Early Trails of Burrard Peninsula
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Reconstituting Tbc Fur Trade Community of the Assiniboine Basin
Reconstituting tbc Fur Trade Community of the Assiniboine Basin, 1793 to 1812. by Margaret L. Clarke a thesis presented to The University of Winnipeg / The University of Manitoba in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Winnipeg, Manitoba MARCH 1997 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services seMces bibliographiques 395 WdtïSûeet 395, nn, Wellingtwi WONK1AW WONK1AON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Ll'brary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, disbi'bute or sefl reproduire, prêter, disbiiuer ou copies of this thesis iu microfo~a, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic fomiats. la fome de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format eectronicpe. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur consewe la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. THE UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA COPYRIGHT PERMISSION PAGE A TksW/Pnicticw ribmitteà to the Faculty of Gruluate Studies of The University of Manitoba in parail fntfülment of the reqaifements of the degrce of brgarct 1. Clarke 1997 (a Permission hm been grantd to the Library of Tbe Univenity of Manitoba to lend or sen copies of this thcsis/practicam, to the National Librory of Canada to micronlm tbb thesis and to lend or seU copies of the mm, and to Dissertritions Abstmcts Intemationai to publish an abtract of this thcsidpracticam. -
The British Columbia Labor Movement and Political Action, 1879.1906
THE BRITISH COLUMBIA LABOR MOVEMENT AND POLITICAL ACTION, 1879.1906 by THOMAS ROBERT LOOSMORE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of HISTORY We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Members of the Department of HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1954 i i LABOR POLITICAL ACTION in BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1879-1906 ABSTRACT The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The condi• tions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to or• ganize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esqui• malt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. -
Forest Grove: a Historic Context
Forest Grove: A Historic Context Deve;loped by Peter J. Edwaidbi" C olumbiø Hßtor íc al Re s e ar c h 6l?ß Southwest Corbett Portland, Oregorr g72OI for The City of Forest'Grove Community Developmg¡1t", Depa4$r,ne4t - SePtember 1993 This project is funded by th9 C-ity-of ded by the National Park Servíce, U.S.'Dep of thej Oregon State Table of Contents List of Figures List of Tables Section I Historic Overview Introduction 1 Historic Periods 4 1792-1811 Exploration 4 1812-1846 Fur Tbade and Mission to the Indians 5 1847-1865 Settlement, Statehood & Steampower 10 1866-1883 Railroad and Industrial Gnowth 16 1884-1913 Ttre Progressive Era 2t 1914-1940 The Motor Age 25 I94l-L967 War and Post-War Era 27 Section II Identification 28 Resource Themes 29 Distribution Patterns of Resources 36 SectionIII Registration 38 Section IV Recommendations for Theatment 40 Bibliography 44 Appendix A 47 I List of Figures Figure 1 City of Forest Grove 2 Figure 2 Western Oregon Indians in 1800 3 Figure 3 General Land OfEce Plat, 1852 9 Figure 4 Willamette Valley Inten¡rban Lines 23 Figure 5 Forest Gncve Tnntng Map, 1992 42 List of Tables Table 1 Greater Forest Grove Occupations, 1850 L2 Table 2 Greater Forest Grove Population Origin, 1850 13 Table 3 Greater Forest Grove Occupations, 1860 T4 Table 4 Greater Forest Grove Population Origin, 1860 t4 Table 5 Greater Forest Grove Occupations, 1870 16 Table 6 Greater Forest Grove Population Origin, 1870 L7 t SECTION I: HISTORIC OYERVIE\il INTRODUCTION The City of Forest Grove Historic Overview is a study of events and themes as they relate to the history of Forest Grove. -
Orientation Booklet
Orientation Booklet 1. The City of Vancouver - Information ................................................................................ 3 2. Discovering Vancouver .................................................................................................... 5 3. Guide to public transit .....................................................................................................10 4. Vancouver City Facilities .................................................................................................13 Service Canada ........................................................................................................ 13 Money and Banking ................................................................................................. 