Historical Myth and the Invention of Political Folklore in Contemporary Serbia Karl Kaser University of Graz, Graz Joel M
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Historical Myth and the Invention of Political Folklore in Contemporary Serbia Karl Kaser University of Graz, Graz Joel M. Halpern, University of Massachusetts In one of the years after 1389 the Serbian medieval Serbian despot2 Stefan Lazarevic ordered the construction of a marble column on the Kosovo polje (Kosovo field) with this inscription to memorialize his father, who died there in battle: Oh man, stranger or hailing from this soil, when you enter these Serbian lands, whoever you may be ... when you come to this field called Kosovo, you will see all over it many bones of the dead, and with them myself in stone nature, standing upright in the middle of the field, representing both cross and flag. So as not to pass by and overlook me as something unworthy and hollow, approach me, I beg you, oh my dear, and study the words I bring to your attention, which will make you understand why I am standing here ... At this place there once was a great autocrat, a world wonder and Serbian ruler by the name of Lazar, an unwavering tower of piety, a sea of reason and depth of wisdom ... who loved everything that Christ wanted ... He accepted the sacrificial wreath of struggle and heavenly glory ... The daring fighter was captured and the wrath of martyrdom he himself accepted ... the great Prince Lazar ... Everything said here took place in 1389 ... the fifteenth day of June3, Tuesday, at the sixth or seventh hour, I do not know exactly, God knows.4 More than half a millenium late in 1989, it was possible for the first time for the contemporary political version of the ancestral Serbian medieval state to have a centenary celebration of these events on the original site known as the "Field of Blackbirds." A century earlier, in 1889, the Kosovo field was then still part of the Ottoman Empire. It had been an Ottoman army that had won the battle there against a Serbian coalition force on June 23, 1389. It was at the beginning of the 20th century, in 1912, that the region was finally reconquered and 89 integrated into what was then the Kingdom of Serbia. The memory of this defeat has been an integral part of the Serbian cultural heritage. This defeat was memorialized as a national holiday in pre-World War II Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The year of 1989 was a significant marker in Serbian contemporary history. The early summer of that year was a time of dramatic political transition in the then Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia reflecting trends throughout Eastern Europe as a result of the disappearance of the USSR as a political entity. The constituent Serbian Republic under the leadership of its communist president, Slobodan Miloševic, and his communist Party associates wanted at this time of transition to consolidate their grip on power. They saw their way to do this by asserting Serbian nationalism at a time of the disintegration of the existing communist state. The symbolism inherent in this 600th anniversary celebration became a useful political tool. This was in consonance with trends throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. In this part of Europe individual nationalisms, drawing their strengths from the past, replaced discredited and failed communist ideologies of universalism and future oriented achievements. The first strong signs of the dissolution of Socialist Yugoslavia, with its emphasis on regional political autonomies, went hand in hand with the coordinated unification of the then autonomous but Serbian controlled regions of Vojvodina and Kosovo. This structure became the basis for the new Republic of Serbia, as the central part of the now truncated state of Yugoslavia. What had once been six federated republics split into new national states -- Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and a contested Bosnia. Only ethnically similar Montenegro remained with Serbia. But Vojvodina and Kosovo, unlike the core area of Serbia were not homogeneously Serb in ethnic character. Vojvodina had large Hungarian, as well as Romanian, Croat affiliated and other national groups. In Kosovo, despite its being the heartland of the medieval Serbian state, its population was approximately 90 percent Albanian.5 Kosovo with its historical legacy, reflected in its many Serbian churches dating from that period, was an area overburdened with its history and symbols. In that fateful year of 1989 it became the stage for a spectacular political-historical celebration. Thus the significance of what happened on June 28, 1989 on this field of Kosovo cannot be understood from the inscription alone. It needs to be seen as a celebration of a resurrection and embellishment of the origin myth of the Serbian State. This manifestation was probably one of the most, if not the most, significant political ritual in modern Serbian history. The public 90 dissatisfaction with the political situation at this time provided