Albania – Elections – Political Violence – Democratic Party – Shkoder – State Protection

Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA

Research Response Number: ALB30175 Country: Albania Date: 1 June 2006

Keywords: Albania – Elections – Political violence – Democratic Party – Shkoder – State protection

This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

Questions

1. If possible, please provide a comprehensive list of the candidates and results in the various electorates for the July 2005 Albanian elections. 2. To what extent was there political violence around the time of those elections? 3. Please provide copies of any detailed independent reports on the conduct of those elections. 4. Have there been reports of Democratic Party supporters being harmed or killed in the wake of the July 2005 elections? 5. Have there been any recent reports of political violence in Shkoder? 6. To what extent does the state provide protection against political violence?

RESPONSE

1. If possible, please provide a comprehensive list of the candidates and results in the various electorates for the July 2005 Albanian elections.

The Albanian Central Election Committee website http://www.cec.org.al/2004/Zgjedhejekuvendfiles/Rez- zgjedhje2005/rezultatet%20100%20zona/buletini.htm - Accessed 18 May 2006 (Attachment 1) provides a comprehensive list of the candidates and the results achieved by each of them in the 100 electorates for the July 2005 Albanian elections. It is in the Albanian language and comprises more than 200 pages.

2. To what extent was there political violence around the time of those elections?

The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), an independent observer of the 2005 elections in Albania, comments that

The 3 July 2005 parliamentary election complied, only in part, with OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections, and marked some progress in the conduct of elections in Albania. It was a competitive contest and voters were offered a wide electoral choice from a range of political parties. Yet, the process was again protracted and at times uncertain (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 1, 7 November. http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

The Office states that violent incidents marred the campaign but less widespread than in previous elections (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 13, 7 November. http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2). It is supported by the OSCE ambassador to Albania, Pavel Vacek when he said that the Sunday’s ballot went off without the high level of violence that had marred previous elections (‘OSCE: Albania Elections Marred by Violence’ 2005, VOA, 6 July http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_07_05_1054.html – Accessed 22 May 2006 – Attachment 3).

While media coverage of the July 2005 elections was far from extensive and detailed, all the reports found on the elections indicate that there were three fatal and numerous less serious incidents around the time of the elections. Many of the minor incidents were not reported in the media.

BBC reports a few fatal incidents during and post elections period. Two men have been killed during post-election celebrations in Albania. One man was shot outside opposition party offices in the central town of Lushnje. The second man was killed in an apparent reprisal shooting. The third man, an election official was shot dead on Sunday, the election day in the capital Tirana (‘Two die in Albania poll violence’2005, BBC, 5 July http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4650933.stm – Accessed 22 May 2006 – Attachment 4).

In describing the shooting on the election day, Sunday, 3 July 2005, Economist comments that:

An official from the Republicans, a right-wing opposition party, was shot dead outside a Tirana polling station. (‘ALBANIA: Albania’s election: Berisha beacon’ 2005, Economist Online, 7 July http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=4154570 – Accessed on 18 Jul 2005 – Attachment 5)

“Other reports states that it is unclear if political motives were behind the murder” (‘OSCE: Albania Elections Marred by Violence’ 2005, VOA, 6 July http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_07_05_1054.html – Accessed 22 May 2006 – Attachment 3; ‘Rivals claim victory in polls seen as a test for Albania’s EU future’ 2005, AFP, 3 July http://archive.turkishpress.com/news.asp?id=50770 – Accessed 26 May 2006 – Attachment 6).

OSCE/ODIHR cited a few incidents around the election day. In Shijak (EZ26), the Socialist Party supporters broke into a private building and assaulted its occupants for displaying opposition posters, and the vandalizing of party offices in Fier, Korça, Laç, Shkodër and Tirana (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 13, Footnote 38, 7 November. http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

In the course of the re-run of the elections on 21 August 2005, a government supporter was arrested in the southern district of Gjirokastra for beating two journalists from newspapers close to Berisha’s opposition (Puto, Artan 2005, ‘Albania: An Election Completed’2005’, 30 August http://www.projecttransitionaldemocracy.org/document.php?docid=1785®ionid=25&proj ecttransitionaldemocracy=c8df88b820c7a2bdc41a3ad4ecfbcbd2 – Accessed 30 May 2006 – Attachment 7).

