership Change market structure Regulation Can be Long-term solution. Over-exploitation can still allocation (to occur. Often impractical in individuals or forest ecosystems. communities) Hunters Patrolling protected Increase hunter costs Regulation Can be Clear statement. Can protect May be resented by local areas (arrests, populations directly. community. Must be snare removal) continued regularly & indefinitely. Hunters Increase bushmeat Increase offtake rates Neither Can be Improves livelihoods. Direct link May distort ecosystem production between production and forest dynamics for other species. (ranching, food conservation. Can promote May just increase supplements) community-level conservation. profitability of hunting, so increasing hunter numbers. Ranching better as more control possible. Hunters No-take areas Increase offtake rates. Regulation Can be Buffers against uncertainty & Still needs enforcement. Buffer against over- error. Clear designation of zones Resentment likely if harvesting aids enforcement. imposed. Yield improvements not guaranteed.

ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Chapter 10 Milner-Gulland 151 EPILOGUE

The challenge of biodiversity conservation is a dynamic one. As demonstrated in this volume, it is as much about humans as it is about the wildlife species that major conservation efforts are now trying to protect. The parameters of the bushmeat crisis in West and Central Africa presented here underscore the need for innovation to accommodate the urgency it represents. As this book goes to press, the world was notified about the apparent extinction of Miss Waldron’s red colobus (Procolobus badius waldroni), a subspecies of monkey that is endemic to only a few localities in the forests of eastern Cote d’Ivoire and western Ghana. Although efforts to find relict populations of this monkey will surely continue, this newly proclaimed extinction serves as a glaring warning sign for governments, non- governmental organizations, and the general public: we must refocus our attention and intensify our efforts to arrest the extinctions of large mammals in this unique region. As described in Part 1, such efforts demand a multi-faceted approach to addressing the hunting and bushmeat threat. The chapters in this opening section not only shed light on important differences between West and Central Africa, but also lay out the need for a consolidated effort to accommodate local context in addressing the bushmeat problem. As the authors in Part II argue, both the wildlife and human dimensions must be addressed in tandem to develop and implement appropriately targeted efforts to address bushmeat hunting and trade. These authors also argue that conservation efforts must be anchored in an understanding and appreciation of local context because wildlife is, for the most part, an open access resource throughout much of West and Central Africa and people will hunt and use animals for food and economic gain. Solutions to the bushmeat crisis will evolve only as we gather more reliable data on the major targeted wildlife species. This data will enable researchers to accurately assess the responses of wildlife populations to hunting pressures and to put forth imperatives of fact-based warnings. Similarly, researchers and policy makers need to study the social, cultural, and health dimensions of the bushmeat problem and draw upon them to ensure that solutions are consistent with human livelihoods. Contributors to this volume also point out that the legal framework and institutional context must be inspected and transformed where necessary to assure that all successful efforts to mitigate the threat are backed by appropriate policy changes. The plethora of wildlife and hunting laws throughout the sub-region indicates the need to focus on existing institutions, as well as on enforcement mechanisms that work, rather than investing effort in creating new instruments. Lastly, Part III of this volume focuses on the use of bioeconomic modeling as a tool to test alternative conservation and management policies. The power of this kind of modeling further justifies the need for more rigorous data collection on hunting and bushmeat consumption patterns. Our ardent hope is that the rich and broad perspectives articulated throughout these chapters will initiate and invigorate conversations across sectors, among all those wishing to explore and address the complex, multidimensional threat of the bushmeat crisis in West and Central Africa. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

152 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest APPENDIX 1 OVERVIEW OF PROTECTED AREAS IN COUNTRIES OF WEST AFRICA

The information in each of the following country profiles was compiled from WCMC 1999, East 1999, and Said et al. 1995. Protected Areas Database ; East, R. 1999. African Antelope Database 1998. African Antelope Specialist Group. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland; Said et al., 1995. African Elephant Database 1995. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland.