the Serbian state, and specifically Miloševic, with the opportunity to revive the Kosovo Myth as the principle national myth. It liminalized "the nation" as an eternal, divine category of community, of shared Srpstvo ("Serbianess"). Preparations for the celebration were difficult because a state of emergency had been declared for the province. This had followed large-scale rioting and political protests by the Albanian majority which had been recurring since the early eighties. The Albanian population therefore did not participate in the officially proclaimed celebration which had been declared a national holiday. It is probable, however, that Albanian draftees served in the Serbian military forces. Policemen and military units from all parts of Serbia were concentrated in Kosovo in order to provide security for the festival. This festival needs to be described in superlatives. Some million and a half Serbs came from the Diaspora, among them migrants to Australia, Canada and USA, to gather on this historic battlefield. About a thousand journalists were accredited. Some six thousand buses and about forty thousand private cars brought participants to this southern province. There were vendors with pictures of historic battle scenes and portraits of medieval Serbian rulers as well as of Milo?evi? who was then president of the still existing Yugoslavia. Other politicians present included the former Yugoslav president and contemporary Slovenian Prime Minister, Janez Drnovšek, and the Yugoslav Prime Minister, Ante Markovic, a Croat.6 For weeks the Serbian mass media had bombarded the population with programming about the historical and contemporary importance of the event. During the first half of 1989 a specific kind of political folklore was invented. It was one that was congruent with the well- established idea of the Serbs as a unique and martyred people, most notably as manifested in their defeat at Kosovo. While propagated from above this idea found resonance among the general population. This view was also congruent with the general political climate which favored keeping the dispersed Serbian populations in one state as had been the case in Socialist Yugoslavia. Fears associated with the then imminent dissolution of Yugoslavia inspired ordinary citizens to focus on this historical event.7 Both academics and popular writers contributed to the nationalistic rhetoric and related historical mythology. One of the most prominent Serbian historians of the second half of the 20th century and long-time president of the Serbian Academy 91 of Sciences and Arts, Radovan Samardzic, explained the significance of the forthcoming event: "The Battle of Kosovo may be regarded as one of the most important events in world history... Ever since the fifteenth century, the writings of learned humanists have classified it as one of the turning points in world history."8 One cannot but wonder how many such "turning points" might exist from his perspective. The day of celebration began early. At 7 AM there was a liturgy in the monastery of Gracanica. This monastery is located near the provincial capital of Priština. Then the celebration moved to the site of the historic battlefield. The Serbian public seemed moved by feelings approaching a mass hysteria. The events of 1389 were commemorated and political and ecclesiastical leaders draw conclusions for the future of contemporary Serbia. In his speech Milosevic left little doubt that he saws himself as a kind of secular Messiah who will preserve the holy Serbian land for its people in that year and in that place. The land was lost 600 years before because of discord and betrayal. He remarked that Serbia's socialist leaders had betrayed their people. He suggested that the concessions which had been made by Serbia would not have been accepted by "any other people in the world." He contrasted this discord and betrayal with the heroism justly celebrated in Serbian poetry and national history. Miloševic suggested that the heroism displayed on the battlefield of Kosovo had already inspired six centuries of creativity. The brave army had remained honorable even in defeat."9 The idea of a Messiah or a historical hero who will return back to earth to liberate an enslaved people is both widespread in human history and not new to Serbian literary tradition. Thus the Serbs under Ottoman domination expected by the end of the 16th century the messianic return of their first medieval archbishop and mythic hero, the Holy Sava (1219-1233). After several uprisings the remains of Sava were burned by the Ottomans. But this act did not lessen the widespread belief in his Messianic return. The Serbian people have also expected the return of other mythical figures of Serbian history. One of the most prominent of these "sleeping" heroes is the historical figure of "Kraljevic Marko", the king's son Marko, whose real name was Marko Mrnjacevic and who lived in the 14th century. Historically he was not important and he died as a vassal of the Ottoman emperor in a military campaign against the principality of Valachia.