15 Transferring Funds to Canada ...................................................................................... 15 Cell Phone ................................................................................................................ 16 Public Libraries ........................................................................................................ 17 Recreational Activities ............................................................................................ 17 Swimming .................................................................................................................. 17 Skating ....................................................................................................................... 17 Golf courses and lessons .......................................................................................... -
Building of the Coquitlam River and Port Moody Trails Researched and Written by Ralph Drew, Belcarra, BC, June 2010; Updated Dec 2012 and Dec 2013
Early Trail Building in the New Colony of British Columbia — John Hall’s Building of the Coquitlam River and Port Moody Trails Researched and written by Ralph Drew, Belcarra, BC, June 2010; updated Dec 2012 and Dec 2013. A recent “find” of colonial correspondence in the British Columbia Archives tells a story about the construction of the Coquitlam River and Port Moody Trails between 1862 and 1864 by pioneer settler John Hall. (In 1870 Hall pre-empted 160 acres of Crown Land on Indian Arm and became Belcarra’s first European settler.) The correspondence involves a veritable “who’s who” of people in the administration in the young ‘Colony of British Columbia’. This historic account serves to highlight one of the many challenges faced by our pioneers during the period of colonial settlement in British Columbia. Sir James Douglas When the Fraser River Gold Rush began in the spring of 1858, there were only about 250 to 300 Europeans living in the Fraser Valley. The gold rush brought on the order of 30,000 miners flocking to the area in the quest for riches, many of whom came north from the California gold fields. As a result, the British Colonial office declared a new Crown colony on the mainland called ‘British Columbia’ and appointed Sir James Douglas as the first Governor. (1) The colony was first proclaimed at Fort Langley on 19th November, 1858, but in early 1859 the capital was moved to the planned settlement called ‘New Westminster’, Sir James Douglas strategically located on the northern banks of the Fraser River. -
The Implications of the Delgamuukw Decision on the Douglas Treaties"
James Douglas meet Delgamuukw "The implications of the Delgamuukw decision on the Douglas Treaties" The latest decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Delgamuukw vs. The Queen, [1997] 3 S.C.R. 1010, has shed new light on aboriginal title and its relationship to treaties. The issue of aboriginal title has been of particular importance in British Columbia. The question of who owns British Columbia has been the topic of dispute since the arrival and settlement by Europeans. Unlike other parts of Canada, few treaties have been negotiated with the majority of First Nations. With the exception of treaty 8 in the extreme northeast corner of the province, the only other treaties are the 14 entered into by James Douglas, dealing with small tracts of land on Vancouver Island. Following these treaties, the Province of British Columbia developed a policy that in effect did not recognize aboriginal title or alternatively assumed that it had been extinguished, resulting in no further treaties being negotiated1. This continued to be the policy until 1990 when British Columbia agreed to enter into the treaty negotiation process, and the B.C. Treaty Commission was developed. The Nisga Treaty is the first treaty to be negotiated since the Douglas Treaties. This paper intends to explore the Douglas Treaties and the implications of the Delgamuukw decision on these. What assistance does Delgamuukw provide in determining what lands are subject to aboriginal title? What aboriginal title lands did the Douglas people give up in the treaty process? What, if any, aboriginal title land has survived the treaty process? 1 Joseph Trutch, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works and Walter Moberly, Assistant Surveyor- General, initiated this policy. -
Claim of Aboriginal Ownership Chief David Latasse Was Present At
