Wesleyan-Holiness Churches in Australia

This colourful history of the development of the Holiness movement in Australia deserves to be written by someone with a love for all of its variety and even its quirkiness but also by a scholar who is thorough and critically objective. As a “reflexive insider,” Glen O’Brien is uniquely qualified to do so and has delivered. —Kimberly Ervin Alexander, Regent University, USA

Dr. Glen O’Brien has provided a careful precise analysis of the national and international contexts of the Wesleyan-Holiness Churches of Australia, giving attention to their origins, theologies, cultures and development. The volume is an important contribution to the study of World Christianity with implications for the study and analysis of churches around the word. It is a veritable scholarly “tour de force.” —David Bundy, Manchester Wesley Research Centre, UK, and New York Theological Seminary, USA

This is an important book in Australian Church History studies. It critically examines and evaluates the establishment and development of the Wesleyan-Holiness churches in Australia, particularly in the post-war years. O’Brien has captured the challenges they faced and how they have continued to serve the communities where they are located. The lessons to be learned here have an application far beyond the Australian context. —David B. McEwan, Nazarene Theological College, Brisbane, Australia

Most Wesleyan-Holiness churches started in the United States, developing out of the Methodist roots of the nineteenth-century Holiness Movement. The American origins of the Holiness Movement have been charted in some depth, but there is currently little detail on how it developed outside of the United States. This book seeks to redress this imbalance by giving a history of North American Wesleyan-Holiness churches in Australia, from their establishment in the years following the Second World War, as well as of The Salvation Army, which has nineteenth-century British origins. It traces the way some of these churches moved from marginalised sects to established denominations, while others remained small and isolated. Looking at The Church of God (Anderson), The Church of God (Cleveland), The Church of the Nazarene, The Salvation Army, and The Wesleyan Methodist Church in Australia, the book argues two main points. Firstly, it shows that rather than being American imperialism at work, these religious expressions were a creative partnership between like-minded evangelical Christians from two modern nations sharing a general cultural similarity and set of religious convictions. Secondly, it demonstrates that it was those churches that showed the most willingness to be theologically flexible, even dialling down some of their Wesleyan distinctiveness, that had the most success. This is the first book to chart the fascinating development of Holiness churches in Australia. As such, it will be of keen interest to scholars of Wesleyans and Methodists, as well as religious history and the sociology of religion more generally.

Glen O’Brien is Research Coordinator at Eva Burrows College, within the University of Divinity and a Member of the University of Divinity’s Centre for Research in Religion and Social Policy. He is a Research Fellow of the Australasian Centre for Wesleyan Research and an Honorary Fellow of the Manchester Wesley Research Centre, UK. He has published widely on Wesleyan and Methodist themes and engaged in post-doctoral research at Duke University, Asbury Theological Seminary, Oxford Brookes University, and Nazarene Theological College, Manchester. He co-edited, with Hilary M. Carey, and contributed several chapters, to Methodism in Australia: A History (2015). Routledge Methodist Studies

Methodism remains one of the largest denominations in the USA and is growing in South America, Africa and Asia (especially in Korea and China). This series spans Methodist history and theology, exploring its success as a movement historically and in its global expansion. Books in the series will look particularly at features within Methodism which attract wide interest, including: the unique position of the Wesleys; the prominent role of women and minorities in Methodism; the interaction between Methodism and politics; the ‘Methodist conscience’ and its motivation for temperance and pacifist movements; the wide range of Pentecostal, holiness and evangelical movements; and the interaction of Methodism with different cultures.

Series Editor: William Gibson, Director of the Oxford Centre for Method- ism and Church History, Oxford Brookes University, UK

Editorial Board: Ted A. Campbell, Professor of Church History, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, USA David N. Hempton, Dean, Harvard Divinity School, Harvard University, USA Priscilla Pope-Levison, Associate Dean, Perkins School of Theology, South- ern Methodist University, USA Martin Wellings, Superintendent Minister of Oxford Methodist Circuit and Past President of the World Methodist Historical Society, UK. Karen B. Westerfield Tucker, Professor of Worship, Boston University, USA

John Wesley, Practical Divinity and the Defence of Literature Emma Salgård Cunha

Wesleyan-Holiness Churches in Australia Hallelujah under the Southern Cross Glen O’Brien

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/ religion/series/AMETHOD

Rev E.E. Zachary with koala c. 1946. Photo: Nazarene Archives, Kansas City, Missouri Wesleyan-Holiness Churches in Australia Hallelujah under the Southern Cross

Glen O’Brien First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Glen O’Brien The right of Glen O’Brien to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: O’Brien, Glen, 1959– author. Title: Wesleyan-holiness churches in Australia : hallelujah under the southern cross / Glen O’Brien. Description: New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge Methodist studies series | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018000378 | ISBN 9780815393207 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781351189231 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Wesleyan Church—History. | Holiness churches— History. | Australia. Classification: LCC BX9995.W435 A85 2018 | DDC 287.0994—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018000378 ISBN: 978-0-8153-9320-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-351-18923-1 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC For John Hirst One of Australia’s great historians, John Hirst (1942–2016) forced Australians to go back and reconsider their colonial beginnings in two seminal works Convict Society and its Enemies (1983) and The Strange Birth of Colonial Democracy (1988). But he didn’t stop there, giving us a powerful revisionist history of Federation in The Sentimental Nation (2001), a brilliant series of essays collected in Sense and Nonsense in Australian History (2006), and the list goes on. He was a master of writing style who knew his audience, the power of a well-turned phrase and an attention-getting opening sentence. Who can forget ‘God wanted Australia to be a nation,’ the opening sentence of The Sentimental Nation? Once called ‘John Howard’s favourite historian’ because of his basic conservatism and disparaging of liberal elites, he was nonetheless a firm Republican who believed in the Australian experiment and cared deeply about civics education in schools. For several years running he gave freely of his time to address my American exchange students on Australian history. The ‘gadfly of Australian history’, self-confessed ‘lapsed Methodist’ and former local preacher, he was an agnostic who loved to sing Wesley’s hymns. He told me one day I would join the Uniting Church (which he playfully described as ‘The Greens at Prayer’). I laughed at the idea but he turned out to be right. My hours in John’s office over eight years of part-time doctoral study were something I always looked forward to. I wanted help with my thesis; he always wanted to talk religion. He was a gracious and kind man (even if he did not suffer fools gladly). I was honoured that he launched Methodism in Australia: A History (Routledge, 2015) in Melbourne. Instead of giving a scholarly critique of the book which he was fully qualified to do, he chose instead to speak on what it meant for him to grow up Methodist. ‘Everyone had to have their heart strangely warmed,’ he said. ‘I never had that, so, in the end, I thought I didn’t belong.’ Goodbye John; you will be missed but my hope is that the faith of those Wesley hymns you loved so much will in the end have moved you from agnosticism to faith, and I hope to meet you again. Contents

List of tables xi List of figures xii Acknowledgments xiii List of abbreviations xiv

1 Introduction 1

2 Holiness at the ends of the earth: The Salvation Army in Australia 33

3 ‘A beautiful virgin country ready for a revival of Bible holiness’: early visiting Holiness evangelists 55

4 ‘Dark days and long, hard pulls’: the post-war emergence of Wesleyan-Holiness Churches 81

5 ‘A modern heresy’: opposition on theological grounds 100

6 ‘Just another “queer sect” from over the Pacific’: Americanism and anti-Americanism 119

7 Joining the evangelical club: moving along the Church-sect continuum 142

8 They ‘made a Pentecostal out of her’: fire-baptised Holiness 179 x Contents 9 ‘Old time Methodists in a new world’: the continuing viability of conservative religion 200

10 Conclusion 211

Bibliography 215 Index 238 Tables

7.1 Factors leading to variables in the tension of religious sects 145 9.1 Patterns of growth and decline in Mainline, Pentecostal, and Holiness Churches 201 9.2 Degrees of participation of adherents in the Wesleyan Methodist, Nazarene, and Uniting Churches 201 Figures

3.1 RAAF chaplain, the Rev Dr Kingsley Ridgway, 1942. 63 4.1 Meredith (Ted) Hollingsworth, c. 1945. 82 4.2 The Rev E.E. Zachary, c. 1946. 90 4.3 Wesleyan Methodist Sunday School, College Church, 1949. 95 5.1 Leo G. Cox and family arriving in Melbourne from the United States in November, 1948. 105 6.1 Nazarene Young People’s Society newsletter, 1945. 125 6.2 The Rev Dr Aubrey and Mrs Hazel Carnell, c. 1954. 133 7.1 Wesleyan Methodist Bible College students, 1954. The Rev Robert Mattke in centre at rear. 156 7.2 The Rev Robert Mattke, Principal of Wesleyan Methodist Bible College, 1954–1960. 161 Acknowledgments

The bulk of the research of this book was undertaken during doctoral stud- ies in the faculty of the School for European and Historical Studies at La Trobe University. I would especially like to thank Richard Broome and the late John Hirst to whom the book is dedicated, both of whom offered great kindness and expert guidance and feedback as did David Bundy, Hilary Carey, and David Hilliard. The following archivists and historians gave of their time generously – Barry Callen and Doug Welch at Anderson Univer- sity, Anderson, Indiana, Bill Clark at the Wesleyan Archives in Indianapo- lis, Indiana, Stan Ingersol at Nazarene Archives in Kansas City, Missouri, Louis F. Morgan at the Hal Bernard Dixon Pentecostal Research Centre in Cleveland, Tennessee, the archival staff at the headquarters of the Church of God of Prophecy, also in Cleveland, Tennessee, Louise Elliott, Jennifer Bars, and Robin McComiskey, librarians at Queen’s College, University of Melbourne, and Susan Clarke, Samantha Leung and Pam Stamos at Eva Burrows College Library within the University of Divinity. I thank David Wilson at Kingsley College, Melbourne, and John Hodge, Howard Smartt, Dean Smith, and Peter Farthing at Booth College, Sydney who supported this research by allowing research hours in my contract, and my friends and colleagues at Nazarene Theological College in Brisbane, including Bruce Allder, David McEwan, and librarian Andrée Pursey, who gave me access to their library and archival holdings. Dennis Carnell gave kind assistance in the provisions of photographs from his extensive collection. All of those who shared their stories in interviews showed great generosity of spirit. The feedback received from the peer reviewers of the manuscript led to many improvements. Jack Boothroyd at Routledge has offered very valuable edi- torial assistance. Abbreviations