PROTECTED AREAS IN LIBERIA

PROTECTED AREADATE AREA (ha) TYPE IUCN COORDINATES

Sapo 1983 129,230 National Park II 5°20'N-8°35’W

Grebo National National Forest ? 267,300 National Forest ? SE

Krahn-Bassa National Forest ? 514,000 National Forest ? South Central Area

North-East National Forest ? ? National Forest ? NE

North Gola, Kpelle/Belle, Lorma ? 425,300 National Forest ? NW National Forest Area

Barrobo National Forest ? ? National Forest ? SE

Protected Areas in Liberia are estimated to contain some large populations of elephant and other wildlife. Unfortunately, much of the information available regarding status of wildlife populations in this country are only rough estimates because civil unrest in the country has made it impossible to accurately monitor or analyze wildlife there for the past ten years. Preliminary mammal surveys, funded by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) and supported by the Forestry Development Authority (FDA) led researchers to project that Liberia maintained one of the largest diversity and numbers of wildlife in the region before the war broke out. An assessment of the overall condition of parks and wildlife populations within the protected areas and forests of the region should be undertaken to determine whether or not these projections bear out in actual current wildlife population numbers. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Appendix 1 153 PROTECTED AREAS IN GUINEA

COORDINATES/ PROTECTED AREADATE AREA (ha) TYPE IUCN LOCATION Badiar 1985 38,200 National Park II 12°35'N - 13°16'W Massif du Ziama 1943 112,300 Strict Nature Reserve Ia 8°12'N - 9°21'W Mount Nimba 1944 13,000 Strict Nature Reserve Ia 7°40'N - 8°22'W Kankan ? ? Natural Reserve ? Eastern Border Various ? ? Forest Reserves (n=38) ? North Central

In Guinea, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment is responsible for wildlife and forest management and conservation activities are carried out through the Department of Hunting and Forests. Guinea had a late development of protected areas but in recent years has shown an interest in developing conservation efforts. Major threats to protected areas in Guinea are hunting and encroachment (IUCN 1992). Barnett et al. (1996) provided one of the few reviews on mammals in Guinea, specifically those located in the Kounounkan Massif of South Western Guinea, which historically included the Guinea Forest and currently recorded as primary seasonal dry forest, old secondary forest and farm bush country. Barnett et al.’s work is one of the few reviews of this area in the literature, with only 26 papers published between 1968 and 1994. The survey of mammals concluded that the area contained 33 mammal species, including both the Western Chimpanzee and the Diana Monkey. The high density of monkeys and diversity of mammal species is attributed to the inaccessibility of the area and with religious taboos of local people (Muslim communities that did not report to heavily hunt monkeys). The German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) is working on a project concerning forest conservation in Ziama and Diecke state forests. Along with Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia, Guinea maintains a World Heritage Site at the Mount Nimba Strict Nature Reserve and recent reports suggest that the mining operations that were threatening the reserve are no longer supported by the government (WHC 1999). CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

154 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest PROTECTED AREAS IN CÔTE D’IVOIRE

PROTECTED AREA DATE AREA (ha) TYPE IUCN COORDINATES

Haut Bandama 1973 12,300 Fauna and Flora Reserve Ia 8 29'N - 5 40'W Azagny 1981 19,000 National Park II 5 13'N - 4 52'W

Banco 1953 3,000 National Park II 5 24'N - 4 03'W

Comoé 1968 1,150,000 National Park II 9 07'N - 3 44'W

Iles Éhotile 1974 10,500 National Park II 5 11'N - 3 14'W

Marahoué 1968 101,000 National Park II 7 15'N - 5 55'W Mont Peko 1968 34,000 National Park II 7 00'N - 7 16'W