#6 Sources on the Douglas Treaties Douglas Treaties Document #1: Claim of Aboriginal Ownership Chief David Latasse was present at the treaty negotiations in Victoria in 1850. His recollections were recorded in 1934 when he was reportedly 105 years old: For some time after the whites commenced building their settlement they ferried their supplies ashore. Then they desired to build a dock, where ships could be tied up close to shore. Explorers found suitable timbers could be obtained at Cordova Bay, and a gang of whites, Frenchmen and Kanakas [Hawaiians] were sent there to cut piles. The first thing they did was set a fire which nearly got out of hand, making such smoke as to attract attention of the Indians for forty miles around. Chief Hotutstun of Salt Spring sent messengers to chief Whutsaymullet of the Saanich tribes, telling him that the white men were destroying his heritage and would frighten away fur and game animals. They met and jointly manned two big canoes and came down the coast to see what damage was being done and to demand pay from Douglas. Hotutstun was interested by the prospect of sharing in any gifts made to Whutsaymullet but also, indirectly, as the Chief Paramount of all the Indians of Saanich. As the two canoes rounded the point and paddled into Cordova Bay they were seen by camp cooks of the logging party, who became panic stricken. Rushing into the woods they yelled the alarm of Indians on the warpath. Every Frenchman and Kanaka dropped his tool and took to his heels, fleeing through the woods to Victoria. -
Communicative Regionalism and Metropolitan Growth Management Outcomes a Case Study of Three Employment Nodes in Burnaby – an Inner Suburb of Greater Vancouver
COMMUNICATIVE REGIONALISM AND METROPOLITAN GROWTH MANAGEMENT OUTCOMES A CASE STUDY OF THREE EMPLOYMENT NODES IN BURNABY – AN INNER SUBURB OF GREATER VANCOUVER by LAURA ELLEN TATE B.A., McGill University, 1988 M.A. (Planning), The University of British Columbia, 1991 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Planning) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) September 2009 © Laura Ellen Tate, 2009 Abstract In North America, metropolitan growth management (MGM) has been significantly influenced by what I term communicative regionalism. The latter concept is rooted in communicative planning theory, and thus stresses dialogue and consensus in problem- solving. To explore the impact of communicative regionalism on actual growth management outcomes, this dissertation investigates a case study on the implementation of communicatively-informed regional plans in metropolitan or GreaterVancouver, Canada, as they have impacted three employment nodes in suburban Burnaby. The dissertation applied a three-part methodology, involving the collection of empirical data on outcomes, analysis of plan development against communicative planning criteria, and the critical application of an Actor Network Theory (ANT) lens to better examine the relationships and interactions of key government agencies during MGM plan development and implementation. The analysis suggested mixed results in terms of goal outcomes. Notably, it found that longstanding goals for attracting office employment to a designated Regional Town Centre had not been achieved to the desired degree. In explaining how this occurred, the analysis supplied empirical evidence of recent critiques made against communicative planning theory. Such results appear to support calls made by other theorists for the development of a post- communicative approach to theory and practice. -
Name That Town: Why We Call Places What We Call Them
Portland State University PDXScholar Metroscape Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies Summer 2009 Name That Town: Why We Call Places What We Call Them Rachel White Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/metroscape Part of the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation White, Rachel (2009). "Name That Town: Why We Call Places What We Call Them," Summer 2009 Metroscape, pages 26-30. This Article is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Metroscape by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Name that Town Why we call places what we call them by Rachel White rive through a new suburban de- velopment and you are likely to D see signs evoking vaguely pasto- ral images—Walnut Ridge, Willow Creek, or Sunset Meadows, for example. Places like n L this seem washed of identity, engendering s r e a sense of being both everywhere and no- g o where. One reason such neighborhoods lack R a sense of place is the blandness of their N is o w names, which don’t reflect any relationship e rt h L with the landscape or the people who were V a l there before. Place names matter. le y Place names, the non-generic ones, help R d situate us in a specific point in space. They reflect the interactions between landscape and stories, the past and the present, and the physical and the social, all of which color our cultural landscape. -
National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet
RECEIVED 2280 NFS Form 10-900 OMB No. 10024-0018 (Oct. 1990) Oregon WordPerfect 6.0 Format (Revised July 1998) National Register of Historic Places iC PLACES Registration Form • NATIONAL : A SERVICE This form is for use in nominating or requesting determinations of eligibility for individual properties or districts. See instructions in How to Complete the National Register of Historic Places Form (National Register Bulletin 16A). Complete each item by marking Y in the appropriate box or by entering the information requested. If an item does not apply to the property being documented, enter "N/A"for "not applicable. For functions, architectural classification, materials, and areas of significance, enter only categories and subcategories from the instructions. Place additional entries and narrative items on continuation sheets (NFS Form 10-900a). Use a typewriter, word processor, or computer to complete all items. 1. Name of Property historic name The La Grande Commercial Historic District other names/site number N/A 2. Location street & number Roughly bounded by the U.P Railroad tracts along Jefferson St, on __not for publication the north; Greenwood and Cove streets on the east; Washington St. on __ vicinity the south; & Fourth St. on the west. city or town La Grande state Oregon code OR county Union code 61 zip code 97850 3. State/Federal Agency Certification As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended, I hereby certify that this ^nomination request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. -
Soldier Illness and Environment in the War of 1812
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fogler Library Spring 5-8-2020 "The Men Were Sick of the Place" : Soldier Illness and Environment in the War of 1812 Joseph R. Miller University of Maine, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the Canadian History Commons, Military History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Miller, Joseph R., ""The Men Were Sick of the Place" : Soldier Illness and Environment in the War of 1812" (2020). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3208. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/3208 This Open-Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “THE MEN WERE SICK OF THE PLACE”: SOLDIER ILLNESS AND ENVIRONMENT IN THE WAR OF 1812 By Joseph R. Miller B.A. North Georgia University, 2003 M.A. University of Maine, 2012 A DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) The Graduate School The University of Maine May 2020 Advisory Committee: Scott W. See, Professor Emeritus of History, Co-advisor Jacques Ferland, Associate Professor of History, Co-advisor Liam Riordan, Professor of History Kathryn Shively, Associate Professor of History, Virginia Commonwealth University James Campbell, Professor of Joint, Air War College, Brigadier General (ret) Michael Robbins, Associate Research Professor of Psychology Copyright 2020 Joseph R. -
THE INDIANS of OREGON-GEOGRAPHIC DISTRI- Al Legislature Can Interfere with the BUTION of LINGUISTIC FAMILIES , of This Power, Original in the States, by J
JOSEPH ELLISON coin, it is not easy to see upon what THE INDIANS OF OREGON-GEOGRAPHIC DISTRI- al legislature can interfere with the BUTION OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES , of this power, original in the States, By J. NEILSON BARRY rrendered."35 Portland, Ore. tionality of the Specific Contract Act United States Supreme Court. In the Twelve distinct languages were spoken by the Indians odes,36 decided in 1868, the Court held who formerly lived in the present state of Oregon. This act to pay coined dollars can only be brief summary is an endeavor to indicate by modern names nent of coined dollars" and not notes. the localities which were once occupied by the various na- Wilson, decided in 1871, Justice Field, tions or stocks. In some cases a similar language was inion of the Court, held that the act of spoken in widely separated portions of the state, as, for *y, 1862, recognized the distinction be- example, the Wai-i-lat-pu-an speech of the Mo-la-las, or ned dollars. The act did not intend to Mo-lal-las, of Clack-a-mas County was similar to that of ng contracts payable by their express the Cay-use, or Kye-use, in Umatilla County. I the provision lawful money for all The Indians who lived in the present limits of the Ls payable in money generally and not United States, Alaska and the British possessions of North n a specific kind of money.37 America spoke fifty-eight languages, of which three were the Specific Contract Act and the state found only in Oregon, these being the Ku-san or Coos, the dly helped Oregon considerably to re- Ya-kon-an or Ya-quin-a and the Kal-a-poo-ian or Cal-a- ency in spite of considerable opposition.