The History of HONG KONG's PROTESTS

Document 1 - Why did Britain handover Honk Kong to China ? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l7UxedFC9zs

Document 2 – What is the Basic Law of Hong Kong? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SPZChjTU7LY

Document 3 – Hong Kong's democracy debate, June 18, 2015, BBC News

Hong Kong legislators have rejected a reform package that would have allowed direct elections for the territory's leader in 2017. The reforms were endorsed by the Chinese government, but many in Hong Kong are opposed to it. There were huge street protests and blockades last year, when Beijing ruled out open nominations for the election of Hong Kong's chief executive in 2017. The BBC takes a look at the controversy.

What is Hong Kong's relationship with China?

Hong Kong, a former British colony, was handed back to China in 1997 following a 1984 agreement between China and Britain. China agreed to govern Hong Kong under the principle of "one country, two systems", where the city would enjoy "a high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defence affairs" for 50 years. As a result, Hong Kong has its own legal system, and rights including freedom of assembly and free speech are protected. Its leader, the chief executive, is currently elected by a 1,200-member election committee. A majority of the representatives are viewed as pro-Beijing. Hong Kong's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, says that "the ultimate aim" is to elect the chief executive "by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures".

What are the reforms about?

The Chinese government promised direct elections for chief executive by 2017. But in August 2014 China's top legislative committee ruled that voters would only be able to choose from a list of two or three candidates selected by a nominating committee. This committee would be formed "in accordance with" Hong Kong's largely pro-Beijing election committee. Any candidate would have to secure the support of more than 50% of the nominating committee before being able to run in the election. Democracy activists argue that this gives China the ability to screen out any candidates it disapproves of. Hong Kong's government put together an electoral reform package based on Beijing's ruling. But pro-democracy legislators vetoed the bill, which requires the support of two-thirds of the 70- seat legislature to pass.

What do democracy activists say?

They have dubbed the proposed new system a "sham democracy". Prominent pro-democracy groups include Occupy Central, led by academic Benny Tai, and student groups such as the Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism. Occupy Central organised an unofficial referendum on political reform in June 2014. About one in five Hong Kong residents turned out for it - and 88% of participants said the legislative council should veto any political reform package that did not satisfy international standards and allow a genuine choice for voters. Shortly after the vote, tens of thousands of protesters took part in what observers say was Hong Kong's largest pro-democracy rally in a decade on 1 July, which marked the day Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997. Since then, the student groups have become a key player as well. In late September they led a week of class boycotts, which later grew into full-scale city-wide protests - dubbed the Umbrella Movement - when Occupy Central decided to join in. Tens of thousands camped in the streets for weeks, holding their ground despite clashes with police. But in late November and December the protests petered out - the camps were gradually dismantled by police. Despite talks between the students and high-level officials, the protests ended with no concessions from government.

Does everyone want full democracy?

No. Pro-Beijing groups, such as Silent Majority for Hong Kong and Caring Hong Kong Power have emerged, criticising pro-democracy activists for "endangering" the city. They argue that continued civil disobedience and opposition to Beijing would only damage the city's reputation and economy, as well as its relationship with China. These groups have organised several protests against Occupy Central and the pro-democracy movement. Such large-scale pro-government protests are rare in Hong Kong, and some questioned their legitimacy, especially when reports emerged that some marchers were paid to attend. Business leaders, who favour stability, have also opposed pro-democracy protests. Pro-China legislators have argued that Beijing's proposals are an improvement on the current system. Several groups have rallied against the pro-democracy protests. In November, police arrested a number of people involved in scuffles with pro-democracy protesters camped in the streets, and said that among those arrested were people with links to triad gangs. Some of the public who previously backed the sentiment of the Occupy Central protests also turned against it, because of the disruption caused by the ongoing sit-ins in central areas and streets. A number of businesses sought court injunctions to have the roads cleared.

What does China say?

China has consistently denounced pro-democracy protests, and called last year's street occupations "illegal". On 16 June, the deputy commissioner for Beijing's foreign affairs office in Hong Kong denounced the "despicable means" and "extremely violent activities" of opposition activists. "We hope that the moderate pan-democrats will see through the true face of radical forces," Song Ruan was quoted as saying by the AFP news agency, ahead of the vote on the reform package. In a June 2014 white paper, China said some had a "confused and lopsided" understanding of the "one country, two systems" model. China has constantly stressed that unity is the way forward for the country, as it grapples with demands for greater autonomy in Xinjiang and Tibet.

What is the Hong Kong government's stand?

Chief Executive CY Leung hailed Beijing's decision on election candidacy as a "major step forward in the development of Hong Kong's society". His government said June's unofficial referendum had no legal standing. It also welcomed the Chinese government's white paper, saying that Hong Kong has benefited from the "one country, two systems" model.

Document 4 – Have Hong Kong's youth lost hope in the future ?, April 29, 2017, BBC News

"The Hong Kong we know isn't dying. It's already dead."

That's the assessment of Jennifer, 29.

She came from a modest family background, but studied hard and graduated with a degree from one of Hong Kong's most prestigious universities.

She says she studied politics because she wanted to contribute to society - but no longer believes the territory has a future.

Jennifer is just one of Hong Kong's many talented, and unhappy, young people.

Recent surveys paint a depressing picture. According to one study, Hong Kong's young people are the unhappiest they have been in a decade - and the least likely, of all age groups, to agree with the statement "life is really worth living".

Other surveys find that 60% of those aged 18-29 want to emigrate, and 80% are unhappy with the political situation.

If Hong Kong's youth appear particularly unhappy, it might be because of the territory's unusual situation. It's technically one of the richest territories in Asia, but also has one of the worst wealth gaps.

And Hong Kongers enjoy free speech and a free press, but don't have the right to democratic elections - meaning they can readily discuss what makes them unhappy, but have limited political means to change things.

"The atmosphere of society doesn't really lend itself to a future for young people," says Gary Wong, a lecturer in sociology at the University of Hong Kong.

"They might feel that universal suffrage is not going to happen, and they don't know what will happen after 2047 - including in their own careers, and whether they can afford housing."

Hong Kong often ranks as having the least affordable housing in the world - and this "affects young people's family planning, and their choice of future careers," Dr Wong says.

Jennifer grew up in a public estate with her parents and brother - but says after her brother got married, the small two-bedroom flat became extremely cramped.

"For almost a year, I had to sleep on a sofa in the living room."

Not having a room meant she struggled to sleep properly after a long day at work, especially after her brother and his wife had their first baby.

And while many older generations like to argue that hard work is rewarded with success, many young people feel that is no longer true.

"We work hard, but there's nothing," Jennifer says.

Jennifer and her fiance now plan to emigrate from Hong Kong - due to political concerns as well as the high cost of living.