Mont Sangbe 1976 95,000 National Park II 8 01'N - 7 14'W

Taï 1973 350,000 National Park II 5 42'N - 7 06'W

N'zo 1972 95,000 Partial Faunal Reserve IV 6 12'N - 7 13'W

Mont Nimba 1944 5,000 Strict Nature Reserve Ia 7 34'N - 8 24'W

The protected area system in Côte d’Ivoire includes at least 11 protected areas covering 1,874,800 hectares. This area is the responsibility of the Ministry of Water and Forests (MEF), which directs the National Parks State Secretariat, which is in charge of all national parks, faunal, and floral reserves. Only Comoé and Azagny National Parks are considered to have a reasonable level of administrative and management support, enough to provide real protection for the parks. Although Marahoue National Park has a limited amount of management for protection, all other areas in the country are considered to lack significant levels of management, infrastructure, and protection (IUCN 1992). Numerous international agencies maintain research projects at Taï National Park. The German Technical Cooperation (GTZ) also maintains a project in forest management and nature conservation in the eastern region of the country. Both Tai and Comoé National Parks are Natural World Heritage Sites (see WCMC website - for listing of World Heritage Sites and descriptions). Although Comoé has some management and protection support, it continues to face threats from poaching. Tai National Park is an extremely important protected area because it is one of the few remaining primary forest habitats in West Africa; it is reported to maintain populations of nearly every species described in this report as being under threat from bushmeat hunting. Although the park receives some level of protection, the buffer zone surrounding the park is threatened by habitat degradation, poaching, logging, farming, illegal gold mining, and other human activities. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Appendix 1 155 PROTECTED AREAS IN GHANA

PROTECTEDPROTECTED AREADA DATETE AREA (ha)TYPE IUCN COORDINA COORDINATESTES

Ankasa 1976 34,300 Game Production Reserve VI 5°15'N - 2°36'W Assin-Attandanso 1991 13,986 Game Production Reserve VI 5°31'N - 1°21'W Bia 1974 22,800 Game Production Reserve VI 6°28'N - 3°06'W Gbele 1975 56,540 Game Production Reserve VI 10°30'N - 2°10'W Kalakpa 1975 32.02 Game Production Reserve VI 6°23'N - 0°23'E Shai Hills 1971 4,860 Game Production Reserve VI 5°46'N - 0°04'W Bia 1974 7800 National Park II 6°34'N - 3°04'W Bui 1971 182,060 National Park II 8°21'N - 2°21'W Digya 1971 347,830 National Park II 7°15'N - 0°00'E Kakum 1991 20,700 National Park II 5°24'N - 1°20'W Mole 1971 484,040 National Park II 9°43'N - 1°44'W Nini-Suhien 1976 16,000 National Park II 5°20'N - 2°34'W Kogyae 1971 38,570 Strict Nature Reserve Ia 7°19'N - 1°05'W Boabeng-Fiema 1974 444 Wildlife Sanctuary IV 07°42'N – 01 °41'W Bomfobiri 1975 5,310 Wildlife Sanctuary IV 6°57'N - 1°10'W Owabi 1971 1,310 Wildlife Sanctuary IV 6°45'N - 1°42'W

Ghana has 16 protected areas that cover 1,236,582 hectares. As described by the IUCN (1992), protected areas in Ghana are the responsibility of the Department of Game and Wildlife found within the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources. The Department’s Management Division (Administration and Research Divisions also within the Department) is responsible for both wildlife and national parks. A separate division, General Wildlife Conser- vation Services, is responsible for wildlife issues outside protected areas. Several reviews of the protected area and forest management systems were described for the early part of the decade. Key problems in Ghana include the lack of funding and personnel to support protected areas and assure sufficient infrastructure. The German Techni- cal Cooperation (GTZ) maintains a forest rehabilitation project in the Volta Region. Conservation International maintains a project at Kakum National Park. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

156 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest PROTECTED AREAS IN SIERRA LEONE

PROTECTED AREA DATE AREA (ha) TYPE IUCN COORDINATES/ LOCATION

Tiwia Island 1987 1,200 Game Sanctuary IV 7°33'N - 11°19'W

Outamba-Kilimi 1986 80,813 National Park* IV 9°46'N - 12°00'W

Mamunta-Mayoso Swamp ? ? Nature Reserve ? CENTRAL

Non-Hunting Forest ° ° Kangari Hills 1924 8,573 VI 8 30'00N - 11 40'00W Reserve

Non-Hunting Forest ° ° Loma Mountains 1952 33,201 VI 9 10'00N - 11 10'00W Reserve Non-Hunting Forest Sankan Biriwa (Tingi) 1947 11,885 VI 8°55'00N - 10°49'00W Reserve

