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Introduction INTRODUCTION The third volume of The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers documents the period between the first and second inter- national conventions of the UNIA. The success of the August 1920 conven- tion justified Garvey's expanded emphasis on African redemption and estab- lished his movement's substantial following in scores of black communities around the world. By the time the August 1921 convention came around, the UNIA was the major political force among blacks in the postwar world. Circulation of the Negro World, the movement's newspaper, increased from twenty-five thousand at the start of 1921 to seventy-five thousand copies by the middle of the year, so that not only did it become self-supporting, it also contributed over $1,000 every month to the UNIA's general treasury. Counting newspaper employees and distributors, along with officials and staff members of the Black Star Line and the UNIA, William Ferris, the Negro Worlds literary editor, estimated that by July 1921 Garvey's movement provided employment for nearly two hundred persons in New York and nearly two hundred others in various parts of the world. Even as the second convention deliberated, however, there arose omi- nous signs of crisis within the movement. Garvey's lieutenants began to express doubts about the financial health of the Black Star Line and about the wisdom of Garvey's methods in raising money for his Liberian colonization and trade scheme. At the same time, the UNIA's various fund-raising pro- jects had not been able to support the over $70,000 in annual salaries promised to UNIA officials who had been elected by the 1920 convention. By the end of August 1921, the Yarmouth (the BSL's flagship) was no longer in service, and the Kanawha (a yacht) was disabled and tied up in Cuban waters; the Shadyside (the Hudson River excursion boat), meanwhile, was losing money. At this point, the entire BSL enterprise hovered on the brink of bankruptcy. Moreover, a steep general decline in the shipping business made prospects for the Black Star Line even less promising. The momentum gathered at the August 1920 convention allowed Garvey and his aides to begin a new round of promotional tours devoted to selling Black Star Line stock, shoring up weak UNIA divisions, and chartering new xxxiii THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS divisions. The current volume documents the activities and growth of UNIA divisions in Buffalo; Chicago and Danville, Illinois; Key West, Jacksonville, and Miami, Florida; Louisville, Kentucky; Los Angeles; Okmulgee, Okla- homa; Philadelphia; Pittsburgh; and Springfield, Massachusetts. Clear evi- dence of the movement's growth came at the 1921 convention, when the UNIA secretary-general reported that the number of divisions increased from 95 in 1920 to 418 in 1921, with an additional 422 UNIA branches awaiting charters from the parent body in New York. From September 1920 to August 1921, BSL stock sales totaled $5$,147, a difficult achievement in the face of high black unemployment during the postwar economic slump. Garvey introduced new financial schemes during this time. In October 1920 he replaced his Liberian Liberty bonds promotion with the Liberian Construction Loan, a plan to raise $2 million to finance a UNIA loan to Liberia. In order to stimulate sales and contributions, Garvey issued a circular letter on 1 December 1920 calling for $250,000 by mid- January to secure a ship to convey workmen and materials to Liberia. At this point the Black Star Line and the Liberian Construction Loan were, for all practical purposes, one and the same promotion; indeed, the UNIA Liberian loan campaign was as much concerned with staving off the financial crisis of the Black Star Line as with financing construction in Liberia. J. Edgar Hoover's long-awaited opportunity to remove Garvey from the Afro-American political scene came when Garvey embarked on his promo- tional tour of the West Indies and Central America in February 1921. Hoover had come to believe that the Garvey movement in America was subsidized to some extent by the British government; another government official voiced the equally farfetched suspicion that Garvey might have been working as part of an international Jewish conspiracy aimed at fomenting revolution. On the basis of these suspicions as well as on evidence of Garvey's radical influence in the black community, Hoover sought the cooperation of the United States State Department to bar Garvey from reentering the United States by deny- ing him a visa. Yet the State Department eventually abandoned the policy of exclusion it had established at Hoover's request and allowed Garvey to reenter the United States. Hoover retaliated by refusing to honor the State Department's request for the Bureau of Investigation's aid in blocking the admission of the UNIA potentate, Gabriel M. Johnson, who arrived from Liberia in July 1921 to attend the