Also an allegation is made by a supporter of a candidate for the main opposition Democratic Party in Tirana that he was beaten up while out electioneering on 20 June. He blames followers of a rival candidate (Albania: Election campaign turns nasty’ 2005, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 23 June: http://iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=242097&apc_state=henibcr2005 - Accessed on 27 Jun 2005 – Attachment 8).

While it is difficult to single out either side of the Albanian politics for violence, the OSCE ambassador to Albania, Pavel Vacek places the blame squarely on the extremists of the main Socialist and Democratic parties. He points at the armed militants of the respective parties (‘OSCE: Albania Elections Marred by Violence’ 2005, VOA, 6 July http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_07_05_1054.html – Accessed 22 May 2006 – Attachment 3).

3. Please provide copies of any detailed independent reports on the conduct of those elections.

One of the most comprehensive independent reports on the conduct of the July 2005 Albanian Parliamentary election is OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, 7 November http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

Another report is the Council of Europe Ad Hoc Committee for the Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005) 2005, Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005), 12 September http://assembly.coe.int/main.asp?Link=/documents/workingdocs/doc05/edoc10664.htm – Attachment 9).

A third report somewhat academic is not strictly about the conduct of the elections but a post election survey of voters. It provides a background for the election violence (Ilirjani, Altin 2005, Political Choice in Albania. The 2005 Albanian Parliamentary Election http://ajp.alpsa.org/archives/issue11/ilirjani.pdf – Accessed 22 May 2006 – Attachment 10).

4. Have there been reports of Democratic Party supporters being harmed or killed in the wake of the July 2005 elections?

While media coverage of the July 2005 election was not complete, no report has been located of Democratic Party supporters being seriously harmed or killed in the wake of the July 2005 elections.

The only report found is about an allegation made by a supporter of a candidate for the main opposition Democratic Party in Tirana. As mentioned above, he claimed that he was beaten up while out electioneering on 20 June 2005. He blames followers of a rival candidate (‘Albania: Election campaign turns nasty 2005, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 27 June – Attachment 8).

In the past the Democratic Party has made serious claims that their members and supporters were killed or harmed. However, most of them are not confirmed and were denied by the government. But the government was not entirely innocent. The Democratic Party often legitimately complained about incidents of police harassment of its members and of the dismissal of some of its members from official positions for political reasons (US Department of State 2000, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999 – Albania, 23 February – Attachment 11; US Department of State 1999, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1998 – Albania, 26 February – Attachment 12).

5. Have there been any recent reports of political violence in Shkoder?

It appears that as the law and order situation in Shkoder has improved since 1997, no serious recent report of political violence has been sighted although the distinction between political and non-political incidents is not clear-cut always.

The only recent report found of political violence is the vandalizing of party offices in Shkoder during the 2005 elections period as reported by OSCE/ODIHR (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 13, Footnote 38, 7 November http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

In contrast to the recent improvement, the Shkoder’s past was marred by several well-known violent incidents.

In its report for 1999, the US Department of State comments

During the year the Government reestablished law and order in areas of the country that had been almost totally beyond central government control since 1997. Police waged major operations in the districts of Tropoja, Vlora, Shkoder, Burrel, Fier, and Gjirokaster, where criminal gangs were active. The Ministry claims that it broke up at least 32 criminal gangs. Serious problems in the area of policing remain nonetheless… In July 1999, police forces in Shkoder, the country’s third largest city, blocked the main entrance of the District Court and did not allow officers of the court to enter the building as a sign of protest following the court’s release of suspected criminals who were detained by the police… There were no confirmed cases of political killings by the Government, despite repeated claims by the main opposition party that its members were harassed, beaten, and sometimes murdered by government agents (US Department of State 2000, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999 – Albania, 23 February – Attachment 11).