"Back in 1997 [when Hong Kong was handed back to China], we thought Hong Kong could influence China. But now, what we see is China influencing Hong Kong."

She describes Beijing's recent decision to issue an interpretation of Hong Kong's mini-constitution, to disqualify two pro-independence legislators, as "a huge blow" that makes her doubt the rule of law.

'Impossible to run'

Even some who would call themselves politically apathetic were worried by the move.

Lily, a 20-year-old science student, normally "doesn't care about politics much".

But Beijing's interpretation left her thinking: "In the future, will they forcefully push through other laws?"

"I found it quite horrifying when the legislators were disqualified - because they were democratically elected. It seems like Hong Kong citizens don't have a choice after all."

Dr Wong thinks recent events have also dented young people's faith in politics as a way to channel their opinions.

"This makes young people angry and frustrated", and the lack of trust could make it "rather impossible for government to run", he says.

Recent years have seen a rise in youth-led protests - from the mass pro-democracy sit-ins in 2014 to protests resulting in clashes with police.

'A free place'

Although many surveys paint a pessimistic picture, it's important to view them in context. Hong Kongers are often dissatisfied with how things are run - even when the territory does extremely well in some global league tables, such as education and healthcare.

Vincent, 18, was born in and grew up in Hong Kong. His parents had fled Vietnam, and were granted asylum in the territory. He is now studying in one of Hong Kong's top universities.

"Compared to other places, Hong Kong is quite a free place," he says. "As long as you're willing to work, you'll have a job and basic living standards."

The downside, he says, is that "social mobility isn't very high".

Vincent feels that, "economically and politically, Hong Kong does need to co-operate with China".

But, like many of his peers, he is also worried about what changes will happen after 2047, when the arrangement that gives Hong Kong special rights and freedoms is set to end.

"Some law students at university think - if Hong Kong's law is different by then, what's the point [of them studying]?"

"And if our education system merges with mainland China's, there'll be even more competition."

Many people agree that Hong Kong has serious political and social challenges - but there is little agreement on solutions.

The government has pledged to build more affordable housing - but demand far outstrips supply.

When it comes to politics, some groups advocate more dialogue with Beijing, or compulsory Chinese history lessons to improve understanding of the mainland.

But many young people are disillusioned with traditional politics, and view these moves with suspicion. Some even support the idea of Hong Kong's independence from China.

Karen, a 24 year-old NGO-worker, argues that "people are getting more extreme and intolerant of others' views".

Karen is part of a group campaigning for democracy, and argues that, with the 2047 deadline edging closer, people need to be pragmatic.

"If everyone sticks to their own ideals, nothing is going to change." But she stresses the importance of listening to Hong Kong's youth.

"If society is more tolerant of young people, then I think there's still hope."

Document 5 – Why are there protests in Hong Kong ? All the context you need, September 4, 2019, BBC News

The protests began in June over plans - later put on ice, and finally withdrawn in September - that would have allowed extradition from Hong Kong to mainland China. But they've now spread to reflect wider demands for democratic reform, and an inquiry into alleged police brutality.

This is not all happening in a vacuum. There's a lot of important context - some of it stretching back decades - that helps explain what is going on.

Hong Kong has a special status...

It's important to remember that Hong Kong is significantly different from other Chinese cities. To understand this, you need to look at its history. t was a British colony for more than 150 years - part of it, Hong Kong island, was ceded to the UK after a war in 1842. Later, China also leased the rest of Hong Kong - the New Territories - to the British for 99 years.

It became a busy trading port, and its economy took off in the 1950s as it became a manufacturing hub.

The territory was also popular with migrants and dissidents fleeing instability, poverty or persecution in mainland China.

Then, in the early 1980s, as the deadline for the 99-year-lease approached, Britain and China began talks on the future of Hong Kong - with the communist government in China arguing that all of Hong Kong should be returned to Chinese rule.

The two sides reached a deal in 1984 that would see Hong Kong return to China in 1997, under the principle of "one country, two systems".

This meant that while becoming part of one country with China, Hong Kong would enjoy "a high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defence affairs" for 50 years.

As a result, Hong Kong has its own legal system and borders, and rights including freedom of assembly and free speech are protected.

For example, it is one of the few places in Chinese territory where people can commemorate the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, where the military opened fire on unarmed protesters in Beijing.

...but things are changing

Hong Kong still enjoys freedoms not seen on mainland China - but critics say they are on the decline.

Rights groups have accused China of meddling in Hong Kong, citing examples such as legal rulings that have disqualified pro-democracy legislators. They've also been concerned by the disappearance of five Hong Kong booksellers, and a tycoon - all eventually re-emerged in custody in China.

Artists and writers say they are under increased pressure to self-censor - and a Financial Times journalist was barred from entering Hong Kong after he hosted an event that featured an independence activist.

Another sticking point has been democratic reform.

Hong Kong's leader, the chief executive, is currently elected by a 1,200-member election committee - a mostly pro-Beijing body chosen by just 6% of eligible voters.

Not all the 70 members of the territory's lawmaking body, the Legislative Council, are directly chosen by Hong Kong's voters. Most seats not directly elected are occupied by pro-Beijing lawmakers.

Some elected members have even been disbarred after Beijing issued a controversial legal ruling that effectively disqualified them.

Hong Kong's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, says that ultimately both the leader, and the Legislative Council, should be elected in a more democratic way - but there's been disagreement over what this should look like.

The Chinese government said in 2014 it would allow voters to choose their leaders from a list approved by a pro-Beijing committee, but critics called this a "sham democracy" and it was voted down in Hong Kong's legislature. In 28 years' time in 2047, the Basic Law expires - and what happens to Hong Kong's autonomy after that is unclear.

Most people in Hong Kong don't see themselves as Chinese

While most people in Hong Kong are ethnic Chinese, and although Hong Kong is part of China, a majority of people there don't identify as Chinese.

Surveys from the University of Hong Kong show that most people identify themselves as "Hong Kongers" - only 11% would call themselves "Chinese" - and 71% of people say they do not feel proud about being Chinese citizens.

The difference is particularly pronounced amongst the young.

"The younger the respondents, the less likely they feel proud of becoming a national citizen of China, and also the more negative they are toward the Central Government's policies on Hong Kong," the university's public opinion programme says.

Hong Kongers have described legal, social and cultural differences - and the fact Hong Kong was a separate colony for 150 years - as reasons for why they don't identify with their compatriots in mainland China.

There has also been a rise in anti-mainland Chinese sentiment in Hong Kong in recent years, with people complaining about rude tourists disregarding local norms or driving up the cost of living.

Some young activists have even called for Hong Kong's independence from China, something that alarms the Beijing government.

Protesters feel the extradition bill, if passed, would bring the territory closer under China's control.