ACT Australian Capital Territory

AOG Assemblies of God

CMA Christian and Missionary Alliance

FECA Fellowship of Evangelical Churches of Australia

JRH Journal of Religious History

LGBTQI Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer and Intersex

NAIDOC National Aboriginal and Islander Day of Celebrations

NSW New South Wales

QLD Queensland

RAAF Royal Australian Air Force

SA South Australia

TT Tinker Tailor sect

UAM United Aborigines Mission

VIC Victoria

WA Western Australia

WTJ Wesleyan Theological Journal 1 Introduction

Religious ‘outsiders’ have become the central interest of religious historians over the past forty years, especially in the United States. Indeed, accord- ing to Stout and Hart, ‘the language of outsiders-become-insiders, and ­peripheries-become-centers, is now a commonplace in the literature on reli- gion in America.’1 Jon Butler has described an ‘evangelical paradigm’ as ‘the single most powerful explanatory device adopted by academic historians to account for the distinctive features of American society, culture, and iden- tity.’2 One result of this new interest has been that formerly marginalised groups, such as Pentecostals, Fundamentalists, and Evangelicals, have taken centre stage in social and historical research. The Wesleyan-Holiness move- ment has not attracted the same degree of scholarly attention, and there is a need for more recent historical studies to appear.3 This book describes the process of accommodation that took place in order for Wesleyan-Holiness churches, most of whom had their headquarters in North America (the exception is The Salvation Army), to gain entrance to Australian Evangelicalism whose roots were in the British religious world. Those Wesleyan-Holiness churches that have moved from ‘outsider’ to ‘insider’ status have done so because of two broad developments. They dem- onstrated an ability to reflect those broader aspects of Americanisation that had been integrated into Australian Evangelicalism and to minimise those that had not, and they were willing to sacrifice certain distinctive features of their beliefs and practices, which propelled them along the church-sect continuum toward greater acceptance. This interesting story has not previously been told, and it is hoped that this book will fill a gap in the history of both Australian Evangelicalism and the Wesleyan-Holiness movement. Carey and O’Brien’s Methodism in Australia: A History provides a long overdue scholarly history of Aus- tralian Methodism.4 Prior to this, readers have had to rely on state-based histories of varying quality, including Irving Benson’s now very dated col- lection of essays on Victorian Methodism,5 Arnold Hunt’s excellent history of South Australian Methodism,6 and Wright and Clancy’s solid treatment of Methodism in New South Wales (NSW).7 However, the story of those smaller Holiness denominations and movements, who also identify their 2 Introduction roots in John Wesley and in early Methodism, has not until now been given similar attention. The Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia, commenc- ing work in November 1945 under the leadership of the Rev Dr Kingsley Ridgway, and being formally organised on 8 June 1946, is the only one of the ­Wesleyan-Holiness churches in Australia to have produced a denomi- national history.8 Lindsay Cameron’s 2017 doctoral thesis provides a good deal of valuable information, though it pursues a polemical argument about the perceived negative impact of liberal theology on Australasian Method- ism and the failure of the Wesleyan Methodist Church adequately to apply John Wesley’s priorities for original Methodism.9 An official biography of Kingsley Ridgway, the founder of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Aus- tralia, was published in 1996 as part of the Church’s Jubilee celebrations and a second edition appeared in 2011.10 Ward and Humphrey’s Religious Bodies in Australia lists six churches as belonging to the ‘Holiness tradition’ under the larger title of ‘Evangeli- cal Protestant.’11 Five of these six have their roots in North America, the exception being The Salvation Army, founded in England by William Booth, a former Methodist minister. In addition, Ward and Humphreys list two denominations as ‘Holiness stream’ under the title of ‘Pentecostal.’ These also have their roots in the North American Holiness movement.12 The for- mer are all characterised by the distinctive doctrine of ‘entire sanctification’ understood as a second work of grace subsequent to conversion, whereby the believer is said to be cleansed from sin and filled with perfect love for God and neighbour. The ‘Pentecostal-Holiness’ groups also teach ‘entire sanctification,’ but posit a ‘third blessing,’ a ‘baptism of the Spirit’ evidenced by ‘speaking in tongues.’ All of these groups find the impetus for their teachings in the life and the- ology of John Wesley, the eighteenth-century Anglican priest who founded the Methodist movement after his heart was ‘strangely warmed’ by a pro- found sense of religious assurance in 1738.13 That Wesley taught the kind of ‘second experience’ held by today’s Wesleyan-Holiness churches is well established.14 Since the 1970s, however, Wesleyan theologians have sought to demonstrate that in the recovery of this neglected aspect of Wesley’s teach- ing by the American Holiness movement of the nineteenth century, elements of imbalance were introduced that may be seen as aberrational.15 The classic treatment of the American Holiness movement, especially in its relationship to mainstream Methodism, remains John Peters’ Christian Perfection and American Methodism.16 Donald Dayton has traced the theological roots of Pentecostalism in the Holiness movement,17 and Vinson Synan has done the same in his study of the Pentecostal-Holiness churches.18 Pentecostalism has attracted more scholarly interest in Australia than has its near cousin the Holiness movement. Barry Chant has traced the influence of Wesleyan revivalism on the rise of Australian Pentecostalism, though he did this with only passing reference to the American Holiness movement and, indeed, was concerned to show that Australian Pentecostalism was Introduction 3 not an American import.19 Stuart Piggin asserts that Australian revivals stemmed more from the Holiness movement wing of Australian Method- ism, rather than from Pentecostalism, and that this wing of Methodism was aligned with British influences.20 An extensive treatment of the influence of Wesley’s doctrine of ‘entire sanctification’ on Australian Methodism has not been written.21 This book will show a trajectory of Holiness teaching reach- ing its peak in late-nineteenth-century revivalism, and then declining to the point of dropping out of sight almost entirely by the mid-1940s, when the American Holiness churches emerged in Australia.22 Ironically the strategy of minimising emphasis on the doctrine of ‘entire sanctification’ in order to gain a place in Australian Evangelicalism has meant that the Wesleyan- Holiness churches in Australia have had minimal impact on reviving Holi- ness teaching among their fellow Evangelicals.

The Wesleyan-Holiness churches in historical context The doctrine of ‘entire sanctification,’ to be experienced as a definite work of grace subsequent to conversion, was a characteristic teaching of John Wesley. When Methodism was planted in America with the formation of the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1784, Wesley’s Plain Account of Chris- tian Perfection was included in its entirety in the first Discipline of that body. American Methodist preachers generally included in their preaching the calling of sinners to salvation and of believers to entire sanctification. At the heart of this sanctifying experience was a negative cleansing from sin- ful motives and attitudes (sinful behaviours were already thought to have been dealt with at conversion) and a positive filling with love for God and neighbour. By the 1860s however the doctrine had fallen into neglect. The Methodist Episcopal Church had moved significantly toward the ‘church’ end of the church-sect continuum so that Methodism had become more fashionable, more middle-class and respectable, and thus much less given to religious ideals such as perfectionism. There were many reform-minded people in the Methodist Episcopal Church, including Nathan Bangs and Bishop Jesse Peck, who issued an ad fontes call back to Wesley’s original teachings. However, in 1867, the formation of the National Camp-Meeting Association for the Promotion of Christian Holiness in Vineland, New Jer- sey, gave organisational clout to a strong group of radicals, many of whom were ready to break ranks with mainstream Methodism, and form their own churches and associations.23 This diverse movement, a precursor to Pentecostalism, emerged from Methodism’s more radical wing in the late nineteenth century, as well as from other Pietist and Revivalist sources, and is generally referred to in the literature as ‘the Holiness movement.’ It may, however, be better to think in terms of ‘movements’ plural, as the variety of expressions and multiplicity of nodal points makes it clear that this was not a centralised organisation so much as a renewal emphasis pervading Evan- gelical Protestantism both across and beyond denominational lines. 4 Introduction The Wesleyan Methodist Church (originally ‘Connexion’) of America became an active participant in this new Holiness movement, though it had already separated from the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1843 over the issue of slavery.24 Radical abolitionists such as Luther Lee and Orange Scott organised the new church (or ‘connexion’) in Utica, New York, on a platform of anti-slavery and anti-episcopacy. Though not originally formed around the ‘Holiness’ message, it saw itself as calling Methodists back to John Wesley’s original apostolic fire, and was the first Methodist denomina- tion to formulate an explicit doctrinal statement on ‘entire sanctification.’25 The earliest Church of the Nazarene was formed in Los Angeles under the leadership of the former Methodist District Superintendent, the Rev Phi- neas F. Bresee, and the physician Dr Joseph P. Widney, in October 1895.26 There followed numerous mergers between a number of independent Holi- ness organisations, all of whom had their origins among Methodist ‘come-­ outers.’27 The date of the organisation of the Church differs in various sources. Ahlstrom cites 1908, the date of the Second General Assembly, when Bresee’s group merged with other Holiness groups at Pilot Point, as the year of establishment. This is the denomination’s official starting date, which was confirmed by the Church celebrating its Centenary in 2008. Even so, it is clear that Bresee’s earlier urban mission work in Los Angeles formed ‘the nucleus of the later Church of the Nazarene.’28 Winthrop Hudson cites 1895 as the founding date and an ‘enlargement’ by mergers in 1907 and 1908.29 The resultant group of the 1908 merger was designated ‘The Pen- tecostal Church of the Nazarene.’ In 1919 the Church officially dropped ‘Pentecostal’ to avoid confusion with tongues-speaking groups. The three main groups that formed the Church of the Nazarene, however, precede the 1908 merger. The Western Group (founded by Bresee and Widney in Octo- ber 1895) was called ‘The Church of the Nazarene.’ The other groups, ‘The Association of Pentecostal Churches of America’ (December 1895) and ‘The Holiness Church of Christ’ (November 1904), have antecedent congrega- tions that date from 1887 but no earlier. A contrary position is that of Ernest R. (‘Bud’) Camfield who argues that the esternW group founded by Bresee and Widney in 1895 is the mother body and other groups merged with it.30 Both the Wesleyan Methodists and Nazarenes commenced work in Aus- tralia in the post-war years, with the first contacts between Australian Evan- gelical leaders and American denominational officials beginning in 1945. The Church of God, with its headquarters in Anderson, Indiana, was formed in 1881 under the leadership of Daniel S. Warner. An attempt was made to introduce this group to Australia by E.P. May in the years 1917– 1927, with little result.31 An American missionary couple, Carl and Lova Swart, recommenced work in Sydney’s Canley Heights in 1960.32 The Asso- ciation of the Church of God in Australia (as the Church of God, Anderson is officially known there) is the least successful of the Wesleyan-Holiness groups in Australia. It has tended to remain aloof from other Christians Introduction 5 and has thus found it difficult to find the resources to sustain itself in an unfriendly environment. Barry Callen has cited a similar isolationist stance as having been the cause of problems in the American church.33 In 1995 there were six small churches in Australia and about two hundred adher- ents, the same number as a decade earlier.34 There remains today only a single congregation, Journey Church, on QLD’s Gold Coast, and a single ordained Church of God minister, the Rev David Ravell.35 A number of Holiness groups in the Southern states, whose Appala- chian expression of religion was markedly more frantic than in the North, adopted the practice of ‘tongues speaking’ as a sign of a special ‘baptism of the Holy Ghost and fire,’ subsequent both to conversion and entire sanctifi- cation. Of these ‘Pentecostal-Holiness’ groups, two have work in Australia. The Church of God in Australia, formerly known in Australia as the New Testament Church of God, is a branch of the movement founded as ‘The Church of God’ in Cleveland, Tennessee in 1902.36 Bill and Winnie McAlpin came to Australia from the United States in 1973, and commenced work in Sydney’s Horsley Park.37 The church has grown to include twenty-two congregations with a great ethnic diversity.38 In good ‘come-outer’ fash- ion, the original Church of God in Cleveland underwent several schisms in its early days. One-third of the original Church of God people formed a breakaway group under the leadership of A.J. Tomlinson in 1923 and eventually became known as the Church of God of Prophecy, also with its headquarters in Cleveland, Tennessee. The first Australian congregation of the Church of God of Prophecy was formed in 1956 in Redfern, NSW, and in 1995 there were a total of seven churches and 231 members.39 The largest Wesleyan-Holiness church in Australia is The Salvation Army, founded by William and Catherine Booth in East London in 1865 and intro- duced to Australia in 1880.40 It is the only one of the churches included in this book that does not have explicitly American origins, though its North American Territories are those most committed to Holiness doctrine and experience. The Salvation Army began in Australia in a somewhat ad hoc fashion when John Gore (1846–1931) and Edward Saunders (1850–1923) held open-air meetings under a red river gum in Adelaide’s Botanic Park in September 1880 inviting any hungry person home for a meal after the meet- ing.41 Holiness was a special emphasis in Salvation Army work in this earli- est period but, as will be shown in the case of all of the Wesleyan-Holiness churches discussed here, the focus on ‘second blessing holiness’ has lessened over time. Of the Wesleyan-Holiness churches in Australia, The Salvation Army is by far the most institutionally viable and has the highest profile and the broadest public support. It has a much longer history in Australia, and has much greater physical, monetary, and personnel resources. Its Wesleyan provenance is historically undeniable, and it remains officially committed to a Wesleyan-Holiness confessional position, even if the strength of that identification has ebbed and flowed over time. 6 Introduction Moving along the Church-sect continuum The demographics of today’s Wesleyan-Holiness churches fit the ‘Right- Wing Protestant’ typology of religious sociologists. Members tend to be the- ologically conservative, have strict behavioural expectations, demonstrate high rates of church attendance, and practice personal religious disciplines.42 Over the period which is the focus of this book (1945 to the present), the Holiness churches have moved from a more ‘ecstatic’ to a more rational ‘mode of transcendence,’ another indicator of movement to the church end of the church-sect continuum.43 The findings of the National Church Life Survey of 1996 confirmed this trend.44 In the early part of the twentieth century, visiting Holiness evangelists from North America were often looked upon by other Evangelicals as ‘holy rollers’ and ‘sinless perfectionists,’ purveyors of a brand of religion thought to be populist, coarse, and theologically suspect. The doctrine of ‘entire sanctification’ as a second work of grace to be received in a special ‘baptism’ of ‘perfect love’ was viewed as theologically heterodox and destructive to the peace of the church. The emergence of denominations whose purpose it was to propagate such beliefs met with deep suspicion and even outright hostility on the part of other Evangelicals. This was especially the case since a moderate Reformed theology has historically been the most influential element in Australian Evangelical Christianity, being the theology of the influential Anglican diocese of Sydney, of many Baptists, as well as of the more conservative Evangelicals in the Presbyterian Church. The strength of this tradition has sometimes been expressed in a decidedly anti-Arminian way and for this reason among fellow Evangelicals, the Holiness churches have often been seen as theologically heterodox. David Bebbington sees the debate between Calvinists and Arminians in Britain as ‘dying down’ by the early nineteenth century, partly on the basis of a desire among Evangelicals to set aside differences of less importance and work together in evangelistic work.45 Certainly Australian Evangelical- ism cannot be seen as entirely dominated by Calvinism, and the Wesleyan- Arminian tradition remained a distinct tradition within Evangelicalism, although to some extent set apart by a distinctive doctrine and discipline.46 Whatever may have been the case in the previous century, Holiness church leaders in the 1940s certainly saw Australian Evangelicalism as dominated by Calvinism, with its insistence on the irresistibility of grace and a ‘once- saved-always-saved’ position, at odds with the Arminian insistence on free will and the possibility of falling from grace. Calvinism’s stress on human depravity and inability made the Wesleyan claim to ‘Christian perfection’ seem a hopeless pipe dream and, more than this, a dangerous heresy. The Melbourne Bible Institute (later the Bible College of Victoria and today known as Melbourne School of Theology) took a public stand of opposition to Wesleyan teaching in the 1940s, and a number of students were expelled because they assisted the despised Wesleyan Methodists in Introduction 7 tent meetings.47 Members of the Church of the Nazarene were not permit- ted to serve as ‘counsellors’ at the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade because they were considered a dangerous sect of ‘sinless perfectionists.’48 Nazarenes have needed publicly to identify themselves as ‘a Church in the Methodist tradition’ in order to overcome the ambiguity of a name well known in the United States but not in Australia. Kingsley Ridgway, later to be the founder of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia, left Queen’s College in the early 1920s to join up with the ‘holy rollers’ gathered in Coburg under the preaching of the Canadian Holiness evangelist A. B. Carson. His colleagues at Queen’s thought he had been hypnotised, since they could find no other reason why the career of such a promising candidate for the Methodist min- istry should be thrown away in order to associate with such people.49 It is clear that the North American Holiness groups began their existence in Australia very much as ‘outsiders.’ Yet in spite of the less than warm recep- tion in its early days, when the Wesleyan Methodist Church, held its fiftieth anniversary celebrations in 1996, representatives of almost all of the main- line Protestant and Evangelical denominations were present to convey their congratulations. This movement from ‘outsider’ to ‘insider’ status took place over a fifty-year period, and is a movement that has only been moderately successful in the case of three of the five American denominations (excluding The Salvation Army) under discussion here. Why did the ­Wesleyan-Holiness churches want to join the ‘Evangelical Club’ and what had to happen, on both sides of the discussion, before this could take place? Which factors contrib- uted to isolation and which to inclusion? It is hoped that an understanding of the response of Evangelicals to the so-called ‘sinless perfectionists’­ – their marginalisation as well as their ‘coming of age’ – will contribute to better understanding of this relatively neglected religious tradition.