Non-Hunting Forest ° ° Western Area 1916 17,688 VI 8 23'N - 13 10'W Reserve

Gola East/West/North/N-ext 1926-1930 ? Forest Reserve ? SOUTHEAST

Kambui Hills ? ? Forest Reserve ? SE-CENTRAL

Nimini and Tama ? ? Forest Reserve ? NE-CENTRAL

*Proposed

The Wildlife Conservation Branch of the Forestry Division, under the Ministry of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Forestry (MANRF,) managed protected Areas in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone has suffered considerable civil unrest, and with it deterioration of forest areas. Recent reports (Grubb et al. 1998 in East 1999) suggest a number of species are no longer present in the northern part of the country. Most forest reserves are reported to be heavily impacted by hunting for bushmeat, though the Western Area Forest Reserve may have promise for conservation. ADVANCES IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

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M Makombe, K. (Ed.) 1994. Sharing the land: Wildlife, people and development in Africa. IUCN/ Regulatory Office for Southern Africa (ROSA), Environmental Issues Series No 1, IUCN/ROSA: Harare, Zimbabwe. McGraw, W.S. 1998. Three monkeys nearing extinction in the forest reserves of eastern Côte d’Ivoire. Short Communication. Oryx 32(3): 233-236. Munasinghe, M. & Mcneely, J. (Eds.) 1994. Protected area economics and policy. Linking conservation and sustainable development. Washington, D.C.: IUCN/World Bank. O Oates, J. F. 1999. Myth and reality in the rainforest: How conservation strategies are failing in West Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press. P Pinstrup-Andersen, P. & R. Pandya-Lorch. 1996. Food for All in 2020: Can the world be fed without damaging the environment? Environmental Conservation 23(3): 226-234. Pitman, D. 1991. Wildlife as a crop. Wildlife and Nature 7(4) :20-26. R Robinson, J.G. & K.H. Redford. 1991. Sustainable harvest of neotropical forest animals. In J.G. Robinson & K.H. Redford (Eds.) Neotropical Wildlife Use and Conservation. p. 415-429. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Robinson, J. G. & E. L. Bennett, Eds. 1999. Hunting for sustainability in tropical forests. New York: Columbia UP. Roizman, B., Ed. 1995. Infectious diseases in an age of change: The impact of human ecology and behaviour of disease transmission. National Academy of Science, Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Rose, A. L. 1998a. Finding paradise in a hunting camp: Turning poachers to protectors. Journal of the Southwestern Anthropological Association 38: 4-11. Rose, A. L. 1998c. On tortoises, monkeys, and men. In M. Tobias & K. Solisti-Mattelon (Eds.) Kinship with the animals. p.15-34. Hillsboro, Oregon: Beyond Words Publications. Rosegrant, M.W. & Agcaoili-Sombilla, M. & N.D. Perez. 1995. Global food projections to 2020: Implications for investment. Food, Agriculture, and the Environment Discussion Paper 5. Washington, D.C.: International Food Policy Research Institute. S Sabater, P. J. & C. Groves. 1972. The importance of higher primates in the diet of Fang of Rio Muni. Man 7: 3-62. Saluzzo, J. F., & B. Dodet (Eds.) 1997. Factors in the emergence of arbovirus diseases. Paris: Elsevier. Schwartz, H.J. & Hofmann, R.R. (Eds.) 1995. Wild and domestic ruminants in extensive land use systems. VIII International Symposium on Ruminant Physiology, 3 and 4 October. Berlin, Germany: Humboldt University of Berlin, Institute of Basic Animal Sciences, Livestock Ecology section. U UNESCO 1995. The Seville strategy for biosphere reserves. Nature and Resources 31: 2-10. W Wells, M. & K. Brandon, 1992. People and parks. Linking protected area management with local Communities. Washington, D.C.: WWF. World Conservation Monitoring Center (WCMC). 2000. Prototype Nationally Designated Protected Areas Database. Available at URL: http://www.wcmc.org.uk/protected_areas/data/explan.htm. Wyers, M., P. Formenty, Y. Cherel, L. Guigand, B. Fernandez, C. Boesch, & B. Le Guenno, B. 1999. Histopathological and immunohistochemical studies of lesions associated with Ebola virus in a naturally infected chimpanzee. Journal of Infectious Disease 179: 54-59. IN APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE ADVANCES