"Hong Kong will just become another Chinese city if this bill is passed," one protester, 18-year-old Mike, told the BBC. Hong Kongers know how to protest

In December 2014, as police dismantled what remained of a pro-democracy protest site in central Hong Kong, demonstrators chanted: "We'll be back."

The fact that protests have now returned is not necessarily surprising. There's a rich history of dissent in Hong Kong, stretching back further even than the past few years.

In 1966, demonstrations broke out after the Star Ferry Company decided to increase its fares. The protests escalated into riots, a full curfew was declared and hundreds of troops took to the streets.

Protests have continued since 1997, but now the biggest ones tend to be of a political nature - and bring demonstrators into conflict with mainland China's position.

While Hong Kongers have a degree of autonomy, they have little liberty in the polls, meaning protests are one of the few ways they can make their opinions heard.

There were large protests in 2003 (up to 500,000 people took to the streets and led to a controversial security bill being scrapped) and annual marches for universal suffrage - as well as memorials to the Tiananmen Square crackdown - are fixtures of the territory's calendar.

The 2014 demonstrations took place over several weeks and saw Hong Kongers demand the right to elect their own leader. But the so-called Umbrella movement eventually fizzled out with no concessions from Beijing.

Document 6 – Hong Kong protest timeline: The evolution of a movement, August 18, 2019, CNN

In recent weeks, Hong Kong's protests have been characterized by tear gas and angry confrontations. But it wasn't always like this.

In March, when residents began protesting against a controversial bill that would enable China to extradite fugitives from the city, the weekend rallies were relatively small and peaceful.

However, since the start of June, protesters and police have clashed on multiple occasions. In August, a city-wide strike brought parts of the territory to a standstill, and almost 1,000 flights were canceled as protesters occupied the airport for two days.

Here's how peaceful demonstrations against an extradition bill have grown into a large, occasionally volatile pro-democracy movement.

A sea of white

The Hong Kong government proposed the extradition bill earlier this year to close what it said was a loophole that prevented alleged criminals from being extradited to Hong Kong from other Chinese territories, including Macao and Taiwan.

Lawyers, pro-democracy activists and the business community quickly denounced the bill, and it even provoked scuffles between Hong Kong lawmakers in the city's main government building, known as the Legislative Council, during an early debate.

But it wasn't until June that the anti-extradition protests kicked off in earnest. On June 9, days before the bill was due to have its second reading, hundreds of thousands of protesters marched through Hong Kong's central streets. There were families, young people, and elderly, many wearing white to represent justice.

Organizers estimated the crowd size to be more than 1 million, while police said put the number at 240,000.

Some thought the impressive turn-out -- Hong Kong's biggest demonstration in at least a decade -- would force the government to back down. But the following day, the city's leader Carrie Lam said she was sticking by her controversial bill.

The first occupation

Frustrated that the government wasn't listening, protesters began gathering around the Legislative Council on June 11, the night before the bill was set to have its second reading.

The following day, tens of thousands of protesters joined the occupation on the streets outside the governmental complex, hoping to block lawmakers from being able to debate the bill. This time, they wore black -- and they were prepared for a face-off.

The vast majority were young, and many came with umbrellas, hardhats and face masks.

They built barricades, completely closing off roads to traffic. With the authorities caught on the back foot, the Legislative Council meeting was rescheduled.

To some, the occupation -- which began peacefully -- brought back memories of Hong Kong's 2014 Umbrella Movement, when pro democracy protesters occupied parts of the city for 79 days. "At the end of the Umbrella Movement we said we would be back," said lawmaker Claudia Mo. "And now, we are back!"

As the afternoon wore on, the protest became tense. Police called on protesters to disperse -- but more and more continued to arrive.

Starting from mid-afternoon, police fired rounds of tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets and bean bags -- and at least 81 people were injured.

The 2 million march

Three days later, Lam backed down and suspended the controversial extradition bill. But if she thought that would stop the protests, she was wrong.

On June 16, even more people flooded Hong Kong's city streets, spilling over the planned route and at least three additional streets on either side. Overhead photos showed a far larger crowd than the previous weekend's march, or a march in 2003, which had been the city's largest protest since the former British colony came under Chinese rule in 1997.

Organizers estimated that around 2 million had taken part -- just over a quarter of the city's population of 7.4 million. Police said 338,000 people had followed the original protest route.

The protesters demanded that the bill be withdrawn -- not just suspended. But they were also angry about other things too: The alleged police brutality on June 12, and the death of a protester in an apparent suicide the day before. A government break-in

Marches and occupations continued throughout June, but the next turning point came on July 1, the anniversary of the former British colony's handover to China which has always been marked by pro-democracy demonstrations.

Dissent started early in the day. Protesters arrived on the streets in the early hours, and clashed with police as they tried to prevent the annual flag raising ceremony from taking place.

That afternoon, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators marched peacefully through central Hong Kong. But this time, the demonstrators were split. As peaceful protesters marched, hundreds of masked, mainly young demonstrators attempted to break into the Legislative Council building.

At night, more radical protesters stormed the building and occupied it for hours, leaving a trail of destruction in their wake. Pro-democracy lawmakers watching the chaos tried to stop the demonstrators, but were shouted down and ignored by protesters, many of whom felt desperate and bleak.

Many protesters weren't just thinking about the bill anymore -- they were calling for universal suffrage in the semi-autonomous Chinese city.

Mob attack in a subway

As protests continued in July, they began to follow a familiar pattern: A peaceful march in the day, followed by a violent face-off with the police as the day wore on.

And the level of violence and weaponry continued to escalate. In July, police seized 2 kilograms (4.4 pounds) of high explosives, 10 petrol bombs, corrosive liquids, weapons and metal poles at a suspected bomb-making factory.

On July 21, as protesters and police clashed on Hong Kong island, a mob of people some 31km (19 miles) away were carrying out an unprovoked attack on subway passengers using iron bars and bamboo sticks.

Forty-five people -- some of whom were returning home from the protests -- were injured in the attack.

The police took up to an hour to respond to emergency calls, prompting accusations that there was collusion between the police and the mob -- and leading to further distrust of authorities among protesters.

A city-wide shutdown

By August, protests had spread to neighborhoods around Hong Kong. The government though showed few signs that they were willing to respond to the protesters' demands, which included greater democracy and an inquiry into police brutality.

It was time to try something different.

On August 5, protesters led widespread strikes around the city.

More than 2,300 aviation workers joined the strike, leading to the cancellation of 224 flights to and from the airport -- the 8th busiest in the world. Major subway lines were suspended, and key roads and highways were blocked. Protests took place in seven districts. In five districts, clashes broke out between police and protesters, prompting police to fire tear gas.

Experts said the strikes were likely the biggest to have rocked the city since at least 1967, when Hong Kong was still a British colony.

Shutting down the world's 8th busiest airport

Next, protesters turned their attention to Hong Kong's airport.