Americanisation and anti-Americanism An important theme that emerges in this story is the broad question of Americanisation, and anti-American sentiment on the part of Australian Evangelicals, and Australians generally. The contrasts between the Austral- ian and American religious experience and their differing expressions of Christianity are significant in the particular case of the American Wesleyan- Holiness churches as most of them arrived in the early part of the twentieth century and encountered a religious landscape significantly different from that at home.50 Brouwer, Gifford, and Rose have asserted that, along with business and media culture, America’s religious culture has been successfully exported through its enmeshment in the processes of modernisation and globalisa- tion.51 ‘For Christian fundamentalism in particular, the universalizing of the faith is intertwined with the homogenizing influences of consumerism, mass communication, and production in ways that are compatible with the crea- tion of an international market culture by global capitalist institutions.’52 8 Introduction The success of Methodist revivals in the latter half of the nineteenth cen- tury, with Methodism’s consequent increases in membership through that period, gained its early impetus from American evangelists such as William ‘California’ Taylor, who arrived in Melbourne in 1863 and, before he left in 1866, had held successful campaigns in all of the Eastern colonies.53 The visits of later American revivalists such as Rueben A. Torrey (1902) and J. Wilbur Chapman (1909 and 1912) added further to the American ‘stylisa- tion’ of Australian Evangelicalism.54 Billy Graham’s successful campaign in 1959,55 and the following of his practice since that time of securing ‘deci- sions for Christ’ at an altar of prayer, has become so much a part of Aus- tralian Evangelicalism that few, of the laity at least, would be aware of its origins in nineteenth-century America’s ‘second great awakening.’ As well as perceived doctrinal heterodoxy as a reason for keeping the Holiness groups at arm’s length, a frequently heard objection to the new Wesleyan-Holiness churches that emerged in the post-war years was that they were ‘American’ groups. Differences in religious style would lead to much misunderstanding. A generalised anti-Americanism did not help. This climate has changed somewhat due to the theology and ethos of wider American Evangelicalism affecting the Australian denominational scene. There has been an Americanisation of Australian Evangelicalism broadly and this has contributed to the move from ‘outsider’ to ‘insider’ status on the part of the Wesleyan-Holiness churches.

God in the appendices At this point it will be helpful to discuss the perspective of the author as a reflexive insider.56 If historical methodology has no interest for you, you may wish to jump over this section. Historians aim for objectivity and it is always good to make explicit any personal relationship to the subject matter. As I was formerly an ordained minister in the Wesleyan Methodist Church for sixteen years, who held pastoral responsibilities for over twenty years and a teaching position at the denominational theological college for fourteen, I certainly have been a Wesleyan-Holiness insider. Should such an ‘insider’ status be seen as an asset or a liability in historical writing? Postmodern theory has dismissed the idea of pure objectivity in research as a modernist myth, since all discourse is carried out from a particular per- spective. Every writer belongs to a particular community of discourse and one cannot divorce oneself entirely from one’s religious, ethical, or philo- sophical community. When researchers belong to the community that is the subject of their research, they may be said, in one sense, to have a distinct advantage over a pure ‘outsider.’ Yet such a researcher is also open to certain temptations. There may be a tendency to ‘canonise’ one’s subjects or take a triumphalist approach in the recounting of events and their significance in the ‘grand scheme of things.’ The histories of Methodism, for exam- ple, demonstrate that our ancestors were more prone to triumphalism and Introduction 9 romanticism than are contemporary church historians.57 Whilst conceding that pure objectivity is not possible (nor even perhaps desirable) in historical writing, it remains true that the historian has an obligation toward accuracy. One must strive for enough objectivity to prohibit illegitimate distortion of the material for one’s own ends. Bias may be admitted, so long as it is not allowed to obscure the authenticity of the record. Alfred Schutz faces this challenge by proposing the idea of ‘finite provinces’ in his paper ‘On Multiple Realities,’58 a concept explained well by Stephen J. Gould in his wonderfully titled book on science and religion, Rocks of Ages. ‘Each domain of inquiry frames its own rules and admissible questions, and sets its own criteria for judgment and resolution.’59 Since every finite prov- ince has its own set of rules there can be no translating and referring between them. Instead one must ‘leap’ back and forth by ‘suspending’ or placing in the background one province while operating within the other.60 How does the historian of faith inhabit the ‘finite province’ of historical research with- out ‘leaping’ into the ‘finite province’ of his or her religious beliefs? Some historians, who are also persons of faith, have argued for an ‘alter- nation’ or ‘two spheres’ approach to history. In this approach the historian alternates between the realms of subjective faith and objective history. It has been argued that while one may believe God is active in history and is permitted to say so, this admission should only be made in the introduc- tions and conclusions of monographs and articles.61 If God is allowed into their work at all, God should only ‘peek in from the interpretive margins.’62 D.G. Hart has argued, based on the idea of the ‘unencumbered self,’ that historians of faith should play by the rules of the academy and keep their faith entirely private.63 The work of Mark A. Noll, George M. Marsden, and Harry S. Stout might be seen as typifying this ‘alternations’ approach. Bradley N. Seeman offers a powerful critique of this model as it places too heavy a burden on the scholar and rests on a ‘questionable understanding of the self and what it can accomplish.’64 Such a model places a great deal of stress on a researcher who must see things in his or her research as relevant to one sphere but entirely irrelevant to another. Is the historian to believe in the idea of God acting in history on the way to work, and then suspend that belief during office hours? Is the historian of faith to see only social, psychological, and historical forces at work when writing about the way Methodists worship, and then when offering up a hallelujah on Sunday morning see primarily divine forces at work? The religious sociologist, Peter Berger, who is also a person of faith, seems content to have just such a frequent change of hat.

The sociologist qua sociologist always stays in the role of reporter . . . As soon as he ventures an opinion on whether the belief [of his subjects] is finally justified, he is jumping out of the role of sociologist. There is nothing wrong with this role change, and I intend to perform it myself in a little while. But one should be clear about what one is doing when.65 10 Introduction This ‘dual citizenship’ approach has been followed by many of the best historians of Evangelicalism who also happen themselves to be Evangelical historians.66 Even if an historian or a social scientist is not an atheist, yet she or he must proceed with atheist assumptions. Noll makes a distinction between ‘lower-order falsifiable explanations and higher-order dogmatic reflections.’67 The lower order falsifiable explanations are the stuff of history writing; the higher-order dogmatic reflections belong elsewhere, presumably in the writing of theology. Harry Stout’s award-winning biography of George Whitefield, The Divine Dramatist, seeks to avoid a hagiographical approach, believing that hagiography belongs to the community of faith but not to the commu- nity of scholars.68 Christian historians must either play by the rules of the academy by boycotting hagiography and theology or consign themselves to ‘separatist ghettos.’69 George Marsden also operates within the alterna- tion model and advocates in The Outrageous Idea of Christian Scholarship what he calls ‘methodological secularization.’ This is not ‘methodologi- cal atheism,’ however, because it does not deny the existence of God. ‘It just means that for the moment we will be keeping that dimension in the background.’70 The claim that the alternation approach is built on a skewed understand- ing of the self is at the heart of Bradley Seeman’s rejection of it. ‘The alterna- tion approach rests on an unrealistic picture of human beings. No one could actually perform this leap.’71 According to John Rawls’ theory of justice, from where the concept is derived, the unencumbered self ‘can rise up out of its own history and stand apart from its private values and interests, which have no place in one’s public identity.’72 As a private individual ‘any number of values, beliefs, and stories, may grip me.’ However, ‘as a public citizen . . . I hold in abeyance the values, beliefs, and stories of my private identity’ as irrelevant to my function in the public square.73 According to Rawls, ‘while we may be thickly constituted selves in private, we must be wholly unencumbered selves in public.’74 But can the Christian in the academy be so easily ‘unencumbered’? Dual citizenship is one thing; multiple personality disorder is quite another. See- man maintains that however valuable to some may appear the idea of writ- ing history as an ‘unencumbered self,’ people do not generally do a very good job at it.75 ‘The fact we actually believe things to be true betrays the alternation approach at its very core.’76 Nor is it simply that one must shift between a supernaturalist worldview and a non-supernaturalist worldview, or between a religious and a non-religious one. There are also a bewildering variety of Christian beliefs some of which the Christian historian can believe and others he or she cannot. I do not share the classical Pentecostal belief that glossolalia is the necessary evidence of a ‘baptism of the Holy Spirit.’ When I place the word ‘tongues’ in quotation marks in this book, I am betraying the fact that my ‘self’ is indeed encumbered, encumbered with certain beliefs which I cannot simply switch off. No historian is ‘floating Introduction 11 above’ or ‘suspended over’ his or her subject matter or methodology. One cannot simply lay aside who one is in order to arrive at ‘objective’ history. The attempt to do so would in fact be the act of an ‘encumbered’ self. The idea suffers from what philosophers call ‘self-referential incoherence.’ When the idea is applied to itself it disproves its own validity, much as when a per- son says ‘it is absolutely true that there are no absolute truths.’ The moment a person seeks to be ‘unencumbered,’ he or she becomes ‘encumbered’ with the attempt to do so. The problem with the unencumbered self, then, is that it doesn’t exist. Seeman maintains that ‘strictly speaking, there is no alter- nation approach, for no one can pull off the kind of bracketing needed to suspend one’s historical situatedness.’77 I will leave it to the reader to decide how unencumbered is this particular piece of writing. God may indeed ‘peep in from the margins’ of this book, though for the most part, I have maintained an objective reporting style from which a reader probably will not discern any particular faith commit- ment. Yet, in selecting material, I have undoubtedly been informed by a set of beliefs. When I describe by way of contrast the ‘gum chewing doughboys’ and the ‘sanctified soldier boys’ in wartime Australia, I have to admit that I enjoy the comparison because I admire the latter more than the former, largely because they share with me a common Christian faith.78 God has leaped out of my introduction and intruded upon my historical narrative, peeping in from the margins. Religious history writing is currently dominated, especially in America, by persons of faith, many of whom are Evangelical Christians. Earlier his- torians of religion in America such as Perry Miller, Sydney Ahlstrom, and Sidney Mead wrote religious history as intellectual history. Then the New Social History, beginning around 1970, saw religious historians begin to read sociology and sociologists begin to read history. Historians looked to sociologists for theory and methodology, and sociologists looked to histo- rians for historical context. This trend also heralded a shift for religious history out from a divinity-school-based ‘church history’ approach to a ­university-based ‘history of religion’ approach. Undoubtedly the social sci- ence concern for statistics threatened to narrow the scope of religious his- tory and led to a certain reductionism as though religious behaviours could be explained in terms of human social behaviour alone. What role could the historical theologian play in the writing of religious history if his or her special concerns could not be allowed to intrude upon the telling of the story? At home in the church-based divinity school, the theologian became orphaned in the shift to the university religion department. Meanwhile historians migrated out of the divinity school and into the uni- versity in large numbers bringing their religious beliefs with them. Religion scholars in the United States who responded to a 1993 survey conducted by Stout and Taylor registered a strong religious faith, which contrasted with the broader academic community. 78% classified themselves either as ‘very religious’ (47%) or ‘quite religious’ (31%). Only 6% classified themselves 12 Introduction as ‘not very religious.’79 ‘Related to this is an apparent decrease in academics who profess a “liberal Protestant” faith.’80 Stout and Taylor express concern at the relativism and fragmentation that have entered the field as a result of the New Religious History.