Further Readings 169 Z Zeller, H. G., R. Bessin, Y. Thiongane, L. Bapetel, K. Teou, M. G. Ala, A. N. Atse, R. Sylla, J. P. Digoutte, & J. A. Akakpo. 1995. Rift Valley Fever antibody prevalence in domestic ungulates in Cameroon and several West African countries (1989-1992) following the 1987 Mauritanian outbreak. Research in Virology 146 (1): 81-85. CENTER FOR APPLIED BIODIVERSITY SCIENCE

170 Bushmeat Hunting in the African Rain Forest Short Biographies of Contributors

Philippe Auzel has been working on a variety of conservation and Dr. Rebecca Hardin is on the faculty at Yale University and at agricultural projects in equatorial African rural communities the Sorbonne in Paris, and is an Academy Fellow at Harvard Center for Applied Biodiversity Science at Conservation International since 1987. He has advanced degrees related to conservation University. Since 1988 her work has focused in and on the science from the University of Paris, the National Center for equatorial forests of Central Africa, first as a Peace Corps Tropical Agronomy in Montpellier, France, and the University of Volunteer and later as a research anthropologist. She earned her Gembloux, Belgium, where he is currently completing his Ph.D. in anthropology from Yale in studying the roles of The African Bushmeat Initiative doctoral research. Philippe has consulted for a wide range of hunting and tourism on the transformation of forest use in conservation and development agencies, including the European Central African Republic. Her current research focuses on Union and the Wildlife Conservation Society of New York. He is social relations of forest use in the Sangha River region, where currently serving as an advisor to efforts to implement Cameroon, Central African Republic, and Congo meet. Goal To establish a strategic framework for addressing biodiversity conservation threats community forestry policies in Cameroon’s forested areas. associated with hunting and bushmeat utilization in the rain forest region of Africa. Cyril Kormos is the Director of the Conservation Policy Dr. Mohamed I. Bakarr is the Projects Director in the Center of Program at Conservation International. Mr. Kormos has an Applied Biodiversity Science (CABS) at Conservation MSc in international political economy from the London International (CI). He began studying forest conservation in School of Economics and a JD from the George Washington Objectives 1) To establish the “state of knowledge” on hunting and bushmeat utilization in the 1987 at Njala University College in his native Sierra Leone. University Law School. He completed his graduate studies at the University of Miami, African rain forest through a comprehensive assessment of all relevant factors and earning both M.S. and Ph.D. degrees in Tropical Biology. He Dr. E.J. Milner-Gulland is a lecturer in Resource Economics issues, including the following: first joined CI in 1997 as a Program Fellow and later became at Imperial College at London University. Her Ph.D. was on the Science and Technical Manager for CI’s Africa Program. He the sustainability of wildlife hunting, focusing on African has led a major effort to coordinate scientific contributions into elephants, rhinos and saiga antelopes. Current interests · Wildlife biology and conservation (impacted wildlife species, protected area the conservation priority-setting process for West Africa’s include interactions between socio-political and ecological effectiveness, etc.); Upper Guinea forest ecosystem and is leading the bushmeat change in the former Soviet Union and conservation of wild Social and economic challenges (subsistence, commercialization, role of extractive initiative in CABS. He is also a member of the Bushmeat pigs in Indonesia. · Crisis Task Force Steering Committee. industries, etc.); Dr. Russell A. Mittermeier is President of Conservation · Cultural issues and health linkages (belief systems, dietary preferences, disease Dr. Kerry Bowman is a bioethicist at the University of Toronto, International and a member of the Bushmeat Crisis Task and health risks, etc.); and the Director of the Improving End of Life Care Project, and the Force Steering Committee. He has served as Vice-President Clinical Ethicist for Mount Sinai Hospital in Toronto. Dr. for Science at World Wildlife Fund, as Chairman of the · Legislative frameworks and enforcement (wildlife and hunting laws, judicial Bowman is actively involved in conservation efforts with Primate Specialist Group of the IUCN-World Conservation concerns, etc.). gorillas and chimpanzees and lectures widely on ethical issues Union’s Species Survival Commission (IUCN/SSC) and as in primate conservation and research. Dr. Bowman is a Chairman of the World Bank’s Task Force on Biological consultant to