On the nights of August 12 and 13, the airport was brought to a standstill as demonstrators occupied parts of the building, prompting hundreds of flights to be canceled and leaving passengers confused and angry.

Scenes of chaos erupted among the mainly young demonstrators, who detained and beat several people they suspected of being undercover police.

In one confrontation, a police officer was attacked from behind as he held down a protester. His baton was then taken and used against him, before the officer drew what appeared to be a pistol and aimed it at the crowd.

The scenes demonstrated the depth of anger and frustration among the protesters. But it also showed the fragmentation and leaderless nature of the movement, which had no central person to turn to for direction.

The next day, some protesters apologized, perhaps an acknowledgment that the violent scenes could damage support for their cause. "We apologize for our behavior but we are just too scared," one graphic shared on social media read.

Document 7 – Dreams collide with despair in the political awakening of Hong Kong youth, January 1, 2020, South Morning China Post

For Karinne Fu Kai-lam it was her dream job offer: a position with Hong Kong’s Education Bureau. A recent graduate from the University of Hong Kong and six months into work at a business consultancy, she said the new job was just what she had been hoping for. “When I got the offer, all I was thinking was about renting a bigger flat and getting a dog,” she recalls. But by that time the suicides had started. It was June 2019 and millions of people had taken to the streets of Hong Kong to protest against a government proposal to allow legal suspects in the city to be extradited to mainland China, among other jurisdictions, for trial. Many saw the government’s plan as an erosion of rights guaranteed under Hong Kong’s Basic Law, the city’s mini-constitution. On June 15, a protester unfurled a banner against the extradition bill and then jumped to his death from the Pacific Place building in the Admiralty district. Internet communities in the city went on the alert as two other people committed suicide and left notes on social media that included despair about Hong Kong’s future. This raised fears the political and street turmoil was pushing some people over the edge, so online groups formed to help. On July 3, one man posted a series of pictures on his Facebook page and a note that he planned to take his own life in protest against the government. The alert went out among internet groups to try to find and stop him. Fu, 23, was one of those who saw the alert and helped spread the message. Based on the pictures he posted, she also went looking for him on the streets. She didn’t find him, but someone else did and talked him out of it. Fu said she now refers to July 3 as her day of “awakening”. The dream job idea was ditched and she decided to enter politics to try and bring about change. Fu had attended the mass street rallies in June, but it was the anguish of looking for the man threatening suicide that changed her outlook, she said. In one photo posted by the man, he stood in front of the government headquarters at Tamar, overlooking Victoria Harbour. The complex is designed as a gateway to symbolise the government’s openness. “When I looked at the picture, I found it so ironic. Over a million people took to the streets twice and the government is not listening. The door is not open,” Fu said. She said she returned to her office on the afternoon of July 3 and started thinking about how to run in the upcoming district council elections.

Summer of discontent

Fu is one of tens of thousands of Hong Kong youths whose lives took a dramatic turn in the political turbulence that hit the city in June and then exploded into protests and violence that shook the city, rattled China, and shocked the world. In interviews, many of those youths have said hope died in the Hong Kong government, police authorities and Beijing in the summer of 2019. The frustration that followed boiled over for some in radical action on the streets or a desire to leave Hong Kong entirely. For others like Fu, it was political participation and empowerment. And winning an election. She became one of the 115 political neophytes – average age 31 – who ran in the district council elections on November 24 and upended the local political landscape. Of that number of first-time runners, 81 won seats as part of a larger “pro-democracy” bloc that took over 17 of Hong Kong’s 18 district councils in a landslide win. After the loss, Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor apologised to the pro-government parties, saying it reflected voter dissatisfaction with the government. While Fu chose to oppose Hong Kong government policy through the ballot box, other youth chose a more radical route that led to street battles with the police and escalating levels of violence and vandalism. A leaked audio recording by Lam in September revealed the government believed mass arrests of radicals was the solution. “With a little bit of hope that may help because we are seeing the numbers reducing. We started off by an estimate of about one to two thousand protesters who are very violent. Or put it that way, they are very willing to resort to violence,” she told the business community in a closed-door meeting. But as the number of those arrested approached 6,000, the violence continued. Protests and demonstrations by university students are common all over the world, but in Hong Kong hundreds of secondary school students as young as 12 started to show up on the arrest rosters of the police. From June to November 21, the total number of protest-related arrests reached 5,856. Of that number, 742 were aged between 15 and 17. Another 159 were between 12 and 14, according to the Hong Kong Security Bureau. One of these unlikely radicals is a bespectacled 13-year-old from a middle-class family, who asked to be identified by the pseudonym Kenny to discuss his other life, away from books and homework, among tear gas and rubber bullets. “Before June, I spent all my after-school hours playing mobile games. My only worry was whether my girlfriend would break up with me. I never paid attention to politics before June,” he said. On July 12, Kenny said he went to the rally where tens of thousands of demonstrators protested against the extradition bill outside the government headquarters. He said he went for two reasons; he was angry the government hadn’t withdrawn the bill and he wanted to meet his girlfriend. “It was quite calm when I got there and I just stood and watched. I was wearing a surgical mask,” he said. Suddenly tensions rose and the police fired tear gas at protesters. Kenny said he wasn’t expecting the violence that followed. He said a police officer hit him with a baton and other officers joined in when he fell to the ground. “I really didn’t expect I would be beaten so hard. I managed to get away and ran. Volunteer medics helped me. I had bruises all over.” While he said the experience infuriated him, it was on July 21 when a group of men with clubs attacked protesters and passengers at Yuen Long MTR station that he decided a radical approach was warranted. “It angered me and prompted me to go to the front line,” he said. Kenny said he then attended protests where he was hit by rubber and beanbag bullets, and even a tear gas cannister. He said he met university students and high school students when they fought the police, but not many his age. He said his parents knew he was going to protests but not that he was in the thick of the violence. He said he still attended school during the day, though he would often doze off in classes. He rejected allegations that radical protesters are paid agitators. Beijing has said foreign nations intent on undermining the Communist Party on the mainland are inciting and funding the Hong Kong protests. “How much money can you offer a young person to sacrifice his or her future and face 10 years of jail [for rioting]? It is nonsense.” But he said he stopped going to the front line of protests when the stress started to take its toll. “I woke up several times at night from nightmares. There are flashbacks during the day where I would automatically lift my arm to defend myself. I would freeze at the sight of police,” he said. In one clash in October, Kenny said he suffered a panic attack and froze as a police officer pointed his firearm at protesters throwing bricks. He was dragged away by others and he realised he had lost the ability to protect himself. Kenny said the six months of protests had fractured his trust in the authorities and by extension his identity as a Chinese. “I could not tell the difference between a Hongkonger and a mainland Chinese before June. For me, they were the same thing. Now I prefer being a Hongkonger to a Chinese,” he said. In a press conference on October 4, Chief Executive Lam said she was alarmed by the number of young students involved in violent protests. “We have to use all our effort to stop violence and stop students from breaking the law in order to save Hong Kong and its future,” she said.