[M]any religious historians have separated themselves from the ‘enlight- enment objective’ foundations of the American historical profession. Citing their own personal Christian epistemology with its critique of modernism and faith in reason, they join forces (at least implicitly) with postmodern criticism in denigrating the whole idea of scientific history and the consequent search for a unified history of the American past ‘as it really was.’ By blurring the lines between their personal faith commit- ments as Christians and their salaried careers as professional historians, they have separated themselves from their origins in social science even as the profession first slighted them. And by distancing themselves from ‘naturalistic world views’ originating in the Enlightenment, they have also distanced themselves from any obligation to relate their scholar- ship to some professional ‘field’ concerned with ‘scientific objectivity.’ Undergirding postmodern and ‘providentialist’ Christian research agen- das is an implicit assumption that one’s self interest is at once one’s scholarly, academic, and professional legitimation. Freed from all com- mitments to science or professionalism, they, like postmodernists, are freed to be left with themselves.81

Whether these newer approaches result in the kind of unfettered freedom Stout and Hart suggest is questionable. The New Religious History still utilises social science methodologies and disciplines; it is still interested in establishing an accurate and factual record of events. However, it is not very interested in questions of overarching theory. Where the religious historians of the 1970s used the methodologies of the New Social History to examine mainline denominations, the New Religious History has sought out the lit- tle known, the quirky, the particular, the peculiar, and the ­marginalised – ­Fundamentalism, Pentecostalism, Mormonism, cults, sects, and religious configurations of all types. Religious historians and sociologists alike have given up on grand explanatory devices and have settled for no broader methodologies and theories than those required to investigate the particular communities upon which they focus. In ‘coming of age,’ leaving the relative safety of the divinity school, and entering the broader world of the university some Evangelical historians have adopted a methodology (the alternation approach) that may be seen as threatening their self-identity. Historians who are also persons of faith should be able to tell their stories about the past without needing to consign the metaphysical to prefaces, appendices, and other entirely separate pieces of writing known as ‘theology.’ After all, since none of us physically live in the past we research, any creative account of it that goes beyond the mere Introduction 13 chronological recitation of events, involves a kind of metaphysics as we imaginatively visit times and places we do not physically inhabit. It may not be belief in God that encumbers the historian, but he or she will surely be encumbered with something because the complete divorcing of our private and public selves is in the final analysis not possible. It is true that facts are stubborn things. Equally stubborn are beliefs.

Spatial and temporal boundaries Since most of the groups under consideration in this book operate overwhelm- ingly in Eastern Australia, attention will focus on those areas. Wesleyan Meth- odists are strongest with 110 ministers, 87 churches, a membership figure of 2,638, and an average Sunday attendance of 4,330.82 A pattern of modest growth is evident when compared to the NCLS Research figure of 3,800 in regular attendance at Wesleyan Methodist worship in 2001.83 The strongest concentration of churches is in QLD, followed by Victoria (VIC) and then NSW. One church exists in Tasmania, two in South Australia (SA), and there are two churches in Western Australia (WA). The Church of God (Anderson)’ never grew beyond six churches and there is currently only a single church on QLD’s Gold Coast. The 1991 census showed 1,532 persons as members of the Church of the Nazarene, 846 of these in QLD.84 In 2011 there were an estimated 1,600 people at regular worship in Nazarene congregations, an impressive 33% increase on the 1996 figure.85 In 2017, the Church of the Nazarene website listed thirty-four churches, fifteen of these in QLD, with six in NSW/ACT, seven in VIC, three in SA, and three in WA.86 The Church of God (Cleveland) shows a similar pattern with churches predominantly in the Eastern states, with the single exception of an Indonesian congregation in Perth. NSW and QLD form the limits of the Church of God of Prophecy.87 The Salvation Army in Australia is divided into two territories – the Eastern Territory includes NSW and QLD and the Southern Territory which takes in everywhere else. These are currently in a process of merger to form a single Australia Territory by 2019. In 2006 there were reported to be over 64,000 Salvationists in Australia, though this figure probably included junior sol- diers (children) and adherents (adults who worship with The Salvation Army but are not full members).88 This figure seems a little inflated give that the 2017 Year Book gives a total for both territories of 34,400 in all categories of membership, including adherents, in 313 corps (churches).89 Two denominations listed by Ward and Humphries as belonging to the ‘Holiness Tradition’ – the Apostolic Church (Nazarean) and the Chris- tian and Missionary Alliance (CMA) – have been excluded from this work because they do not accurately fit the categoryof ‘Wesleyan-Holiness.’90 The Apostolic Church (Nazarean) has its roots in the Anabaptist and Men- nonite tradition, and the ministry of the Swiss evangelist S. H. Froehlich (1803–1859). Ward and Humphreys state that Froehlich ‘taught a doc- trine of entire sanctification as a post-conversion experience.’91 In fact, the 14 Introduction Nazareans teach something more akin to the Moravian doctrine of sinless- ness which John Wesley found cause to disagree with in the 1740s. No real distinction is made between justification and sanctification, but the latter is collapsed into the former with the belief that freedom from all sin is a gift given upon first believing. For the Nazareans this state is linked more closely with water baptism than was the Moravian doctrine. The new believer is baptised and then receives the ‘sealing’ of the Holy Spirit (or ‘Holy Spirit Baptism’) through the laying on of hands.92 This experience brings with it freedom from actual sin. Technically this sanctifying work is not a ‘second work of grace’ but a package deal, more or less concomitant with baptism and the new birth.93 The first Apostolic Christian Church, Nazarean in Australia was formed in Adelaide in 1957. In 2005 there were nine churches with a total of three hundred members. These churches have also benefited from European immi- gration with many Nazareans emigrating to America from Switzerland, Germany, and Eastern Europe, due to persecution from the state churches in their homelands.94 The strong organisational link with North America, such as we find with the Wesleyan Methodist Church and the Church of the Nazarene does not exist. The relationship seems to be more fraternal than organisational in nature. Zorica Tutus, in a letter to me stated that ‘we do have some influence from America, they helped us a lot in many different ways, but our background is Europe, Yugoslavia. That is where our influ- ence originated and naturally the Bible.’95 Furthermore, where Wesleyans and Nazarenes understand themselves as belonging to the broader Evan- gelical tradition, and have sought to be seen as belonging to that tradition, Nazareans do not. Mrs. Tutus made it clear to me in a conversation that ‘we are not Evangelicals, we are Anabaptists.’96 The CMA was formed in New York in 1887 by the Presbyterian minister Albert B. Simpson as an international missionary society. Over time it devel- oped into a denomination in its own right, though not formally until its revised by-laws and constitution were adopted in 1974. The CMA currently reports 2,000 Alliance churches with 500,000 worshipers in the United States, as well as a presence in 70 other countries for a total of nearly 6 mil- lion adherents.97 There were numerous early contacts between Australians and the Alliance. On 25 June 1897 an Alliance publication made reference to a certain ‘Doc- tor and Mrs. Warren’ starting a ‘missionary home’ in Australia and sending out twenty candidates over a four-year period. The Rev Will Fletcher, a Vic- torian, and his wife, were Alliance missionaries in India between 1903 and 1926, after which they returned to Australia, along with another mission- ary, Mrs. Charlotte Rutherford, to establish the CMA in Doncaster, VIC. They moved from a home in Doncaster to the Friends Meeting House in Russell Street, Melbourne. This work only lasted two years, however, and Fletcher returned to India. The Rev Edgar Carne, of Melbourne, studied at the Alliance missionary training college in Nyack, New York, before serving Introduction 15 as an Alliance missionary in South China. After the Second World War, sev- eral other Australians became Alliance missionaries and Alliance speakers visited Australia from various mission fields, thus raising the profile of the Alliance among Evangelicals.98 The work proper did not commence until 1969 in Sydney under Ameri- can missionary Robert T. Henry and his wife Svea, the first public meet- ings being held in Chatswood. Four Australians were appointed to serve under Henry’s leadership as a temporary Governing Committee. As with the Wesleyan-Holiness churches, the first churches were made up of disaf- fected Evangelicals from other denominations, who had formed concerned by what they perceived as a liberal drift in their own churches.99 The Rev and Mrs Gordon White were added to the team and were, with the Henrys, ‘the firstof a significant number of North American personnel to arrive on Australian shores to work with the Alliance.’100 However, from the begin- ning it was planned that Australian leadership should take the reins as soon as possible, as Henry made clear in his 1970 Report to the Alliance Coun- cil in which he was ‘determined to resist every suggestion that the control of this Society under God should rest in the hands of people other than Australians.’101 Twenty Alliance churches were established in the first eight years of the movement.102 The Australian website currently lists fifty-two culturally and linguistically diverse churches, twenty-two in NSW, ten in VIC, seven in WA, eight in QLD, two in SA, and three in the ACT.103 More than twenty of these churches have emerged since 1985.104 In 2001 there were an esti- mated 4,100 people in regular worship in Alliance congregations.105 These are positive growth statistics but well short of the hope expressed in 1979 at the 10th Anniversary Council that ‘within a few years there should be an Alliance church in every Australian city of 100,000 people.’106 As with the Wesleyan-Holiness churches, the CMA reflects a great deal of ethnic diver- sity, with congregations currently including Chinese, Vietnamese, Korean, Indonesian, Hmong, and even a Russian Messianic Jewish congregation.107 In 1995 ethnic membership (mostly Chinese and Vietnamese) made up 67% of the total in the CMA in Australia.108 Even though the CMA has its origins in the United States, and first com- menced work in Australia in 1969 through American missionaries, and is listed by Ward and Humphreys as in the ‘Holiness tradition,’ I have chosen not to include it in this book.109 The primary reason for this is theological. Even though its founder was profoundly influenced by the Holiness move- ment, the teaching of the CMA is not as heavily influenced by John Wesley, as Ward and Humphreys concede.110 Though the Alliance describes its posi- tion on sanctification in similar ways to the Wesleyan-Holiness churches, on its website there is no explicit reference to the Holiness movement, to John Wesley, or to ‘entire sanctification,’ nor is there any identification of the church as belonging to the Wesleyan-Holiness tradition.111 There is some discussion of Jesus as Sanctifier as part of the Fourfold Gospel affirmed by 16 Introduction the Alliance.112 Interestingly, however, the Church’s official doctrinal state- ment does include an essentially Wesleyan definition of sanctification.