The Financial Times of 24 February 1998 reports that:

There was an outbreak of violence at Shkoder on Sunday February 22, 1998. It was reported that about 20 gunmen attacked the city seizing and burning the city hall, banks, court buildings, the university and private shops. The gang also stormed the main police station and freed about 30 prisoners accused of murder and armed them; however, no deaths were reported. The interior ministry forces gained control of the town on Monday. It is not known whether the violence was politically motivated. In January 1998 the same station was attacked by 20 fired policemen in protest of the newly appointed police chief. Shkoder is a stronghold of both the Democratic Party and the Royalists (‘Demonstrations in Shokoder or Tirana’ 1998, Financial Times 24 February http://www.uscis.gov/graphics/services/asylum/ric/documentation/Albania.htm – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 13).

Kurt Bassuener of Balkan Watch comments on the incident of 22 February 1998 as follows:

Shkoder erupted into a full-scale insurrection Sunday, with government buildings burned and looted. An army force reasserted control over the city Monday. The violence in Shkoder, a Democratic Party stronghold, followed continuing tensions between the Democratic Party and ruling Socialists. Interior Minister Neritan Ceka blamed operatives from Montenegro for starting the bloodshed (Bassuener, Kurt 1998, ‘Balkan Violence’, Balkan Watch, 24 February http://www.publicinternationallaw.org/programs/balkans/archives/1998/BW5-8.doc – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 14).

The US Department of State elaborates the same incident in Shkoder as follows:

The police were often unable to maintain public order. The police station in the northern city of Shkodra was taken over on February 22, and 35 detainees were released. The city hall and local shops were damaged and looted. The main bridge at the entrance to the city reportedly was mined, apparently to prevent additional police forces from reaching the city (US Department of State 1999, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1998 – Albania, 26 February – Attachment 12).

Fabian Schmidt gives an in-depth analysis into the political implications of the January 1998 incident as follows:

Recent unrest sparked by local policemen in the northern city of Shkoder highlights the continued weakness of government institutions in Albania. Control over the police is a sensitive issue for a cabinet trying to establish public order and confidence following last year’s widespread public disorder. Observers fear that the country may once again experience a vicious circle of lawlessness and violence if the government is unable to crack down on organized crime. To achieve that goal, it needs a reliable police force that is immune to corruption and capable of maintaining political neutrality.

The Shkoder uprising, in which local policemen staged an armed rebellion against the Tirana- appointed police chief, proves that achieving that goal will be no easy task. The government has repeatedly accused the opposition of seeking to jeopardize efforts to establish public order by using its strong influence in the provinces and by creating separate power centers in some parts of the country. While local governments dominated by the opposition Democratic Party (PD) have in the past staged protests against Tirana (for example, one-day strikes by municipal workers), Shkoder was the first city in which policemen took up arms to protest an Interior Ministry order. Moreover, the Shkoder unrest came only weeks after Interior Minister Neritan Ceka had claimed the Democrats are deliberately promoting violence to destabilize the country and press for new elections.

Each rival political bloc has long accused the other of using politically motivated violence. But following a series of 15 bomb attacks in Gjirokaster since mid-December, each of those blocs has employed harsher language. During the same period, a large number of policemen were killed or wounded in separate incidents throughout the country. Ceka blamed the attacks on the opposition, saying it is “pursuing a policy of banditry and inciting the population to keep weapons and set off explosive devices.”

The opposition, for its part, has tried to portray those incidents as acts of political terrorism, despite being unable to name a convincing motive for some of the killings. For example, the Democratic Party claimed that three people killed in the northern city of Tropoja in early January were murdered for political reasons by government-hired killers. Several days later, the party staged a large protest rally in Tirana to demand the resignation of the government. Following that demonstration, however, prosecutors presented evidence pointing to blood feuds between local families.