August UNIA convention. Johnson's brother, F. E. R. Johnson, was in the United States at that time as a member of the Liberian Plenary Commission negotiating for a United States govern- ment loan, and the State Department believed that he was also working on behalf of the UNIA to further its cause in Liberia. Thus, the attempt to keep the UNIA potentate out of the United States supported a larger diplomatic scheme aimed at keeping Garvey and the UNIA from launching their "con- struction" program in Liberia. In this context, State Department policy- makers viewed Garvey's readmission as less significant than Gabriel John- son's, a conclusion that greatly displeased Hoover. xxxiv INTRODUCTION Garvey faced a curious dilemma in his decision to risk a trip away from the United States despite the sober warnings of his aides, many of his followers, and the black press. Although his advisers anticipated the United States government's attempt to keep him out of the country with the assis- tance of the British, Garvey knew that without a major fund-raising tour in previously untapped regions, the Black Star Line would soon go under. Garvey's speeches in the countries that he visited—Cuba, Jamaica, Costa Rica, Panama, and British Honduras (Belize)—challenged local audiences to pursue "a new religion and new politics" and to struggle against "the old-time order of things." Beyond its promotional function, Garvey's tour formed part of a wider UNIA diplomatic offensive: while Garvey was mo- bilizing support in the Caribbean, UNIA officials in New York were lobby- ing the visiting Liberian Plenary Commission, which included President C. D. B. King, and the UNIA's delegation in Liberia was asking the Liberian cabinet to set aside land and accommodations for the UNIA construction and colonization program. Garvey's trip also marked a major turning point in the history of the UNIA. Garvey's lieutenants, who were charged with running the UNIA and the Black Star Line during his absence, frequently clashed over unclear lines of authority. At the same time, a quarrel over questions of authority between Cyril Crichlow, Garvey's resident commis- sioner in Liberia, and Gabriel Johnson and George O. Marke, UNIA poten- tate and supreme deputy potentate, created severe difficulties for the UNIA, leaving the UNIA's Liberian project at a standstill. Under these circum- stances Garvey asked the 1921 convention for control over all UNIA and BSL finances as a means of centralizing authority in his hands. The convention granted him that control and at the same time approved changes in the UNIA Constitution that increased the power of the parent body in New York. According to Garvey's plan, UNIA employees would be recruited from those who passed a UNIA civil service examination, and the executive secretaries of local divisions would be civil servants who would handle all local records and report directly to UNIA headquarters. When the movement was starting to founder in New York, however, Garvey was preoccupied in the Caribbean with problems of his own. Constant breakdowns of the S.S. Kanawha and numerous stops for expen- sive repairs led Garvey to accuse the ship's captain and engineer of incompe- tence and sabotage. Garvey also encountered colonial authorities throughout the region who viewed his presence with concern: in the case of Bermuda, where he planned to make the first stop of his tour, officials denied him permission to land. Nonetheless, the tour marked a significant political triumph for Garvey. Large crowds greeted him in Cuba, Jamaica, and British Honduras, and thousands mobbed him in Costa Rica and Panama. In addi- tion, he raised funds by selling substantial amounts of BSL stock and raised even greater sums from the gate receipts at his public speeches. Prior to Garvey's embarking on his Caribbean tour, his speeches re- vealed an impressive knowledge of world events and developments on the XXXV THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS African continent, especially those that pointed toward an increasing spread of the movement. Examples of the Garvey movement's impact in Africa appeared in newspaper reports and official correspondence from South Africa and the Belgian Congo (Zaire), as well as in correspondence from UNIA representatives in Liberia. Yet Garvey's speeches on the eve of his departure also revealed his growing concern about the political consequences of leading a "radical movement." American consular officials would later repeatedly deny Garvey's requests for a visa, lengthening his planned five- week tour to over four months. When Garvey finally returned to New York, in mid-July 1921, his Caribbean experience had given him an even greater appreciation of the level of official antagonism that his movement had provoked. Perhaps as important as the ever-present threat of increased official repression was the financial crisis that faced the Black Star Line on Garvey's return.
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