It is the will of God that each believer should be filled with the Holy Spirit and be sanctified wholly, being separated from sin and the world and fully dedicated to the will of God, thereby receiving power for holy living and effective service. This is both a crisis and a progressive expe- rience wrought in the life of the believer subsequent to conversion.113

In spite of this statement, according to Russell Warnken, at one time Prin- cipal of the Alliance Theological College in Canberra, the idea of Holiness as a distinct second blessing is not widely preached in Alliance churches in Australia, the theological outlook of members is quite diverse within an overall evangelical framework, and there is no real sense of belonging to the Wesleyan tradition among members.114 In 2005, the Alliance’s global website indicated its theological stance in the following generic way. ‘The C&MA maintains a “big tent” stance in reference to many doctrinal mat- ters, encouraging believers of diverse backgrounds and theological tradi- tions to unite in an alliance to know and exalt Jesus Christ and to complete His Great Commission.’115 Lloyd Mackey places the CMA into the ‘mainstream evangelical’ rather than ‘Holiness’ category.116 According to Krysia Lear, ‘in the past some writ- ers classified the C&MA as fitting in a holiness grouping . . . The denomi- nation still emphasizes the “deeper life” and “fullness of the Spirit” and officially believes in all the sign gifts, but, according to president Arnold Cook, manifestations [of spiritual gifts] are “rare” today.’117 David Bundy sees the CMA as increasingly identifying with the Reformed tradition as it moves away from its earlier ‘Four-fold Gospel’ beginnings.118 All of this indicates a distancing of Alliance churches from both Wesleyan and Pente- costal churches, again indicating a generic Evangelical, rather than explicitly Holiness, stance. I have chosen to organise the book in a broadly chronological way though several chapters will be ordered more thematically. A century will be spanned in the telling of this story, with the following time periods being most significant. The period between 1900 and 1945 saw the arrival of a number of independent Holiness evangelists from North America, but there was no formation of denominational structures. Holiness teaching still formed a part of the ethos of the Methodist Church of Australasia, and of The Salvation Army, though in Methodism especially it was waning. E. E. Shelhamer, of God’s Bible School in Cincinnati, Ohio, visited Australia in 1936 and declared it ‘a beautiful virgin country ready for a revival of Bible Holiness.’119 Canadian Holiness evangelist A.B. Carson tried to establish a Holiness work at the Temperance Hall in Coburg (VIC) in the 1920s with twenty-six charter members. He held tent meetings in Bayswater and Moondarrah (VIC) and later served the Methodist Church as a Home Introduction 17 Missioner on the Gosford and Wyong (NSW) circuits.120 Sadly, Carson was killed in May 1933, along with his Australian-born son, Asa, then only thirteen, when their car was struck by a train at a level-crossing in Ontario, ending his plans to return to Australia and nurture the infant Holiness work there.121 In September 1907, the Rev R.L. Wertheim, a woman evangelist from the Methodist Episcopal Church in Denver, Colorado, came to Wyee (NSW) and preached up quite a storm. Arising partly out of this work, Elliot John Rien established the Bethshan Holiness Mission in 1908.122 The unsuc- cessful attempt by E. P. May to establish the Church of God (Anderson) in Sydney in the 1920s has already been mentioned. Both the Church of the Nazarene and the Wesleyan Methodist Church saw their formative years during the period 1945–1958. Kingsley Ridgway, an Australian Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) chaplain who had worked with A.B. Carson in the 1920s, and had married Carson’s daughter, Dorcas, perceived a need for a Holiness work in Australia. He wrote from the Pacific island of Morotai at the close of the war to his friend Wesley Nussey.

I am deeply interested in post-war work, and do see that this is the psychological time to establish a holiness church in Australia . . . I do believe the time is ripe for launching . . . There is a nucleus in the Methodist Church in Australia which is ready to sever from the parent church, and a sane and balanced discipline would appeal to them . . . I have saved a little money since being in the chaplaincy and I am ready to work and preach too to build up a cause that shall be independent; but when another church [the Wesleyan Methodist Church of America] has the funds to launch a strong work, a doctrine and discipline which has proved efficacious in getting people ready for Heaven, and a readi- ness to back up my labours, should I not count the salvation of souls as of more value than the mere building of a [new] denomination? . . . Melbourne with a population of a million and a quarter, Sydney with a million and a half, and other capital cities, should have a strong holi- ness work, and I pray God I may have some part in establishing it.123

Ridgway saw the growth of theological modernism in the mainline Meth- odist Church as an opportunity to capitalise upon the dissent of more con- servative members of that body.124 His evaluation of the situation was to prove to be inaccurate. Only a very few would break ranks with Methodism to join the new group and the following years would prove to be extremely difficult for Wesleyan Methodist pioneering. Disaffected Methodists did not always prove the best kind of people upon which to build a movement and a ‘whispering campaign’ against the Wesleyans as ‘sinless perfectionists’ kept other Evangelicals cool and distant.125 Coupled with this was the resentment on the part of some toward American control of the infant church.126 Just as was the case with the Wesleyan Methodists, it was the witness of an American serviceman during the Second World War that sparked interest 18 Introduction in the Church of the Nazarene commencing work down under.127 Meredith T. (Ted) Hollingsworth, a British-born licensed minister from Little Rock, Arkansas, contracted a tropical disease while serving with the US Army Medical Corps in New Guinea. Though his orders were that he be sent directly home, he was taken instead to a military hospital in Townsville and then on to Brisbane. After two months recovering, he was back on his feet and searching around for a place to worship. He came into contact, through the Gospel Book Depot in downtown Brisbane, with the Mount Pleasant Gospel Hall (Plymouth Brethren). Here he met thirty-five-year- old Australian Army officer Albert Anthony Eriksen Berg, and Mr. and Mrs. Hubert Kilvert, who were attracted by Hollingsworth’s testimony to entire sanctification. Hollingsworth returned to the United States, arriving home in June 1944, to attend Bethany-Peniel College to complete his min- isterial studies. He wrote to Dr J. B. Chapman, General Superintendent of the Church of the Nazarene about the opportunity to commence work in Australia. In the General Board meeting of January 1945, Hollingsworth’s report, entitled ‘The Evangelization of Australia and New Zealand,’ was read with enthusiasm, and the opening of the work in Australia, officially authorised. The period from 1959 to 1977 saw Australian Evangelicalism turn increas- ingly toward the United States for inspiration and modelling. In many ways, the involvement by the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia in the Billy Graham Crusade of 1959 was a watershed moment in the history of that church. The Wesleyans had been the only denominational member of the Fellowship of Evangelical Churches of Australia (FECA), a fundamentalist conglomerate of small independent churches, which followed Carl Mac- Intyre’s lead in boycotting Graham’s ministry. In breaking ranks with the FECA in order to support the Graham Crusade, the Wesleyan Methodists in a sense ‘came of age,’ choosing to throw their lot in with mainstream Evangelicalism, over against the earlier more reactionary fundamentalism. The year 1960 marked the emergence of a third Wesleyan-Holiness deno­ mination, the Church of God (Anderson), though it would eschew the label of ‘denomination,’ preferring to think of itself as a ‘movement.’ The first Pentecostal-Holiness group to arrive in Australia was the Church of God of Prophecy, in 1956, followed later, in 1973, by the Church of God (Cleve- land). These represent the ‘three blessings’ or ‘fire-baptised’ strain within the Holiness movement which came to identify more with Pentecostalism than the Wesleyan-Holiness denominations. The formation of the Uniting Church in Australia on 22 June 1977 was soon followed by considerable growth in the Wesleyan Methodist Church.128 The nature of the constituent bodies engaged in the merger which formed the Uniting Church meant that, while there were ‘continuing’ Presbyterian churches and ‘continuing’ Congregationalist churches, who chose not to enter the union, there were no ‘continuing’ Methodists, since Methodism’s system of government was much more centralised. Smaller groups with a Introduction 19 Methodist orientation thus benefited to some degree from an infusion of former Methodist people after this time. It was around this time that it became strategic for the Church of the Nazarene to begin to advertise itself as ‘a church in the Methodist tradition’ in order to make its theological orientation clear to the public. In 1974 the Wesleyan Methodist Church had four churches in Melbourne and one in Sydney, though it had been operat- ing in the country for over twenty-five years.129 Wesleyan work opened and developed in QLD at a rapid rate during the 1980s, corresponding with a period of considerable tension in the Uniting Church. The 1980s and 1990s saw the Uniting Church embroiled in considerable controversy over the Christian response to same-sex attracted people.130 The 1985 Assembly for- bade rebaptism of those baptised as infants, a controversial decision which led to the withdrawal from the denomination of a number of larger Uniting Church congregations.131 Of course, an infusion of disaffected former Meth- odists is only one part of the story of this period. Every mainline denomina- tion has suffered a degree of decline in the last thirty years, yet theologically more conservative groups, such as the Assemblies of God (AOG), have shown significant growth.

A missing part of the story The Wesleyan-Holiness groups are largely absent from the story of Aus- tralia’s religious history.132 Sociological approaches such as the classic work of Hans Mol tend to deal exclusively with the mainline churches.133 Much attention has been given to the earlier colonial period,134 to the sectarian debates of the nineteenth century,135 and to the church’s engagement in social reform.136 Apart from important observations about the ‘Holiness impetus’ within early Methodism, and the recognition of the importance of The Salvation Army, much of this material entirely overlooks Holiness groups as a distinct religious strand. Hilary Carey’s cultural history of religion in Australia includes only a brief treatment of Pentecostalism and Evangelicalism.137 Marjorie New- ton’s Southern Cross Saints details the impressive growth of Mormonism in Australia following the Second World War and expresses the hope that ‘comparative religious histories may offer insights into the similarities and differences between the history of the Mormon Church and other Ameri- can churches in Australia.’138 Barry Chant has written on the history of Pentecostalism, but in discussing its origins underestimates the extent of American influence, even though the largest and, in many ways, the most influential Pentecostal groups, such as the AOG and the Full Gospel Church, have explicitly American origins.139 Stuart Piggin sees Pentecostalism as an offshoot of Australian Methodism’s Holiness revivalism which aligned itself with the British Holiness movement.140 Yet this British movement was itself a product of American influences. The Keswick Convention movement, for example, was heavily influenced by the American Holiness movement, one 20 Introduction of its most prominent American influences being the Philadelphia glass man- ufacturer, Robert Pearsall Smith, with his ‘Higher Life’ message.141 The suc- cess of ‘Keswick’ in Australia was partly due to the fact that its moderately Reformed constituency made its message of ‘victorious living’ more accessi- ble than the more radical Wesleyan terminology. Nonetheless its roots were decidedly American. If Chant and Piggin are mistaken about the extent of American influence on Pentecostalism, and if, as I suspect, both Pentecostal and Holiness churches in Australia share a common set of influences in the American Holiness movement, it is interesting to note that the Pentecostal churches have far outstripped their near-cousins in the Wesleyan-Holiness churches in growth and influence. Geoff Treloar’s important recent history of Evangelicalism from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, while including much valuable material on Australian Evangelicalism, does not deal in any detail with the Wesleyan-Holiness churches.142 Stuart Piggin’s history of Evangelicalism focuses primarily on Sydney Anglican- ism, a form of Evangelicalism which, in some respects, is poles apart from the Wesleyan-Arminianism of the Holiness churches.143 He does discuss the story of a sinless perfectionist movement that developed among some Anglicans as well as leaders of Sydney’s non-denominational organisations in the late 1930s.144 Memories of such extremes have no doubt influenced the responses of Evangelicals to any form of perfectionism. Piggin sees the negative impact of this movement continuing to the present: ‘So discredited have the Wesleyan and Keswick views of holiness become that the churches seem to be little interested in holiness at all. Even Pentecostals seem to be interested in every aspect of the Holy Spirit except his holiness.’145 David Millikan’s study of the so-called ‘Tinker Tailor’ sect (TT) is prob- ably the most extended treatment of perfectionism within Australian Evan- gelicalism.146 While Imperfect Company displays much humane wisdom and argues for a balanced approach to spirituality that does not lead to dehu- manisation, unhealthy withdrawal from the world, or cultural iconoclasm, it also has many glaring faults. It is clear that the author wants to position himself in the broad stream of orthodox Christianity; yet it is equally clear that he is an outsider to Evangelicalism and less than warm toward Evangel- ical faith. His analysis sometimes lacks sophistication and there are errors that betray a lack of deep familiarity with the literature on Evangelicalism and related movements. For example the word ‘Pentecostal’ is consistently misspelled and the footnotes do not demonstrate much reading in Wesleyan theology or serious theological works on perfectionism. There is also a good deal of guilt-by-association. While the writings of Oswald Chambers, Han- nah Whithall Smith, and Andrew Murray have a strain of mysticism to them that may seem at times ‘super spiritual,’ many thousands of Evangelical Christians have benefited from reading them without falling into the kind of spiritual abuse of which the TT is clearly guilty. One might gain the impres- sion from reading Imperfect Company that The Salvation Army held the same kind of extreme views as TT because it maintains a commitment to Introduction 21 ‘entire sanctification’ in its official doctrines. Clearly the Army (and other historic churches in the Wesleyan tradition) should not be placed in the same category of aberrational religion. The most disappointing feature of Millikan’s handling of the Evangelical tradition is his misreading and misrepresentation of John Wesley. His claim that Wesley ‘had claimed the status of perfection’ is contrary to plain matter of fact.147 Wesley, in fact disavowed on more than one occasion that he lived up to the picture he drew of the entirely sanctified believer. Wesley was will- ing (perhaps naively) to accept the genuineness of others’ testimony to that experience but never claimed it for himself. ‘Sinless perfection’ was a term he rejected because it gave the impression of an absolute state of perfection from which it was impossible to fall. In fact Wesley placed many important qualifications around the term that make it clear that the kind of perfection he envisaged was of a relative nature, in fact much like the description Mil- likan himself gives as the New Testament view of the matter.148 Wesley did not exactly write the Twenty-five Articles of the United Meth- odist Church as Millikan states.149 They are his abridgement of the Anglican Thirty-Nine Articles, the wording being drawn from the original. Nonethe- less Millikan’s attribution of Article 12 to Wesley clashes with his claim that the founder of Methodism thought himself to be perfect – ‘They are to be condemned who say that they can no more sin as long as they live here; or deny the place of forgiveness to those who truly repent.’ Wesley did not see this article as challenging the possibility of a life freed from sin, but rather as challenging the idea that a person may be in a state where it is impossible for them to sin any longer. Millikan depends for his interpretation of Kes- wick teaching and its difference from Wesleyan teaching on a single source – a ‘series of notes prepared by Stuart Piggin in December 1989,’ with the rather loaded title ‘A Terribly, Terribly Sad Business: Sinless Perfection in Australian Evangelicalism, 1938–43.’ Whether drawn from Piggin or mis- read from him, Millikan characterises Wesleyan theology as teaching that there is no sin in believers.150 One could be forgiven for thinking this after reading some of Wesley’s earlier sermons influenced by some of the radical views held by London Moravians. But Wesley later distanced himself from that doctrine and affirmed that, while perfection is possible in this life and the goal toward which every believer should strive, sin remains in believers as something to be struggled against until it is finally rooted out by a work of divine grace, which may take place at any time, though usually at or just prior to death.151 There was in the TT an unwillingness to submit theological insights to the wisdom of the ages and little sense of continuity with or accountability to the historic church and its great tradition. Intrusions into other people’s consciences and an attempt to control their responses along certain pre- scribed lines led to an unhealthy kind of faith. Seeing the world as completely evil necessitating a withdrawal into the narrow confines of a supposedly pure community is always a recipe for disaster. The subjects of this book, 22 Introduction however, occupy a very different space in the religious landscape. It would be a serious error to associate the Wesleyan-Holiness churches discussed here with such clearly extreme groups as TT. Imperfect Company shows the degree to which people will submit themselves to the spiritual authority of others even when those others are unremarkable, small-minded individu- als without any particular spiritual charisma. The harshness, brutality, and breathtaking hubris of such leaders is difficult to accept as anything other than evil, though Millikan wants to resist placing them in this category lest we exempt ourselves from the capacity to exhibit similar behaviours. The story of the Wesleyan-Holiness groups and their attempt to define them- selves as distinct from such extremists, and at the same time as distinct from Reformed Evangelicals, yet orthodox in their own right, is yet to be told. This book is an attempt to tell that story.