Nonetheless, the Shkoder incident proves that mutual recriminations between the Socialists and the Democrats are accelerating the rise of political violence. Various factors contributed to that incident. First, there is an ongoing rivalry between center-leftist Tirana and the center-rightist local government in Shkoder. Second, the central government distrusts the local police force, which has been largely loyal to the Democrats in the past. And third, Tirana suspects that Shkoder officials were involved in smuggling oil to Montenegro during the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia from 1991 to 1995. It argues that the Shkoder police force must either have turned a blind eye or was itself involved.

On 5 January, the central government appointed Mithat Havari as Shkoder police chief to strengthen central control over the local force. Havari, who comes from the southern city of Vlora, previously worked was previously police chief in the southern city of Berat, which has been plagued by crime since the unrest last March. In Berat, he was successful in reestablishing order and gained a reputation of a tough police chief. But he also became unpopular for firing suspected corrupt colleagues and keeping other crime suspects in prison, despite protest rallies by up to 300 locals demanding their release.

The conflict that broke out over Havari’s appointment suggests the government’s suspicions about the local police were justified. Ceka said that the surrender of the rebel policemen was a “victory for rule of law.” But the more difficult task at hand is now to continue building a police force that the population can trust. There is a real danger that the Shkoder incident was an overture for another armed political conflict that would halt Albania’s recovery if the country’s rival political blocs were to fail to find a common language (Schmidt, Fabian 1998, ‘Politically Motivated Unrest In Northern Albania’, 26 January http://www.b-info.com/places/Bulgaria/news/98-01/jan26.rfe – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 15).

Apart from Shkoder, the province of Shkodra (the capital: Shkoder) had also witnessed serious violent incidents in the past. The US Department of State comments that:

On November 10 [1999] police in Shkodra arrested three Democratic Party supporters under a warrant signed by the military tribunal for participation in the mid-September unrest. The most prominent of the three was a bodyguard for slain Democratic Party M.P. Hajdari (see Section 1.a.) and another is a distant cousin of former president Sali Berisha. All were released the same day, except for Hajdari’s former bodyguard, after armed men negotiated with the Shkodra prefect for a number of hours. Armed men apparently blocked off the main street in Shkodra on which the police commissariat is located for an extended period. The office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in Shkodra was attacked the same day, an event which local observers believe was connected to the arrests (see Section 4). …. In August and September, the police arrested six leaders of the Democratic Party, including former ministers, and a leader of the Monarchist Legality Party. Three Democratic Party supporters were arrested in November in Shkodra and two were released the same day. These arrests may have been in part politically motivated (see Section 1.d.). (US Department of State 1999, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1998 – Albania, 26 February http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/albania.html – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 12).

Apart from political violence, Shkoder is noted for blood feuds. It is described as “one of the most problematic cities for blood feuds’ and serious incidents were reported (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2004, ALB42821.E – Albania: Update to ALB33770.E of 4 April 2000 on blood feuds/vendettas and the level of protection available to victims through police, court and other avenues of recourse (April 2000-July 2004), 20 July – Attachment 16).

6. To what extent does the state provide protection against political violence?

While no comprehensive report has been located on the extent of the state protection against political violence, Albania’s security forces and police have been criticized for corruption, lack of professionalism and inefficiency, although a sign of improvement has started to appear lately.

The US Department of State makes a general assessment of the effectiveness or otherwise of the state security apparatus as follows:

The overall performance of law enforcement remained weak. Unprofessional behavior and corruption remained major impediments to the development of an effective civilian police force. According to the interior ministry, only 40 percent of police officers received training beyond basic, despite assistance from foreign governments. The ASP [Albanian State Police] Office of Internal Control engaged in the prevention, discovery, and documentation of criminal activity committed by police. Through November the office conducted 172 investigations that led to the arrest of 47 police officials and the dismissal of 68 others for misconduct.