the U.S. Center for Disease Control on their research Diversity. Dr. Mittermeier has published extensively on 2) To mobilize key international and regional experts for building consensus on the exploring the link between the hunting of the great apes and primates, reptiles, tropical forests, and biodiversity. His knowledge base, identifying gaps and research priorities, and developing practical the transmission of retroviruses such as HIV. most recent field work has been on primates, protected areas solutions for field testing and other conservation issues in the Atlantic forest region of Jim Cannon is an economist and an expert on natural resources eastern Brazil, in Suriname and on the island of Madagascar. and conservation management and policy. As the Senior Dr. Mittermeier received his Ph.D. from Harvard University 3) To develop a strategic and long-term plan of action for mitigating conservation Director of Conservation International’s Resource Economics in Biological Anthropology in 1977. threats associated with hunting and bushmeat utilization in the African rain forest Program, he uses economics to strengthen conservation initiatives by designing programs that address the economic Dr. Anthony L. Rose is a social psychologist, writer, and incentives driving biodiversity loss. organization developer who has consulted on forest management, military diplomacy, religious community CI contacts Mohamed I. Bakarr, CABS ([email protected]) Dr. Hans-Ulrich Caspary holds a Ph.D. in Geography from development, educational innovation, and health care quality Humboldt University of Berlin. Since 1994, he has carried out assurance. He is Executive Director of The Biosynergy Kristen Walker, CABS ([email protected]) research on wildlife utilization and the bushmeat phenomena in Institute and serves on the Steering Committee of the the Upper Guinea Forest Belt of West Africa. His work focuses Bushmeat Crisis Task Force in Washington, DC. He on wildlife and protected areas management. received his Ph.D. in Experimental Psychology from U.C.L.A. in 1967. Outputs Expert network on hunting and bushmeat utilization in Africa Heather E. Eves is the Director of the Bushmeat Crisis Task White papers on relevant hunting and bushmeat themes Force has studied and worked as a wildlife biologist in Africa Dr. Anthony Rylands is the Senior Director for Conservation Blueprint plan for priority conservation actions (consensus-based) for over 10 years. She is currently a doctoral candidate the Biology at CABS and editor of the journals Neotropical Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. In Primates and Primate Conservation. He is currently Vice-Chair for Design for pilot projects in targeted areas across the region addition to her research studies, she has been involved wildlife the Neotropical Section and Co-Deputy Chair of the IUCN/ Field testing and adaptive management education programs for African children and adults and has SSC Primate Specialist Group. He received his Ph.D. from served as a Peace Corps volunteer. the University of Cambridge, UK and was recently elected to the Brazilian Academy of Sciences. Dr. Gustavo Fonseca is Senior Vice President of Conservation International and Executive Director of the Center for Applied Kristen Walker Painemilla is the program manager for the Biodiversity Science (CABS) at CI. Dr. Fonseca has published Center for Applied Biodiversity Science at Conservation extensively on wildlife management, community ecology of International where she has played an integral role in mammals, primate ecology and behavior. His current research, launching and coordinating the bushmeat initiative for CI. which focuses on conservation challenges in the major She holds a BA in Latin American Studies and Anthroplogy Brazilian biomes, is interdisciplinary and links biodiversity from George Washington University. She was a Cotlow conservation with aspects related to economics and human Scholar in 1996 and a U.S. Fulbright Scholar 1997-1998. demography. Dr. Fonseca received his Ph.D. in Wildlife Management and Conservation from the University of Florida. Dr. David S. Wilkie has a Ph.D. in Wildlife Ecology from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, and a post-doctoral specialization in ecological anthropology from the University of Utah. He is an Adjunct Professor at Boston College and a co-director of the Ituri Forest Peoples Fund, a special project of Cultural Survival. He has over 20 years of field research experience in the ecological and economic aspects of household level natural resource use. HUNTING AND BUSHMEAT UTILIZATION IN THE AFRICAN RAIN FOREST

Perspectives Toward a Blueprint for Conservation Action NUMBER 2

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