Notes 1 H.S. Stout and D.G. Hart, eds., New Directions in American Religious History (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 4. 2 J. Butler, ‘Born-Again America? A Critique of the New “Evangelical Thesis” in Recent American Historiography,’ unpublished paper, Organization of Ameri- can Historians, Spring 1991. 3 Valuable, though dated, works include M.E. Dieter, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century (Metuchen, NJ and London: The Scarecrow Press, 1980) and C.E. Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1876–1936 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1974). See also W. Kostlevy, ed., Historical Dictionary of the Holiness Movement (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2009). A recent study that includes the Holiness origins of Pen- tecostalism churches in the Southern United States is Randall J. Stephens, The Fire Spreads: Holiness and Pentecostalism in the American South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010). 4 G. O’Brien and H.M. Carey, eds., Methodism in Australia: A History (Farn- ham, Surrey and Burlington VT: Ashgate, 2015). See also the helpful volume of Australia Methodist biographies that serves as something of a companion piece to O’Brien and Carey’s history – William Emilsen and Patricia Curthoys, eds., Out of the Ordinary: Twelve Australian Methodist Biographies (Adelaide: Mediacom, 2015). 5 C.I. Benson, ed., A Century of Victorian Methodism (Melbourne: Spectator Pub- lishing, 1935). 6 A.D. Hunt, This Side of Heaven: A History of Methodism in South Australia (Adelaide: Lutheran Publishing House, 1985). For reflections on South Austral- ian Methodist history since Hunt’s work appeared see D. Hilliard, ‘Looking Again at the History of South Australian Methodism: Twenty-Five Years After Arnold Hunt’s This Side of Heaven,’ Aldersgate Papers 10 (September 2012): 71–84. 7 D. Wright and E. Clancy, The Methodists: A History of Methodism in New South Wales (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993). 8 D. Hardgrave, For Such a Time: A History of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia (Brisbane: A Pleasant Surprise, 1988). 9 L. Cameron, ‘The Convergence of British and American Methodism in the South Pacific,’ PhD thesis, Australian National University, 2017. See also G. O’Brien, Introduction 23 ‘The Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia,’ Uniting Church Studies 17:2 (December 2011): 67–81. 10 G. O’Brien, Pioneer with a Passion: Kingsley Ridgway His Life and Legacy (Melbourne: Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia, 1996); G. O’Brien, Pio- neer with a Passion: Kingsley Ridgway, Wesleyan-Holiness Pioneer, 2nd ed. (Brisbane: Wesleyan Methodist Church, 2011). The latter work included under the same cover a reprint of Kingsley Ridgway’s autobiographical work, K. Ridg- way, In Search of God: An Account of Ministerial Labours in Australia and the Islands of the Sea (Brockville, Ontario: Standard Publishing House, n.d.) and his missionary memoir, K. Ridgway, Feet upon the Mountains: A History of the First Five Years of the Wesleyan Missionary Work in Papua New Guinea (Marion, IN: The Wesleyan Church Corporation, 1976). 11 These are listed in R. Ward and R. Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia: A Comprehensive Guide, 3rd ed. rev. (Melbourne: New Melbourne Press, 1995), pp. 135–42 as the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia, Association of the Church of God in Australia, Church of the Nazarene, CMA, and Apostolic Christian Church (Nazarean). Reasons for the non-inclusion in this research of the Apostolic Christian Church (Nazarean) and the CMA are given later in this chapter. The Sydney Korean Evangelical Holiness Church also has a congrega- tion in the Sydney suburb of Ermington. This book does not include an investi- gation of this Church, partly due to lack of available resources on its history in Australia. It could offer a fruitful field of investigation for future research. For general background see The History Compilation Committee of KEHC, A His- tory and Polity of the Korea Evangelical Holiness Church (Seoul: Living Waters, 1988); The Research Committee for the Theology of KEHC, Introduction to the Theology of the Korea Evangelical Holiness Church (Seoul: Publishing Depart- ment of KEHC, 2007); Korean Evangelical Church of America, The Constitu- tion of KECA (Los Angeles, CA: The Publishing Company of KEHC, 2003); See also M.S. Park, ‘The 20th Century Holiness Movement and Korean Groups,’ The Asbury Journal 62:2 (2007): 81–108; P.Y. Hong, History of the Korea Holi- ness Church for 110 Years Since the 1897 IHC (Seoul: WWGTM, 2001). This text is in Korean but a helpful review is provided by David Bundy in WTJ 48:3 (Fall 2013): 222–26. Hong argues that the historical origins of both the Korean and Japanese Holiness Churches lies not with the Oriental Missionary Society, as is often supposed, but with the International Holiness Church formed as a result of various name changes in 1913 and originating from the International Holiness Prayer League formed by Martin Wells Knapp in 1892. From Knapp’s earlier work also emerged the Pilgrim Holiness Church which would merge with the Wesleyan Methodist Church of America in 1968 to form today’s Wesleyan Church. Hong has also published a book (in Korean and English) on one of the early IHC missionaries, P.Y. Hong, Biblical Holiness Theology of [Welsh] John Thomas (Seoul: Promise Keepers, Korea, 2011). 12 These are the New Testament Church of God (Church of God, Cleveland), and the Church of God of Prophecy, Rowland Ward and Robert Humphreys, eds. Religious Bodies in Australia: A Comprehensive Guide (Melbourne: New Mel- bourne Press, 1995), pp. 182–85. 13 The most critical recent biographies of Wesley are K.J. Collins, A Real Christian: The Life of John Wesley (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1999); R.P. Heitzen- rater, Wesley and the People Called Methodists (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1995); J. Kent, Wesley and the Wesleyans: Religion in Eighteenth Century Brit- ain (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002); H.D. Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley and the Rise of Methodism (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1993). 24 Introduction 14 Though it is clear that the glossalalia (‘tongues speaking’) practiced among the ‘Pentecostal-Holiness’ churches was not a feature of Wesley’s teaching or practice. 15 See the discussion that has taken place in the Wesleyan Theological Journal. For a brief historical overview see D.W. Dayton, ‘Wesleyan Theological Society: The Second Decade,’ WTJ 30:1 (Spring 1995). Representative articles include H. McGonigle, ‘Pneumatological Nomenclature in Early Methodism,’ WTJ 8 (Spring 1973): 61–72; R.W. Lyon, ‘Baptism and Spirit Baptism in the New Tes- tament,’ WTJ 14:1 (Spring 1979): 14–26; A.R.G. Deasley, ‘Entire Sanctification and the Baptism with the Holy Spirit: Perspectives on the Biblical View of the Relationship,’ WTJ 14:1 (Spring 1979): 27–44; G.A. Turner, ‘The Baptism of the Holy Spirit in the Wesleyan Tradition,’ WTJ 14:1 (Spring 1979): 60–76; M. Bangs Wynkoop, ‘Theological Roots of Wesleyanism’s Understanding of the Holy Spirit,’ WTJ 14:1 (Spring 1979): 77–98. 16 J.L. Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism (Grand Rapids, MI: Francis Asbury Press, 1985). 17 D. Dayton, The Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Grand Rapids, MI: Fran- cis Asbury Press, 1987). 18 V. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States (Grand Rap- ids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1971). This work was enlarged and updated in V. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1997). 19 B. Chant, ‘Wesleyan Revivalism and the Rise of Australian Pentecostalism,’ in M. Hutchinson, E. Campion and S. Piggin, eds. Reviving Australia: Essays on the History and Experience of Revival and Revivalism in Australian Christian- ity (Sydney: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1994), pp. 97–122. See also Chant’s history of Australian Pentecostalism, Heart of Fire: The Story of Australian Pentecostalism (Adelaide: Luke Publications, 1973) and his more recent work, B. Chant, The Spirit of Pentecost: The Origins and Development of the Pentecostal Movement in Australia 1870–1939 (Wilmore, KY: Emeth Press, 2011). 20 S. Piggin, ‘The History of Revival in Australia,’ in M. Hutchinson and E. Cam- pion, eds. Re-Visioning Australian Colonial Christianity: New Essays in the Australian Christian Experience 1788–1900 (Sydney: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1994), p. 187. 21 Though see G. O’Brien, ‘Christian Perfection and Australian Methodism,’ in S. Win- ter, ed. Immense, Unfathomed, Unconfined: Essays on the Grace of God in Honour of Norman Young (Melbourne: Uniting Academic Press, 2013), pp. 234–48. 22 The Salvation Army which began its work in Australia in 1880 is an exception to this, traditionally holding weekly Holiness Meetings with an emphasis on bring- ing believers into the experience of being ‘sanctified wholly.’ In Chapter 2 of this book, it will be shown that this emphasis has been somewhat eclipsed in recent years. For histories of Australian Salvationism see B. Bolton, Booth’s Drum: The Salvation Army in Australia, 1880–1980 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980) and L. Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos: The Salvation Army in Aus- tralia 1880–1980 (Sydney: Harper and Row, 1980) as well as the video series Boundless Salvation narrated by Jon Cleary, Radiant Films, dir. C. Baudinette, 2008. For a good scholarly global history that is strong on the Australian and New Zealand part of the story see H. Hill, Saved to Save and Saved to Serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army History (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 2017). 23 Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism, pp. 133–53. 24 The standard denominational history is I.F. McLeister and R.S. Nicholson, Con- science and Commitment: The History of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of America (Marion, IN: The Wesley Press, 1976). Good chapters on denomina- tional history are included in W.E. Caldwell, ed., Reformers and Revivalists: The Introduction 25 History of the Wesleyan Church (Indianapolis, IN: The Wesley Press, 1992). Particularly helpful in covering the early formation period is L.M. Haines, ‘Radical Reform and Living Piety: The Story of Earlier Wesleyan Methodism, 1843–1867,’ in Caldwell, Reformers and Revivalists, pp. 31–117. For a popular history see R. Black and K. Drury, The Story of the Wesleyan Church (Indian- apolis, IN: Wesleyan Publishing House, 2012). See also Randall J. Stephens, ‘From Abolitionists to Fundamentalists: The Transformation of the Wesleyan Methodists in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,’ American Nineteenth Century History 16:2 (2015), pp. 159–91. 25 L.G. Cox, John Wesley’s Concept of Christian Perfection (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill, 1964), p. 201. 26 The most recent history is F. Cunningham, ed., Our Watchword and Song: The Centennial History of the Church of the Nazarene (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill Press, 2009). Earlier standard histories are T. Smith, Called Unto Holiness vol. 1 The Story of the Nazarenes: The Formative Years (Kansas City, MO: Naz- arene Publishing House, 1962); W. T. Purkiser, Called Unto Holiness vol. 2 The Story of the Nazarenes: The Second Twenty-Five Years, 1933–58 (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1983). See also M.R. Quanstrom, A Century of Holiness Theology: The Doctrine of Entire Sanctification in the Church of the Nazarene 1905–2005 (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill Press, 2003). 27 Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism, p. 149. 