Corruption remained a problem among police forces, and low salaries and widespread corruption throughout society made the problem difficult to combat. The ASP Office of Internal Control reported at least 81 cases of corruption to the prosecutor’s office through November that involved 118 police officers, 16 of whom were arrested.

From January through September the general prosecutor’s office investigated 20 cases involving 26 police officers for performing arbitrary acts or abusing duty. The office terminated its investigation in 11 cases, dismissing 9 cases and suspending 2 because of failure to identify the perpetrator. The other 9 cases were under investigation at year’s end.

Impunity remained a problem, but increasingly less so. The government ombudsman received 14 complaints against police officers for use of excessive force or mistreatment through September. The ombudsman determined that 2 complaints were valid and dismissed the others as groundless. There was no information available at year’s end on whether any action had been taken on the valid complaints …

A human rights ombudsman investigated inappropriate, inadequate, or illegal government actions. .. The most common cases included citizen complaints of police and military abuse of power, lack of enforcement of court judgments in civil cases, wrongful dismissal, and land disputes (see sections 1.c. and 1.e.). In many cases, the government took concrete steps to correct problems in response to the findings of the ombudsman; however, disputes between the ombudsman and the prosecutor general hampered cooperation (US Department of State 2006, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 8 March – Attachment 17).

The Department has made a similar assessment for the previous few years (US Department of State 2005, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 28 February – Attachment 18; US Department of State 2004, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 25 February – Attachment 19).

Amnesty International comments that:

Poverty, unemployment, widespread corruption and official indifference undermined efforts to promote the rule of law. (Amnesty International 2006, ALBANIA: Amnesty International Report – 2006, 23 May – Attachment 20).

A few recent reports of the positive efforts by the Albanian police to curb political violence are sighted (Police seek Albanian political leader over extremist links’ 2003, AFP, 8 October – Attachment 21; ‘Police arrest man suspected of political murder’ 2001, AP, 6 May – Attachment 22).

In the past, police took a side with a political party but such an outright political interference seems to have disappeared although some allegations have been made of the malpractice. OSCE/ODIHR comments that in the 12 election zones, observers received allegations, some of which were credible, that the police pressured citizens in their political activity and failed to respond to violations of campaign regulations and the alleged intimidation of certain electors (p 14) (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 1, 7 November. http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

At the same time OSCE/ODIHR describes some aspects of conduct of police during the 2005 elections in a positive term. It states that:

Generally, police respected their legal obligation to remain outside VCs unless their presence was specifically requested and, in contrast to previous elections, the police did not interfere in the electoral process. (p 19)

The police also played a positive role and carried out their electoral responsibilities in an exemplary manner. (p 24) (OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 1, 7 November. http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006 – Attachment 2).

The Council of Europe Ad Hoc Committee also gives the Albanian police credit for the role it played during the elections, which, in contrast to earlier elections, respected their legal obligations and remained outside the voting stations during Election Day. (para 39) (Council of Europe Ad Hoc Committee for the Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005) 2005, Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005), 12 September http://assembly.coe.int/main.asp?Link=/documents/workingdocs/doc05/edoc10664.htm – Attachment 9).

List of Sources Consulted

Internet Sources: Google, Vivisimo & Copernic 2001 Personal Agent search engines BBC News website http://www.bbc.co.uk The Guardian website http://www.guardian.co.uk/ CNN website http://www.cnn.com/

Databases: Public FACTIVA Reuters Business Briefing

REFINFO IRBDC Research Responses (Canada) RRT ISYS RRT Country Research database, including U.S. Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. RRT Library FIRST RRT Library Catalogue

List of Attachments

1. Albanian Central Election Committee 2005, ‘REZULTATET NË 100 ZONAT’, Albanian Central Election Committee website. (http://www.cec.org.al/2004/Zgjedhejekuvendfiles/Rez- zgjedhje2005/rezultatet%20100%20zona/buletini.htm - Accessed 18 May 2006)