Lesson in politics

This loss of confidence in the authorities has prompted some student activists to seek support from overseas for their cause. Chan Wing-yan, 18, of Lingnan University is one of them. She joined the Occupy movement of civil disobedience in 2014 when in junior high school, but said she lived the normal life of a teenage girl since then. In March 2019, she began attending protests against the extradition bill. In early December, she was part of a student delegation to Taiwan to lobby for “a refugee law” for Hong Kong fugitives. But she and other delegates were given a rude introduction to politics when Taiwanese opposition parties used their appeal to attack Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen for not doing enough to assist them. “We are just kids. But now we are forced to think about politics, we have to worry if we say something wrong to the media. It is like shouldering the whole world. At the same time, I have to do homework and prepare for exams.” In response to Beijing’s allegations that the protest movement in Hong Kong is being used by foreign forces to undermine China, Chan said they looked overseas because they didn’t see any other way to get the Hong Kong and Beijing governments to heed their demands. “We have run out of means. As an international city, it is normal for us to come up with the idea to lobby overseas governments,” she said. Fu, the new district councillor in Hong Kong, is taking a different approach at home, using her family’s ancestral ties to Fujian province in mainland China to build links with residents in her constituency, a stronghold of pro-Beijing descendants from Fujian. The councillor she replaced was in office for 14 years, a member of the pro-government Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. In early August, scuffles broke out between men with Fujian accents and anti-government protesters in North Point, an area where Fu campaigned. She went there to film the scene and one man slapped her mobile phone out of her hand. “I was so surprised that I was attacked by fellow Fujianese,” she said.

In the fourth part in a series, the Post looks at the youths whose lives have taken a dramatic turn – some taking a radical route, others turning to politics. Illustration: Henry WongIn the fourth part in a series, the Post looks at the youths whose lives have taken a dramatic turn – some taking a radical route, others turning to politics. Illustration: Henry Wong In the fourth part in a series, the Post looks at the youths whose lives have taken a dramatic turn – some taking a radical route, others turning to politics. Illustration: Henry Wong For Karinne Fu Kai-lam it was her dream job offer: a position with Hong Kong’s Education Bureau. A recent graduate from the University of Hong Kong and six months into work at a business consultancy, she said the new job was just what she had been hoping for. “When I got the offer, all I was thinking was about renting a bigger flat and getting a dog,” she recalls. But by that time the suicides had started. It was June 2019 and millions of people had taken to the streets of Hong Kong to protest against a government proposal to allow legal suspects in the city to be extradited to mainland China, among other jurisdictions, for trial. Many saw the government’s plan as an erosion of rights guaranteed under Hong Kong’s Basic Law, the city’s mini-constitution. On June 15, a protester unfurled a banner against the extradition bill and then jumped to his death from the Pacific Place building in the Admiralty district. Internet communities in the city went on the alert as two other people committed suicide and left notes on social media that included despair about Hong Kong’s future. This raised fears the political and street turmoil was pushing some people over the edge, so online groups formed to help. On July 3, one man posted a series of pictures on his Facebook page and a note that he planned to take his own life in protest against the government. The alert went out among internet groups to try to find and stop him. Fu, 23, was one of those who saw the alert and helped spread the message. CORONAVIRUS UPDATE Get updates direct to your inbox Email SUBSCRIBE By registering, you agree to our T&C and Privacy Policy Based on the pictures he posted, she also went looking for him on the streets. She didn’t find him, but someone else did and talked him out of it. Karinne Fu is now a district councillor. Photo: Josephine Ma Karinne Fu is now a district councillor. Photo: Josephine Ma Fu said she now refers to July 3 as her day of “awakening”. The dream job idea was ditched and she decided to enter politics to try and bring about change. Fu had attended the mass street rallies in June, but it was the anguish of looking for the man threatening suicide that changed her outlook, she said. In one photo posted by the man, he stood in front of the government headquarters at Tamar, overlooking Victoria Harbour. The complex is designed as a gateway to symbolise the government’s openness. “When I looked at the picture, I found it so ironic. Over a million people took to the streets twice and the government is not listening. The door is not open,” Fu said. She said she returned to her office on the afternoon of July 3 and started thinking about how to run in the upcoming district council elections. Summer of discontent Fu is one of tens of thousands of Hong Kong youths whose lives took a dramatic turn in the political turbulence that hit the city in June and then exploded into protests and violence that shook the city, rattled China, and shocked the world. In interviews, many of those youths have said hope died in the Hong Kong government, police authorities and Beijing in the summer of 2019. The frustration that followed boiled over for some in radical action on the streets or a desire to leave Hong Kong entirely. For others like Fu, it was political participation and empowerment. And winning an election. She became one of the 115 political neophytes – average age 31 – who ran in the district council elections on November 24 and upended the local political landscape. Of that number of first-time runners, 81 won seats as part of a larger “pro-democracy” bloc that took over 17 of Hong Kong’s 18 district councils in a landslide win.

Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing camp reeling after crushing defeat in district council elections After the loss, Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor apologised to the pro-government parties, saying it reflected voter dissatisfaction with the government. While Fu chose to oppose Hong Kong government policy through the ballot box, other youth chose a more radical route that led to street battles with the police and escalating levels of violence and vandalism. A leaked audio recording by Lam in September revealed the government believed mass arrests of radicals was the solution. “With a little bit of hope that may help because we are seeing the numbers reducing. We started off by an estimate of about one to two thousand protesters who are very violent. Or put it that way, they are very willing to resort to violence,” she told the business community in a closed-door meeting. But as the number of those arrested approached 6,000, the violence continued. Protests and demonstrations by university students are common all over the world, but in Hong Kong hundreds of secondary school students as young as 12 started to show up on the arrest rosters of the police. From June to November 21, the total number of protest-related arrests reached 5,856. Of that number, 742 were aged between 15 and 17. Another 159 were between 12 and 14, according to the Hong Kong Security Bureau. One of these unlikely radicals is a bespectacled 13-year-old from a middle-class family, who asked to be identified by the pseudonym Kenny to discuss his other life, away from books and homework, among tear gas and rubber bullets. “Before June, I spent all my after-school hours playing mobile games. My only worry was whether my girlfriend would break up with me. I never paid attention to politics before June,” he said. The off-duty police officer and paramedic who aid injured protesters 15 Feb 2020