28 S.E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven, CT and London, Yale University Press, 1972), p. 818. 29 W.S. Hudson, Religion in America (New York: Scribners, 1965), p. 345. How- ever, in the fourth edition of this work (New York: Macmillan, 1987), no men- tion is made of the 1907 and 1908 mergers. 30 E.R. Camfield, ‘AShort History of the International Church of the Nazarene,’ available from the author. I am grateful to the Rev. Steve Walsh, formerly lec- turer in church history at the Nazarene Theological College in Brisbane for clari- fying this debate for me. 31 M.T. Hughes, Seeds of Faith: A History of the Church of God Reformation Movement in Australia Part One (Englewood, OH: Self-Published, 1995); H. Chilver, ‘My Heart Set Aflame, in B.L. Callen, ed. Following the Light: Teach- ings, Testimonies, Trials, and Triumphs of the Church of God Movement (Ander- son) – a Documentary History (Anderson, IN: Warner Press, 2000), pp. 116–17. 32 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, pp. 136–37; The identity of the couple was provided in an interview with Judy and Malcolm Hughes in Anderson, Indiana, 13 July 2001, and through consulting correspondence at the Church of God archives at Anderson University. 33 B. Callen, ‘Honouring the Six “R’s” [sic] of Heritage Celebration,’ in Callen, Following the Light, p. 406. 34 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 138. 35 Information sent to the author by David Ravell in an email on 8 November 2017. See also, www.facebook.com/pages/Church-of-God-Ministries-Australia-New- Zealand/312770798799?sk=info accessed 5 November 2017. 36 See V. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, pp. 77–93, for an excellent treatment of this ‘fire-baptized’ wing of the Holiness movement. The standard denominational history is C.W. Conn, Like a Mighty Army: A History of the Church of God, 1886–1995 (Cleveland, TN: Pathway Press, 1996). Also see M. Crews, The Church of God: A Social History (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1990) and D.D. Preston, The Era of AJ Tomlinson (Cleveland, TN: White Wing Publishing, 1984). 37 Interview with B. and W. McAlpin, Cleveland, Tennessee, 29 June, 2001, in G. O’Brien, ‘North-American Wesleyan-Holiness Churches in Australia,’ PhD thesis, La Trobe University, 2015, p. 8. 26 Introduction 38 The Church’s website lists these as ‘Fellowship Venues,’ with NSW (11) and QLD (6) being the strongest areas. Church of God, Australia, http://cogaus.org. au/ accessed 4 September 2017. 39 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, pp. 184–85. International Offices of the Church of God of Prophecy, An Introduction to the Church of God of Prophecy (Cleveland, TN, 1999). Their Australian website speaks rather vaguely of having ‘gatherings’ in QLD, NSW and VIC, with a national head- quarters in south-east QLD, led by Pastor Denis Casey. GOCOP Australia, http://cogop.org.au/ accessed 4 September 2017. 40 In 1952 Colonel Percival Dale produced Salvation Chariot: A Review of the First Seventy-One Years of the Salvation Army in Australia 1880–1951 (Mel- bourne: Salvation Army Press, 1952); B. Bolton, Booth’s Drum: The Salvation Army in Australia, 1880–1980 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980) was written for the Army’s Centenary celebrations. J. Cleary updated the story with Salvo! The Salvation Army in the 1990s (Sydney: Focus Books, 1993). H. Hill, Saved to Save and Saved to Serve (2017) provides good material on Australia. An older multi-volume international history is that begun by R. Sandall, The History of The Salvation Army: Volume 1, 1865–1878 (New York: The Salva- tion Army, 1947). Good histories beyond the Australian context include N.H. Murdoch, Origins of The Salvation Army (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennes- see Press, 1994); P.J. Walker, Pulling the Devil’s Kingdom Down: The Salvation Army in Victorian Britain (Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 2001); E.H. McKinley, Marching to Glory: The History of The Salvation Army in the United States 1880–1992 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995). D. Winston, Red Hot and Righteous: The Urban Religion of the Salvation Army (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1999). For a thoughtful discussion of The Salvation Army’s approach to history see J. Hein, ‘More Inspirational than Penetrating: The Salva- tion Army’s Use of History,’ Aldersgate Papers 8 (September 2010): 27–45. The New Zealand scholar Harold Hill has also traced the process of clericalisation in The Salvation Army in his fine history, H. Hill, Leadership in the Salvation Army: A Case Study in Clericalisation (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2006). 41 Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 7. 42 G. D. Bouma and B. R. Dixon, The Religious Factor in Australian Life (Mel- bourne: MARC Australia, 1987), pp. vi, 4–8. The same group is termed ‘Conserv- ative Evangelical Protestant,’ in G. Bouma, ed. Religion: Meaning, Transcendence and Community in Australia (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1992). 43 Bouma, Religion: Meaning, Transcendence and Community, pp. 68–73. 44 This survey was a joint project of the Uniting Church Board of Mission and Anglicare, Diocese of Sydney. Detailed findings of the 1996 NCLS are given in P. Kaldor, et al., Build My Church: Trends and Possibilities for Australian Churches (Adelaide: Open Book, 1999). 45 D. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1989), pp. 16–17. 46 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, pp. 27–28. 47 Hardgrave, For Such a Time, p. 68. 48 O’Brien, Pioneer with a Passion, pp. 83–84. 49 O’Brien, Pioneer with a Passion, p. 27. 50 The influence of American Evangelicalism on Protestantism in QLD has been traced by Neville Buch in his doctoral thesis, N. Busch, ‘American Influence on Protestantism in Queensland Since 1945,’ PhD thesis, University of Queensland, 1995. David Parker has examined the American religious phenomenon of Fun- damentalism and its influence in Australia between 1920 and 1980. D. Parker, ‘Fundamentalism and Conservative Protestantism in Australia 1920–1980,’ PhD Thesis, University of Queensland, 1982. Philip Bell and Roger Bell have Introduction 27 examined Americanisation in P. Bell and R. Bell, Implicated: The United States in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1993) and the discussion has continued in the publishing of a number of responses to that work, in P. Bell and R. Bell, Americanization and Australia (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1998). Unfortunately, in neither of these last two works does the influence of America on religion in Australia have any place. The second of these two is wide ranging in its interests, including contributions on language, popular cul- ture, suburbia, ethnicity, politics, industrial relations, feminism, sport, film and television, literature, and art, but has no discussion of religion. This seems an unfortunate omission, since the influence of American Christianity in Australia has been significant. 51 S. Brouwer, P. Gifford and S.D. Rose, Exporting the American Gospel: Global Christian Fundamentalism (New York and London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 1–11. 52 Brouwer, Gifford and Rose, Exporting the American Gospel, p. 3. 53 I. Breward, A History of the Australian Churches (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993), pp. 61–2; Benson, A Century of Victorian Methodism, pp. 131–35; A. Walker, Heritage Without End: A Story to Tell to the Nation (Melbourne: Gen- eral Conference Literature and Publications Committee of the Methodist Church of Australasia, 1953), pp. 44–46. 54 D. Paproth, ‘Revivalism in Melbourne from Federation to World War I: The Torrey-Alexander-Chapman Campaigns,’ in M. Hutchinson et al., Reviving Aus- tralia, pp. 143–69; R. Broome, Treasure in Earthen Vessels: Protestant Christian- ity in New South Wales Society 1900–1914 (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1980), pp. 65–73. 55 See B. Graham, Just as I Am: The Autobiography of Billy Graham (San Fran- cisco, CA: Harper Collins, 1996), pp. 325–37 for a firsthand account of this tour. 56 The material in this section appeared in a slightly different form in G. O’Brien, ‘God in the Appendices: Writing History as a Person of Faith,’ Lucas Evangelical History Journal, new series no. 2 (December 2010): 15–22. 57 One need only compare an older type of history such as A. Stevens, The History of the Religious Movement of the Eighteenth Century Called Methodism (New York: Carlton and Porter, 1858) with the four volume set by R. Davies et al., A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain (London: Epworth, 1983ff) to see the difference noted here. 58 A. Schutz, ‘On Multiple Realities,’ in Collected Papers I: The Problem of Social Reality (The Hague: Matrinus Nijhoff, 1971), pp. 207–59. 59 S.J. Gould, Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life (New York: Ballantine, 1999), pp. 52–53. 60 Schutz, ‘On Multiple Realities,’ pp. 6–7. 61 L.W. Tentler, ‘Loving Them into the Kingdom,’ Books and Culture 4:6 (Novem- ber/December 1998): 29. 62 B.M. Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography Beyond the “Outward Clash”: A Case Study on the Alternation Approach,’ Christian Scholar’s Review 23:1 (2003): 95–123. I am significantly indebted to Seeman’s article in this section. 63 D.G. Hart, ‘Christian Scholars, Secular Universities, and the Problem with the Antithesis,’ Christian Scholar’s Review 30:4 (Summer 2001): 401. 64 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 96. 65 P. Berger, A Rumour of Angels (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969), pp. 7–8. 66 P. Berger and H. Kellner, Sociology Reinterpreted: An Essay in Method and Vocation (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969), p. 85; M.A. Noll, ‘And the Lion Shall Lie Down with the Lamb: The Social Sciences and Religious History,’ Fides et Historia 20:3 (January 1988): p. 14. 67 Noll, ‘And the Lion Shall Lie Down with the Lamb,’ p. 20. 28 Introduction 68 H.S. Stout, The Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1991), p. xvi. 69 H.S. Stout, ‘Evangelicals and the Writing of History,’ Evangelical Studies Bul- letin 12:1 (Spring 1995): p. 7. 70 G.M. Marsden, The Outrageous Idea of Christian Scholarship (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 91, n.12. 71 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 110. 72 Seeman is summarising John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 30–32. 73 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 111. 74 John Rawls, ‘Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory,’ Journal of Philosophy 77:9 (September 1980): 545. 75 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 113. 76 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 113. 77 Seeman, ‘Evangelical Historiography,’ p. 121. 78 See the discussion in Chapter 6 of this book. 79 H.S. Stout and R.M. Taylor, Jr., ‘Studies of Religion in American Society: The State of the Art,’ in H.S. Stout and D.G. Hart, eds. New Directions in American Religious History (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 21. 80 Stout and Taylor, ‘Studies of Religion in American Society,’ p. 22. 81 Stout and Taylor, ‘Studies of Religion in American Society,’ pp. 31–32. 82 ‘National Church Statistics, 1996–2015,’ report provided by Doug Ring, national statistician of the Wesleyan Methodist Church 13 September 2017. 83 This was a 7% drop from the 1996 figure. ‘NCLS Releases Latest Estimates of Church Attendance,’ NCLS Research, www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?sitemap id=2106 accessed 13 September 2017. 84 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 138. 85 ‘NCLS Releases Latest Estimates of Church Attendance,’ NCLS Research, www. ncls.org.au/default.aspx?sitemapid=2106 accessed 13 September 2017. 86 ‘Nazarene Churches,’ www.nazarene.org.au/churches/ accessed 5 September 2017. 