2. OSCE/ODIHR 2005, Republic of Albania: Parliamentary Elections 3 July 2005 – OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, p 1, 7 November. (http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2005/11/16905_en.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2006)

3. ‘OSCE: Albania Elections Marred by Violence’ 2005, VOA, 6 July. (http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_07_05_1054.html – Accessed 22 May 2006)

4. ‘Two die in Albania poll violence’2005, BBC, 5 July. (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4650933.stm – Accessed 22 May 2006)

5. ‘ALBANIA: Albania’s election: Berisha beacon’ 2005, Economist Online, 7 July. (http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=4154570 - Accessed 18 July 2005) (CISNET Albania CX127221)

6. ‘Rivals claim victory in polls seen as a test for Albania’s EU future’ 2005, AFP, 3 July. (http://archive.turkishpress.com/news.asp?id=50770 – Accessed 26 May 2006)

7. Puto, Artan 2005, ‘Albania: An Election Completed’2005’, 30 August. (http://www.projecttransitionaldemocracy.org/document.php?docid=1785®ionid= 25&projecttransitionaldemocracy=c8df88b820c7a2bdc41a3ad4ecfbcbd2 – Accessed 30 May 2006)

8. ALBANIA: Election campaign turns nasty’ 2005, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 23 June. (http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr3/bcr3_200506_561_2_eng.txt - Accessed on 27 Jun 2005) (CISNET Albania CX124786)

9. Council of Europe Ad Hoc Committee for the Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005) 2005, Observation of the Parliamentary Elections in Albania (3 July 2005), 12 September. (http://assembly.coe.int/main.asp?Link=/documents/workingdocs/doc05/edoc10664.ht m)

10. Ilirjani, Altin 2005, Political Choice in Albania. The 2005 Albanian Parliamentary Election. (http://ajp.alpsa.org/archives/issue11/ilirjani.pdf – Accessed 22 May 2006)

11. US Department of State 2000, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999 – Albania, 23 February. (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/1999/313.htm – Accessed 30 May 2006)

12. US Department of State 1999, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1998 – Albania, 26 February. (http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/albania.html – Accessed 30 May 2006)

13. ‘Demonstrations in Shokoder or Tirana’ 1998, Financial Times, USCIS website, 24 February. (http://www.uscis.gov/graphics/services/asylum/ric/documentation/Albania.htm – Accessed 29 May 2006)

14. Bassuener, Kurt 1998, ‘Balkan Violence’, Balkan Watch, 24 February. (http://www.publicinternationallaw.org/programs/balkans/archives/1998/BW5-8.doc – Accessed 29 May 2006)

15. Schmidt, Fabian 1998, ‘Politically Motivated Unrest In Northern Albania’, 26 January. (http://www.b-info.com/places/Bulgaria/news/98-01/jan26.rfe – Accessed 29 May 2006)

16. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2004, ALB42821.E – Albania: Update to ALB33770.E of 4 April 2000 on blood feuds/vendettas and the level of protection available to victims through police, court and other avenues of recourse (April 2000- July 2004), 20 July. (REFINFO)

17. US Department of State 2006, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 8 March. (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61633.htm – Accessed 30 May 2006)

18. US Department of State 2005, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 28 February. (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41666.htm – Accessed 30 May 2006)

19. US Department of State 2004, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Albania, 25 February. (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27820.htm – Accessed 30 May 2006) 20. Amnesty International 2006, ALBANIA: Amnesty International Report – 2006, 23 May. (http://web.amnesty.org/report2006/alb-summary-eng - Accessed on 26 May 2006) (CISNET Albania CX154294)

21. ‘Police seek Albanian political leader over extremist links’ 2003, AFP, 8 October. (FACTIVA)

22. ‘Police arrest man suspected of political murder’ 2001, AP, 6 May. (FACTIVA)