On July 12, Kenny said he went to the rally where tens of thousands of demonstrators protested against the extradition bill outside the government headquarters. He said he went for two reasons; he was angry the government hadn’t withdrawn the bill and he wanted to meet his girlfriend. “It was quite calm when I got there and I just stood and watched. I was wearing a surgical mask,” he said. Suddenly tensions rose and the police fired tear gas at protesters. Kenny said he wasn’t expecting the violence that followed. He said a police officer hit him with a baton and other officers joined in when he fell to the ground. “I really didn’t expect I would be beaten so hard. I managed to get away and ran. Volunteer medics helped me. I had bruises all over.” The stress of being on the front line has taken its toll on some young protesters. Photo: Sam Tsang The stress of being on the front line has taken its toll on some young protesters. Photo: Sam Tsang While he said the experience infuriated him, it was on July 21 when a group of men with clubs attacked protesters and passengers at Yuen Long MTR station that he decided a radical approach was warranted. “It angered me and prompted me to go to the front line,” he said. Kenny said he then attended protests where he was hit by rubber and beanbag bullets, and even a tear gas cannister. He said he met university students and high school students when they fought the police, but not many his age. Protests could trigger a mental health crisis, experts warn 4 Jul 2019

He said his parents knew he was going to protests but not that he was in the thick of the violence. He said he still attended school during the day, though he would often doze off in classes. He rejected allegations that radical protesters are paid agitators. Beijing has said foreign nations intent on undermining the Communist Party on the mainland are inciting and funding the Hong Kong protests. “How much money can you offer a young person to sacrifice his or her future and face 10 years of jail [for rioting]? It is nonsense.” But he said he stopped going to the front line of protests when the stress started to take its toll. “I woke up several times at night from nightmares. There are flashbacks during the day where I would automatically lift my arm to defend myself. I would freeze at the sight of police,” he said. In one clash in October, Kenny said he suffered a panic attack and froze as a police officer pointed his firearm at protesters throwing bricks. He was dragged away by others and he realised he had lost the ability to protect himself. The trouble with turning Hong Kong’s young people into ‘patriotic youth’ 21 Aug 2019

Kenny said the six months of protests had fractured his trust in the authorities and by extension his identity as a Chinese. “I could not tell the difference between a Hongkonger and a mainland Chinese before June. For me, they were the same thing. Now I prefer being a Hongkonger to a Chinese,” he said. In a press conference on October 4, Chief Executive Lam said she was alarmed by the number of young students involved in violent protests. “We have to use all our effort to stop violence and stop students from breaking the law in order to save Hong Kong and its future,” she said. Lesson in politics This loss of confidence in the authorities has prompted some student activists to seek support from overseas for their cause. Chan Wing-yan, 18, of Lingnan University is one of them. She joined the Occupy movement of civil disobedience in 2014 when in junior high school, but said she lived the normal life of a teenage girl since then. In March 2019, she began attending protests against the extradition bill. In early December, she was part of a student delegation to Taiwan to lobby for “a refugee law” for Hong Kong fugitives. But she and other delegates were given a rude introduction to politics when Taiwanese opposition parties used their appeal to attack Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen for not doing enough to assist them. “We are just kids. But now we are forced to think about politics, we have to worry if we say something wrong to the media. It is like shouldering the whole world. At the same time, I have to do homework and prepare for exams.” Chan Wing-yan was part of a student delegation to Taiwan to lobby for “a refugee law” for Hong Kong fugitives. Photo: Josephine Ma Chan Wing-yan was part of a student delegation to Taiwan to lobby for “a refugee law” for Hong Kong fugitives. Photo: Josephine Ma In response to Beijing’s allegations that the protest movement in Hong Kong is being used by foreign forces to undermine China, Chan said they looked overseas because they didn’t see any other way to get the Hong Kong and Beijing governments to heed their demands. “We have run out of means. As an international city, it is normal for us to come up with the idea to lobby overseas governments,” she said. Fu, the new district councillor in Hong Kong, is taking a different approach at home, using her family’s ancestral ties to Fujian province in mainland China to build links with residents in her constituency, a stronghold of pro-Beijing descendants from Fujian. The councillor she replaced was in office for 14 years, a member of the pro-government Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. In early August, scuffles broke out between men with Fujian accents and anti-government protesters in North Point, an area where Fu campaigned. She went there to film the scene and one man slapped her mobile phone out of her hand. “I was so surprised that I was attacked by fellow Fujianese,” she said. But Fu said she was ready to talk with those that had different political stances. “As a district councillor voted in by the public, I will connect with different sectors in my constituency. We need to connect,” she said. And she said it would be a good idea for the chief executive to do the same. “Why doesn’t Carrie Lam go to all the 18 districts in Hong Kong and have open and public discussions with the district councillors?”

Document 8 – Is the Hong Kong facemask ban a human right violation ? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZJ6pMX3deGQ

Document 9 - Thuggery and terror: How police violence fuelled the Hong Kong crisis, November 24, 2019, Hong Kong Free Press

Hong Kong’s crisis over the past week has reached levels I would never have imagined. Medical personnel and first-aiders arrested, journalists beaten, revelations of torture by a former British Consulate official detained in China, pro-democracy candidates running in the district council elections assaulted, Beijing’s National People’s Congress threatening to overrule a Hong Kong court, a defecting Chinese spy revealing the Chinese Communist Party’s grip on the city, a 12 year- old boy arrested and school children from Hong Kong’s Queen Elizabeth School writing to Her Majesty appealing for help. When I left Hong Kong in 2002 after living there for the first five years of Chinese rule, I would not have predicted this would be where things would end up almost two decades later.

Among the litany of startling developments, the claim by a surgeon, Darren Mann, that “the actions of the Hong Kong Police Force have fallen far below accepted international norms for the handling of volunteer emergency medical providers” is perhaps the most shocking.

The fact that, as Mann reports, the Red Cross decided that the crisis at the Polytechnic University on the night of 17 November amounted to a humanitarian crisis ought to be a wake-up call for the world. Although Medicins sans Frontieres previously issued a statement saying it would remain “neutral” and not intervene in Hong Kong, the organization also eventually sent workers to the field amid public backlash and a rapidly deteriorating situation. Volunteer first-aiders provide relief on the frontlines and operate underground clinics for those in need––only to be arrested for what the government calls “assisting” a riot. Those words – “humanitarian crisis” and “intervention” – are associated with war zones, not one of the world’s most developed, wealthy and until recently open cities. Yet Mann writes in the Lancet: “The arrest of these personnel is almost unheard of in civilized countries and is incompatible with the compact of humanitarianism.”

Yet alongside that is one of the most moving, and unusual, appeals for help I have seen in 25 years of human rights activism. School children from the Queen Elizabeth secondary school in Hong Kong have written a letter to Britain’s Queen, reminding her that their school was founded in 1954 to commemorate her coronation the previous year. “We wish to inform you of the dire situation in Hong Kong,” they write, “and to plead for Your Majesty’s support in defence of freedom and democracy of our home.”