87 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 185. 88 The statistics are drawn from E. Daniel, ‘Salvationists,’ in J. Jupp, ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion in Australia (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 560, 554–560. I am grateful to Major Dr Geoff Webb for clarifying the nature of the 2006 figure. 89 The Eastern Territory recorded 152 corps, 898 officers (472 active), 7,473 sen- ior soldiers, 686 junior soldiers, 2,968 adherents, and 4,230 employees. The Southern Territory figures were: 161 corps, 854 officers (454 active), 6,916 sen- ior soldiers, 1,263 junior soldiers, 2,044 adherents, and 4,848 employees. The Salvation Army Year Book 2017 (London: Salvation Army International Head- quarters, 2017), pp. 60, 64. 90 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, pp. 139, 140. The spelling ‘Nazarean’ rather than ‘Nazarene’ is correct. 91 Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 140. 92 Apostolic Christian Church Foundation Publications Committee, We Believe: A Draft Statement of Faith of the Apostolic Church (Nazarean) (Apostolic Christian Church, 1987), p. 5. 93 Apostolic Christian Church History (Eureka, IL: Apostolic Christian Publica- tions, 1985), p. 171; S. H. Froelich, The Salvation of Man Through the Baptism of Regeneration and the Receiving of the Holy Spirit: A Scriptural Discourse Concerning the Baptism in Christ (Chicago, IL: Apostolic Christian Publishing, 1945), p. 108. Introduction 29 94 Apostolic Christian Church History, pp. 149–58. See also Mountain Tops Along the Way: Essays in the History of the Apostolic Christian Church of North America (Nazarean) (Wooster, OH: Apostolic Christian Church Foun- dation Publications Committee, n.d.). 95 Letter to the author from Zorica Tutus, secretary to the Chadstone Apostolic Church (Nazarean), 10 May 1999. 96 Disavowals of Evangelicalism are also found in B. Freund, Our Church His- tory: Apostolic Christian Church, Nazarean, cassette tape 1 and H. Michel, ‘I Will Remember the Works of the Lord’: A Historical Sketch of the Apostolic Christian Church (Lake Bloomington, IL: Apostolic Christian Camp, 1947). 97 ‘About Us,’ www.cmalliance.org/about/ accessed 5 November 2017. 98 R. Warnken, ‘The Alliance Under the Cross: The C&MA in Australia,’ self- published paper (1992), pp. 2–3. 99 Independent churches which became Alliance churches included Seaford (NSW) Church of Christ, Hobart (Tasmania) Free Christian Church, Scoresby (VIC) Church. Warnken, ‘The Alliance Under the Cross,’ pp. 4–5. 100 Warnken, ‘The Alliance Under the Cross,’ p. 5. 101 ‘Director’s Report’ (1970), in Warnken, ‘The Alliance Under the Cross,’ p. 5. 102 Brochure from the Eighth General Council of the Christian and Missionary Alliance of Australia Melbourne 2–6 March 1977, held at the Box Hill Town Hall, Whitehorse Road, Box Hill, VIC. See also R. Warnken, ‘Missionary Is Our Middle Name: The Christian and Missionary Alliance in Australia,’ (1996), p. 12. This paper was later published in M. Hutchinson and G. Treloar, eds., This Gospel Shall Be Preached: Essays on the Australian Contribution to World Mission (Sydney: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1998), pp. 263–76. 103 C&MA, the Christian and Missionary Alliance of Australia, www.cma.org.au/ accessed 24 October 2013. 104 Comparing the statistical information in Ward and Humphreys, Religious Bod- ies in Australia, p. 139, to the church’s current website. 105 ‘NCLS Releases Latest Estimates of Church Attendance,’ NCLS Research www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?sitemapid=2106 accessed 13 September 2017. 106 ‘10th Anniversary in Australia,’ brochure from the Tenth Annual General Council of the Christian and Missionary Alliance of Australia, Burton and Gar- ran Hall, Australian National University, Canberra, 14–18 February 1979. 107 ‘Churches of the C&MA,’ www.cma.org.au/churches/ accessed 4 September 2017. 108 R. Warnken, ‘Missionary Is Our Middle Name,’ p. 21. 109 Ward and Humphries, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 139. 110 Ward and Humphries, Religious Bodies in Australia, p. 139. 111 ‘About Us,’ www.cmalliance.org/about/ accessed 5 November 2017. 112 In Alliance theology Jesus is described as ‘Savior, Sanctifier, Healer, and Com- ing King.’ ‘The Fourfold Gospel,’ www.cmalliance.org/about/beliefs/fourfold- gospel accessed 5 November 2017. 113 ‘Our Statement of Faith,’ www.cmalliance.org/about/beliefs/doctrine accessed 5 November 2017. 114 R. Warnken, phone conversation with the author, 17 February 2004. 115 ‘Who We Are,’ www.cmalliance.org/whoweare/whoweare.jsp accessed 24 October 2013. The website has since been updated and does not contain the words in the quote. 116 L. Mackey, These Evangelical Churches of Ours cited in K.P. Lear, ‘All in the Family,’ Christianity.ca, www.christianity.ca/page.aspx?pid=11500 accessed 5 November 2017. 30 Introduction 117 Lear, ‘All in the Family.’ 118 D. Bundy, review of Paul Y. Hong, ‘History of the Korea Holiness Church for 110 Years Since the 1897 IHC,’ WTJ 48:2 (Fall 2013): 225. 119 Ridgway, In Search of God, p. 122. 120 Ridgway, In Search of God, p. 64. Carson is listed as a Home Missionary in K. Whitby and E.G. Clancy, eds., Great the Heritage: The Story of Methodism in NSW 1812–1975 (Mascot: The Division of Interpretation and Communica- tion of the NSW Methodist Conference, 1975), p. 131. 121 See ‘Obituary of the Rev. Alfred Benson Carson,’ in The Christian Standard, n.d. (circa 1933). 122 E.T. Rien, A Challenge to Holiness: The Life and Work of Elliot John Rien of ‘Bethshan’ Holiness Mission, Wyee. A Tribute by His Son (Wyee: Bethshan Book Depot, n.d.), pp. 38–58. 123 K.M. Ridgway, letter to Wesley Nussey, 17 May, 1945. 124 K.M. Ridgway, letter to Roy S. Nicholson, 17 May, 1945. 125 J.M. Ridgway, ‘The Beginnings of Wesleyan Methodism in Australia,’ a con- densation of a term paper submitted to Dr H.F. Shipps at Asbury Theological Seminary, 1958. 126 Hardgrave, For Such a Time, p. 65. 127 E.E. Shelhamer, a Free Methodist, had visited Australia in 1936, and written to Nazarene headquarters urging them to consider sending workers. In 1938 Naz- arene missionaries to India, Prescott and Bessie Beals had spent two months in Australia on their way home for furlough, and recorded interest. Nothing had come of these earlier connections, however. W.T. Purkiser, Called unto Holiness: Vol.2 The Second Twenty-Five Years, 1933–1958 (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1983), p. 180; P. L. Beals, ‘Report to the Board of General Superintendents,’ (9 January 1939), Kansas City, MO, Nazarene Archives. 128 W. Abetz and K. Abetz, Swimming Between the Flags: Reflections on the Basis of Union (Bendigo: Middle Earth Press, 2002); A. Dutney, Where Did the Joy Come From? Revisiting the Basis of Union (Melbourne: Uniting Church Press, 2001); W.W. Emilsen and S. Emilsen, eds., The Uniting Church in Australia: The First 25 Years (Melbourne: Circa, 2003). 129 Hardgrave, For Such a Time, p. 11. 130 I. Breward, A History of the Churches in Australasia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), p. 399. In 1999 a Wesleyan Methodist Church in New Zealand was formed by a separation from the Methodist Church of New Zealand as a result of this same controversy, and aligned itself with the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Australia. See G. Bryant, Why a Wesleyan Methodist Movement? cited in Breward, History of the Churches in Australasia, p. 399. 131 Breward, History of the Churches in Australasia, p. 381. 132 There are articles on the Church of the Nazarene and the Wesleyan Methodist Church in J. Jupp, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion in Australia (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Unfortunately the article on the Wesleyans (pp. 592–93) contains several factual errors, for example that the Wesleyan Methodist Church began in QLD. The Church of the Nazarene and the Church of God (Anderson) appeared in a chapter on ‘The Holiness Churches,’ in T. van Sommers, ed. Religions in Australia (Adelaide: Rigby, 1966), pp. 78–82. The Wesleyan Methodist Church is mentioned but not discussed in any detail. 133 H. Mol, Religion in Australia: A Sociological Investigation (Melbourne: Thomas Nelson, 1971); H. Mol, The Faith of Australians (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1985); Michael Hogan, The Sectarian Strand: Religion in Australian History (Melbourne: Penguin, 1987). Introduction 31 134 M. Hutchinson and E. Campion, eds., Re-Visioning Australian Colonial Chris- tianity: New Essays in the Australian Christian Experience 1788–1900 (Syd- ney: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1994); Iain H. Murray, Australian Christian Life from 1788: An Introduction and Anthology (Edin- burgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1988); Allan M. Grocott, Convicts, Clergymen and Churches: Attitudes of Convicts and Ex-Convicts Toward the Churches and Clergy in New South Wales from 1788 to 1851 (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1980). 135 R. Broome, Treasure in Earthen Vessels: Protestant Christianity in New South Wales Society 1900–1914 (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1980), pp. 95–125. 136 J.D. Bollen, Protestantism and Social Reform in New South Wales 1890–1910 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1972). 137 H.M. Carey, Believing in Australia: A Cultural History of Religions (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1996). 138 M. Newton, Southern Cross Saints: The Mormons in Australia (Laie, HI: The Institute for Polynesian Studies, 1991). 139 B. Chant, Heart of Fire: The Story of Australian Pentecostalism, 2nd ed. (Ade- laide: Luke Publications, 1975), p. 186. See also his more recent work, The Spirit of Pentecost: The Origins and Development of Pentecostalism in Aus- tralia 1870–1939 (Lexington, KY: Emeth Press, 2011). 140 S. Piggin, ‘The History of Revival in Australia,’ in M. Hutchinson and E. Cam- pion, eds. Re-Visioning Australian Colonial Christianity: New Essays in the Australian Christian Experience 1788–1900 (Sydney: Centre for the Study of Australian Christianity, 1994), p. 187. 141 H.F. Stevenson, ed., Keswick’s Authentic Voice: Sixty-Five Dynamic Addresses Delivered at the Keswick Convention 1875–1957 (London: Marshall Morgan and Scott, 1959), p. 13. See also J.C. Pollock, The Keswick Story: The Author- ised History of the Keswick Convention (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1964). David Bebbington provides a good essay in ‘The Keswick Tradition,’ Chapter 4 of D. Bebbington, Holiness in Nineteenth-Century England: The 1998 Didsbury Lectures (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000), pp. 73–90. 142 There is a brief discussion of the Holiness Movement, but only a passing reference to Australia and the focus is on the Keswick convention movement. G.R. Treloar, The Disruption of Evangelicalism: The Age of Torrey, Mott, McPherson, and Hammond (Leicester and Downers Grove: IVP, 2017), pp. 58–61. 143 S. Piggin, Evangelical Christianity in Australia: Spirit, Word and World (Mel- bourne: Oxford University Press, 1996). See also S. Piggin, ‘The American and British Contributions to Evangelicalism in Australia,’ in M.A. Noll, D.W. Bab- bington, and G.A. Rawlyk, eds. Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popu- lar Protestantism in North America, the British Isles and Beyond 1700–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290–309. 144 Piggin, Evangelical Christianity, ch. 5. 145 Piggin, Evangelical Christianity, p. 122. 146 D. Millikan, Imperfect Company: Power and Control in an Australian Chris- tian Cult (Melbourne: William Heinemann, 1991). Cameron sees a mistaken identification of the Wesleyan Methodists with this group as one cause of some Evangelicals’ suspicion towards Wesleyans in their formative years. L. 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