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Strange Bedfellows: Conservative Governments and Family Policy in Canada and Germany, 2005 – 2015

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Strange Bedfellows: Conservative Governments and Family Policy in Canada and Germany, 2005 – 2015 STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENTS AND FAMILY POLICY IN CANADA AND GERMANY, 2005 – 2015 Rahim Mohamed A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in the Department of Political Science Chapel Hill 2018 Approved by: John D. Stephens Liesbet Hooghe Evelyne Huber Rahsaan Maxwell William Keech © 2018 Rahim Mohamed ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Rahim Mohamed: Strange Bedfellows: Conservative Governments and Family Policy in Canada and Germany, 2005 – 2015 (Under the Direction of John D. Stephens) This dissertation contributes to the literature on recent and ongoing family policy reforms in affluent countries by comparing the respective family policy agendas of right party-led governments in Canada and Germany between 2005 and 2015. My comparative assessment of reforms enacted by the governments of Stephen Harper and Angela Merkel, respectively, indicates that an increased cross-national salience of the financial and logistical challenges faced by modern (i.e.: dual-earner and single-parent) families presents right-of-center parties with an incentive to utilize family policy proposals instrumentally to broaden their electoral appeal. This gives vital context to large-n statistical research that indicates a weakening of partisanship as an explanatory variable for recent family policy developments. The study also finds that differences in the specific policies implemented by each government can ultimately be traced back to the domestic discursive context. Germany presented the more favorable environment for comprehensive, women’s employment supporting reforms due to a widespread perception of the low domestic birth rate as a threat to intergenerational ‘sustainability’. The cause was also helped by the presence of credible policy spokeswoman Ursula von der Leyen, who championed a progressive package of reforms while, at the same time, embodying a traditional image of maternity that appealed to conservatives. By contrast, the Canadian political environment favored a continuation of direct cash payments to families, as iii exemplified by the Harper government’s signature Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB). Harper later launched two children’s activity tax credits crafted to appeal to families in critical suburban ‘swing ridings’. Although both opposition parties proposed a national daycare strategy as an alternative to Harper’s agenda, the idea has only limited popular appeal due to the questionable record of the country’s only standalone provincial daycare program, based in Québec, and a silencing of feminist perspectives in the national policy dialogue. Lastly, I find that an ancillary discourse linking family policy to the cultural integration of migrants was visible in Germany but not in Canada. This finding is substantiated in Chapter 5 via a statistical topic analysis of over 450 relevant newspaper articles. I also draw from 25 personal interviews in my discussion of Canada iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank my advisor, John D. Stephens, for his guidance throughout the process of researching and (re-)writing this dissertation—as well as his endless patience with the multitude of missteps I have made along the way. Starting from my participation in his Welfare States seminar back in the spring of 2011, John has nourished my interest in social policy and continually challenged me to be more rigorous in my thinking. I feel truly fortunate to have been able to study under one of the field’s foremost experts. I owe a similar debt of gratitude to the other members of my committee: Liesbet Hooghe, Evelyne Huber, Rahsaan Maxwell, and William Keech. Each of you has, in your own way, made an indispensable contribution to this project. Sections of this manuscript have been presented at various conferences and workshops over the years and, through this process, have been improved tremendously. I thank Alain Noël, Malliga Och, and Laura Dean in particular for reading early drafts of my work and offering helpful feedback. Like many (if not most) of the other graduate students in my department, I have benefitted greatly from the generous financial support of Thomas M. Uhlman. Without having received an Uhlman Summer Research Fellowship in 2016, I would not have been able to conduct the fieldwork necessary for the completion of this dissertation. Moreover, my time in the field would not have been anywhere near as fruitful without the guidance of both Martha Friendly (A.K.A. ‘The Mothership’) and Sandra Griffin—who jointly gave me the lay of the land in Canada’s family policy community. I also thank Sarah M. Blake for her assistance in v compiling the set of newspaper articles analyzed in Chapter 5. Thanks go out to as each of my twenty-five interviewees as well. On a more personal note, I give thanks to the many cherished friends and colleagues I have accumulated through my journey in graduate studies. In Chapel Hill: John Lappie, Kris Cubero, Clyde Ray, Chris Clark, Apurba Chakraborty, Brian Overington, Micah Levinson, Lydia Miller-Anderson, Graeme Robertson, Jim Stimson, Kevin Roach, Guzel Garifullina, Wayne Faust, Preston Triplett, Jessica Bridgers, Joseph Higgins, and Marissa Wojcinski. In Winston- Salem: Jack Amoureux, Charles Kennedy, Michael Pisapia, Peter Siavelis, Kathy Smith, Elide Vargas, Will Waldorf, Helga Welsh, Robert Whaples, and Betina Wilkinson. It has been a bumpy ride (to say the very least), but the personal ties that I have forged throughout make it all worthwhile. This, regrettably, includes some people I have lost along the way: Thomas Carsey, David Coates, Tarik Farooq, Naveed Hajee, Chanelle Morgan, and my eldest brother Aneez— may you all rest in peace. Lastly, I thank my brother Riaz, sister-in-law Reina, and parents, Nasim and Shiraz. You have all been incredibly supportive of my educational endeavors and I dedicate this work to each of you. vi To my family vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... xi LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................................... xii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................... xiii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................1 Section 1.1 – Project Outline and Contribution ...........................................................................4 Section 1.2 – A Note on Case Selection and Comparability ........................................................9 Section 1.3 – Plan of the Dissertation ........................................................................................15 CHAPTER 2: THE PUZZLE.........................................................................................................16 Section 2.1 – The Extant Literature ...........................................................................................17 Section 2.2 – New Perspectives .................................................................................................26 Section 2.3 – Lacunae and Research Puzzle ..............................................................................34 Section 2.4 – Hypotheses ...........................................................................................................41 Section 2.5 – Methodology ........................................................................................................56 viii CHAPTER 3: THE POLITICS OF FAMILY POLICY IN CANADA .........................................59 Section 3.1 – Early History ........................................................................................................60 Section 3.2 – The Universal Family Allowance ........................................................................62 Section 3.3 – The Canada Assistance Plan and its Policy Legacy .............................................71 Section 3.4 – The Royal Commission on the Status of Women ................................................73 Section 3.5 – The Push for a National Daycare Program: Take One .........................................79 Section 3.6 – Québec’s Family Policy ‘Breakthrough’ ..............................................................86 Section 3.7 – The ‘Children’s Agenda’ Pivot ............................................................................98 Section 3.8 – Child Care Goes Federal, Yet Again ..................................................................101 Section 3.9 – The Genesis of the Child Benefit .......................................................................109 Section 3.10 – Family Policy and the Harper Agenda .............................................................111 Section 3.11 – Conclusions and Key Takeaways .....................................................................124 CHAPTER 4: THE POLITICS OF FAMILY POLICY IN GERMANY....................................126 Section 4.1 – Early History ......................................................................................................128 Section 4.2 – Unification ..........................................................................................................132 Section 4.3 – The Red-Green Coalition (1998 – 2002) ............................................................136
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