These school students highlight the extreme police violence against protesters who until recently were peaceful, and point to the aggressive language of the police, calling demonstrators “damn cockroaches” in rhetoric that has genocidal echoes. “These are but glimpses of the blatant disregard of the life and dignity for the citizens by the supposed law enforcers,” say these students. They point to a case of gang-rape, and report 256 suicides and 2,537 corpses discovered between June and September this year. “This is our darkest hour,” they tell the Queen, “yet we shall never lose faith … We sincerely hope that Your Majesty’s Government would stand with Hong Kong in defence of freedom and democracy and react firmly to China’s violation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration … We strive to live up to our school motto, Vos Parate Ut Serviatis, which means ‘prepare yourself that you may serve’. Freedom and democracy are the core values that our people hold dear to our hearts … We plead, most humbly and sincerely, for Your Majesty’s support.”

Into the mix of these tragic and inspiring messages from medics and students comes the news that a Chinese spy, Wang Liqiang, has risked his life to defect to Australia and is now revealing unprecedented intelligence on how China’s Communist Party regime has its hands on Hong Kong’s throat and is influencing western democracies. He has provided details about the abduction of the five booksellers from Hong Kong in 2015, and warns the world that Xi Jinping’s aim is to infiltrate “all countries in areas such as military, business and culture, in order to achieve its goal.” The Chinese Communist Party “wants to ensure no one threatens its authority.”

Concerns continue to grow that some of the protesters from Hong Kong may have been disappeared over the border into mainland China where they are held in detention. Reports of some being put on trains headed for the border are emerging, and the former British Consulate official Simon Cheng, who has revealed his own horrific ordeal of arrest, detention and torture, says he saw other prisoners who he thinks were Hong Kong protesters.

All of this makes the prospects for peace, democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong seem increasingly bleak. The condemnation by the Legislative Affairs Committee of China’s National People’s Congress of a Hong Kong high court’s decision to overturn the government’s ban on face masks was a grave threat to judicial independence and one of the most serious dangers yet to whatever is left of Hong Kong’s autonomy. As the former Governor of Hong Kong Chris Patten said in a letter to British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab last week, it represents a serious breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

Amidst these dark times, there are perhaps four signs of hope to hold on to.

First, the near-unanimous passage of the United States’ Human Rights and Democracy Act in the US Congress, which mandates the US government to a series of actions to support Hong Kong’s basic freedoms, including guarantees that pro-democracy protestors who are arrested do not find their applications for visas blocked after a political trial, the application of Magnitsky sanctions against those committing or complicit with torture, and stronger scrutiny of Hong Kong’s freedoms so that it is made clear to China that it cannot continue to erode the city’s autonomy and freedoms while reaping the benefits.

Second, the increasing messages from mainland Chinese who support Hong Kongers in their struggle. One said: “30 years ago, Hong Kong supported June 4. Today, mainland Chinese university students also support Hong Kong.” Another said: “Hong Kong people, please forgive that we cannot stand with you openly, but we hope you will understand that we are not your enemies. I wish you could get the freedom that some Chinese students failed to get 30 years ago. May the glory be with Hong Kong!” Extraordinarily brave and inspiring messages which contrast with some of the ugly intimidation carried out by pro-regime crowds at Hong Kong protests around the world.

Third, the growing support for the need for action by Britain and the international community, expressed by an increasing number of politicians in the United Kingdom and around the world. Still nothing like enough and long overdue – but people are beginning to wake up.

And most important of all: the continuing extraordinary courage and determination of Hong Kong people. When we think about Hong Kong we should not focus solely on the small group of young people throwing Molotov cocktails and bricks, but on the millions of Hong Kongers, of all generations and backgrounds, bankers, lawyers, housewives, taxi drivers as well as students, who are united in their struggle for Hong Kong’s freedoms. We should think of those school children writing to Queen Elizabeth, and the medics and journalists risking their lives to help.

And while violence cannot be condoned, the acts of a small group of protesters armed with little more than petrol bombs and catapults should be seen as an extreme, and unwise, but understandable act of desperation at months of horrific, completely disproportionate police brutality. When the protesters were peaceful and orderly, and sent out teams to pick up litter after the marches, they were met day after day with beatings, teargas and pepper-spray in their faces and rubber bullets. They were called “cockroaches”, language with genocidal echoes. Horrific scenes of police stamping on young people’s heads, beating them mercilessly when they were already handcuffed and on the ground, randomly attacking ordinary people or unleashing plainclothes thugs or criminal gangsters to attack the crowds.

A police officer drove his motorbike into the crowds, mowing people down, and live ammunition has been used. Reports of torture in detention and allegations of gang-rape are now emerging. And a government that despite calls of lawyers, businesses, chambers of commerce, the international community as well as up to a quarter of the population who marched peacefully continued at every turn to refuse to listen. This crisis could have been averted at so many points in the past six months if only Hong Kong’s Chief Executive and Beijing had listened.

So now, what can be done? Four clear steps must be taken.

There must be an end to violence – yes, on both sides, but especially by the police. It is the police violence that fuelled this crisis, and it is incumbent on the police to stop. What they are doing is not policing, it is thuggery and terror, plain and simple.

Then an independent commission of inquiry into police brutality is urgently needed, with powers to hold to account those who have committed serious human rights abuses.

There must be a timetable for political reform. Trust in Carrie Lam’s government has evaporated completely. She has minus 80% popularity, and according to one poll more than fifty per cent of the population have zero trust in the police. Only if there are serious moves towards meaningful political reform, with a trajectory towards universal suffrage for elections for all seats in the legislature and the Chief Executive, will Hong Kongers feel they have a stake in how they are governed.

And the world must wake up to the dangers the Chinese Communist Party regime present – not only to the well-being of the people of China and Hong Kong, but to our own freedoms and security too.

Will we listen to the voice of respected medical professionals saying international humanitarian norms are violated in Hong Kong, to the voice of defectors sounding the alarm about the regime’s international aggression, to the voice of mainland Chinese in solidarity with Hong Kongers and to the voice of schoolchildren telling Her Majesty that they seek freedom and democracy – or will we close our ears, hearts, minds and consciences and buy Beijing’s lies? The choice needs to be made now.

Document 10 - How tech has fueled a 'leaderless protest' in Hong Kong, October 12, 2019, ABC News

Protesters on navigating a world of online anonymity, encrypted apps and more.

Residents of Hong Kong have convened on the streets in masses for months, demonstrating against Beijing's dominance in the semi-autonomous Chinese territory they call home — what sets these uprisings apart from pro-democracy movements in the past, however, is that millions of citizens are armed with a stockpile of tech resources.

While pro-democracy protests have flared up in Hong Kong sporadically throughout its history, this most recent bout has carried on for months, and despite not having clear leadership, it has attracted crowds well into the millions. Some demonstrators say new technology, such as encrypted apps, has fueled this new kind of leaderless protest.

Online anonymity and end-to-end encryption is the key, protesters say, as some Hong Kong residents view the technology they use as a double-edged sword that offers a way for Big Brother on the mainland to get a glimpse at their digital lives.

Citizen X, an anonymous frontline protester who asked for his name to not be revealed, told ABC News that being anonymous online is crucial, because of the "terror that is being created" by Chinese authorities.

"We do not have any kind of trust in the police force in Hong Kong now," he added. "And we do not have much trust in the judicial system of Hong Kong right now either."

"The government is using the Public Order Ordinance, which is something that is left over from the colonial era," Citizen X said. "They are very strict; they are very harsh, and they put the protester at a very disadvantaged situation."

Hong Kong's Public Order Ordinance imposes sweeping restrictions on the right to assembly with the goal of maintaining "public order."

"That’s why if we want to continue our fights, if we want to continue to protect our city, we have to remain anonymous," Citizen X said.

Encrypted apps, a Reddit-like forum and mass Airdrops are used to spread information Craig Choy, a lawyer from Hong Kong who focuses on privacy and data protection laws, wrote a manual on how to use encrypted apps for the pro-democracy group after the Umbrella Movement in 2014. An updated version of the manual has been distributed to 2019's demonstrators. Choy told ABC News the way people organize and congregate for protests are through Telegram and Signal, which are messaging apps that offer end-to-end encryption. Telegram is a cloud-based messaging app that boasts on its website that "messages are heavily encrypted and can self- destruct."

In the past, pro-democracy demonstrators relied on now-outdated methods of "publications on Facebook" or "writing articles in the newspapers," Choy said.

"But nowadays a lot of people are using messenger channels," he said. "They are also using other kind of technologies to collaborate, to work together, to make it easier for them to communicate and consolidate and do their call to actions."

Choy said he spent some time protesting in August and received directions and information through Telegram.

Another piece of technology heavily used by protesters is "the LIHKG forum, which is something like Reddit in the U.S.," Choy said. "A lot of people are using it to discuss political ideas; there are lots of discussions there about where they will move, what they will do next."

Users can then vote on the platform what their favorite ideas or next steps are.

The technology, in a way, makes the protests more democratic, according to Choy.

"People are just throwing out their own ideas. The difference is that everyone is anonymous, people will not judge you whether you are a person with a high position in society or whether you are young or rich," he said. "I think because of that a lot of young people can voice their opinion without the baggage of, 'I'm not high-ranking enough in society.'"

"It's very open," Choy said. "For example the protest in the airport, it didn't really get a lot of support, they thought it was a nuisance to visitors to Hong Kong, that's where they formulated the idea to apologize."

Choy also said Apple's Airdrop technology, which allows users to send text, pictures or information through Bluetooth, is being used to spread news to people who may otherwise not receive it through mass airdrops in public places.

"It's a very efficient way to spread information about the protests," Choy said. "It's also because the older generation they just turn on their Bluetooth without knowing it."

Political activist Glacier Kwong, 23, who has also spent time protesting on the streets in Hong Kong, said technology had played a “vital role throughout the movement.”

The online platforms that are being used to organize mean that there are "many facilitators of the movement," and citizens can "organize themselves without revealing their identity."

In addition to the organizing component, technology is a significant help on the front lines of a protest, Kwong said, where people can be updated with "instant news" about "where is safe, where is not."

Citing the 2014 Umbrella Movement, Kwong said one of the biggest issues for protesters then was that “not everyone agrees with the ‘main organizers’ and there are a lot of debates and conflicts.” “But this time, because technology enables us to get rid of leaders, everyone can do whatever they see fit,” she said. “And it is also harder for the government to deter people from participating.”

"Because no matter who they arrest, there are no leaders,” she added. “Hence, the others can still organize themselves.”

Online anonymity is crucial because 'retaliation on the protesters are very severe' As Citizen X said, anonymity is vital for those who choose to protest because it can mean risking their livelihoods.

“Technology is being used against protestors for sure,” Kwong said. “It is highly suspected that Hong Kong-ers data are being collected and send to China as there are no regulations governing data transmission."

Choy added that the same tools they use could be later used to "expose the identities of some people," Choy said. "I think that it's very important because you can also see that retaliation on the protesters are very severe."

Some people "have been fired" from their jobs because their online activity was reported, Choy said. This is why many protesters are wearing masks, goggles and helmets.

Another way people protect their identity is by using code words such as meeting for a "picnic" when they congregate.

One common term is "dreamwalking," Choy said. "Whenever they go for a protest they will say, 'I am going for a dream.'"

"People are very cautious about what they are saying online now," he said. "They don't want direct evidence that can be collected by Hong Kong police online."

Kwong said she sees online anonymity as “necessary for the advancement of human rights" because it "allows individuals to exercise their freedom of speech and freedom of assembly online."

As tech is being used as a tool, companies like Apple are being dragged in the middle Apple recently was accused by critics of bowing to pressure from China after it removed a police- tracking app, HKMap.live, from the App Store. Apple defended its decision in a statement saying it has learned that the app "has been used in ways that endanger law enforcement and residents in Hong Kong."

"The app displays police locations, and we have verified with the Hong Kong Cybersecurity and Technology Crime Bureau that the app has been used to target and ambush police, threaten public safety, and criminals have used it to victimize residents in areas where they know there is no law enforcement," the statement added. "This app violates our guidelines and local laws, and we have removed it from the App Store."

While the app lives on in a web server and on Android devices, Choy said he believes Apple's decision will have a "chilling effect" on other app developers and companies who support Hong Kong.

"A lot of these companies nowadays are facing pressure from China," Choy said. "The technology is neutral. By itself, it's not evil or good, it's how people use it that matters." Moreover, Choy said Apple's move to delete the app is "actually putting the protesters in a very dangerous position."

"Lots of people nowadays, they use that app to know where the police officers are, especially in Hong Kong police brutality is very serious now, and none of them wear the badges and lots of protesters are going on the street and risking their lives," he said. "Even though they are facing police brutality, they have no way to complain."

"A not very brave protester like me would need this app so that I could locate a police officer, so I could get out of this dangerous scene," Choy said.

Apple taking a stand like this will cause other app developers to "think second thoughts" about what kind of apps they make, Choy said, and if they want to stand with Hong Kong.

Citizen X said Apple's decision shows that no one is immune to China's threats.

"As we see in recent years, the Chinese rise in power in economic perspective, power in a political perspective, it is constantly exerting influence over other countries, over international community and so on," he said. "That’s why we see Apple has to succumb to the threat of the Chinese government and the Chinese authority to impose some restriction on the application on the Apple store."