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Making Mothers: Missionaries, Medical Officers and Women's Work in Colonial Asante, 1924- 1945 Author(S): Jean Allman Source: History Workshop, No

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Making Mothers: Missionaries, Medical Officers and Women's Work in Colonial Asante, 1924- 1945 Author(S): Jean Allman Source: History Workshop, No Making Mothers: Missionaries, Medical Officers and Women's Work in Colonial Asante, 1924- 1945 Author(s): Jean Allman Source: History Workshop, No. 38 (1994), pp. 23-47 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4289318 . Accessed: 16/08/2013 17:06 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to History Workshop. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.252.67.66 on Fri, 16 Aug 2013 17:06:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Methodist Women's Training Centre, Kwadaso (taken by author, 1992) Making Mothers: Missionaries, Medical Officers and Women's Work in Colonial Asante, 19241945 by Jean Allman For four days in June, 1931, government,church and businessrepresenta- tives from eight Europeancountries and from severalcolonial territoriesin Africamet in Genevato discussthe welfareof Africanchildren.' Summoned by the Save the Children InternationalUnion during the depths of the world-wideDepression, the participantsdiscussed the applicationof the 1924Declaration of Geneva and its provisionsfor the protectionof children to the childrenof colonized Africa. Echoing much of the broaderdiscourse surroundingmaternal and infant welfare of the late 1920sand early 1930s, the conference participantsblamed social diseases, poverty, 'native mid- wives and their anti-hygienicpractices', mothers' 'carelessness' and 'ir- rational feeding' of infants, superstition and, finally, 'lack of sufficient medical aid' for infant mortalityrates which exceeded seventy percent in some areas. Although the conference repudiatedthe 'tendency to blame the mother', its publishedconclusions focussed almost exclusivelyon the education of mothers and children and avoided pronouncementson the effects of migrantand forced labour, cash-croppingor taxation.3Indeed, as Evelyn Sharp, the conference's chronicler, wrote, 'the urgent need for education . was brought persistently to the notice of the delegates, although the questions before them were nominally pathological and economic'. In short, 'Making African History at Geneva' (the title of Sharp'sfirst chapter) required, above all, the makingof Africanmothers. History Workshop Journal Issue 38 ? History Workshop Journal 1994 This content downloaded from 128.252.67.66 on Fri, 16 Aug 2013 17:06:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 History Workshop Journal Students at the Mmofraturo School in 1932. Methodist Missionary Society, Overseas Division. :~~~~~*4 4 ............ ... Author..s photgrap Persis Beer, no date. Mmofraturo School, Kumasi. This content downloaded from 128.252.67.66 on Fri, 16 Aug 2013 17:06:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MakingMothers 25 In seeking to addressthe welfareof Africanwomen and childrenalmost exclusively through social and educative solutions aimed at women and children (particularlyat their hygiene and nutrition), the conference avoided the obvious issues of economic exploitationand political expedi- ency. In this sense, its proceedings both reflected and inspired an inter- national discourse aimed at constructingproper, nurturingmotherhood (accordingto Europeanmiddle-class criteria) out of biologicalmaternity, irrespectiveof economic, cultural or social context.4Though in practice mediatedin significantways by race, class and place, it was a discoursethat impactedupon women living in communitiesas far apart as the working- class districtsof Liverpool and London and the farmingvillages of West Africa.5 For example, those entrustedwith making'proper' mothers in Britain's African territories- missionaries, nurses, teachers and women medical officers - carriedwith them the social baggage of Britain'smaternal and infant-welfare policies at home, particularly those initiated after the Anglo-BoerWar.6 These policieswere basedon healthofficials' perceptions of infant mortalityas a direct result of the 'failureof motherhood'.7They stressed, above all else, hygiene and nutritionthrough education, or, in the ennobling terminologyof the time, the essentials of 'mothercraft'.8They were policies Britain's 'maternalimperialists', as BarbaraRamusack has termed them, could readilytransport to the colonies. They did not require any critique of the economic or environmentaleffects of colonialismon maternaland infantwelfare, but they could be marshalledagainst a host of social problems, from populationdecline and infant mortality,to sexually transmitteddiseases, prostitution and adultery.9The British imperialist enterprisein the twentiethcentury, in otherwords, was intimatelybound up with makingmothers - both at home and in the colonies.10 This paper looks at one small chapterin the story of motherhoodand colonialism.That it can be situatedin the broaderdiscourse of maternaland infantwelfare is importantfor purposesof comparisonand context, but the story that follows is far more circumscribed.It focusses on efforts to 'make mothers'in Asante - one smallpart of the Britishempire. This formerWest African kingdom, which was eventuallyincorporated into the Gold Coast (afterindependence, Ghana), did not come underBritish colonial rule until 1901 and initiatives directed at maternal and infant welfare did not get underway until well into the 1920s and '30s. Thus, Asante women's encounterswith British attempts to colonizethe maternal,as it were, survive today as lived experiencesin the memoriesof manyold women. At the same time, some of the womenmissionaries and teachershave left writtenrecords - personal correspondence,reports and articles- describingtheir experi- ences as 'maternalimperialists'.'1 What follows is an attempt to privilege these voices, to centre the encounter between 'maternalimperialist' and Asante woman. What was makingmothers all about if you were doing the 'making'or if you were the motherbeing made?While delegates on a sunny This content downloaded from 128.252.67.66 on Fri, 16 Aug 2013 17:06:01 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 26 History Workshop Journal Geneva afternoonpondered the unreliablestatistics on infantmortality and debated agendas for uplifting African women, twenty or thirty Asante women in the town of Tafo gatheredin the shade of an odum tree. There, more out of curiosity than anything else, they watched a Methodist missionary,Sister Persis Beer, and severalof her studentsdemonstrate how properly to bathe a baby. The week before, the women had been entertainedby a lengthy session on makingpancakes. Far from Geneva's Salle Centrale,far from the committeerooms of Britain'sColonial Office, it was basins and bathpowder,pancakes and biscuits. Was this the 'stuff' of whichmothers were to be made?12 IndirectRule and Mothercraft:Colonizing the Maternalin Asante Initially in Asante neither the colonial government, the missions nor Asante's chiefs appearedvery interestedin women'seducation or maternal and childwelfare. After 1924,however, there was an explosionof interestin the welfareof women and childrenin Asante that can be explainedonly in partby factorsand forces external to Asante itself, by eventslike the Geneva Conference. It is this paper's contention that the education and welfare initiativesaimed at Asante women duringthe 1920s and 1930s have to be understoodwithin the context of a broadercrisis in gender relations that shook Asante duringthose very same decades.The genderchaos, as it were, that accompaniedthe spreadof cocoa as a cashcrop (particularlyafter 1920) and the expansion of the trade in foodstuffs (a trade women tended to control) had profoundrepercussions on relationshipsbetween Asante men and women. Marriage, divorce and maternal/paternalresponsibilities towardchildren in this matrilinealsociety were contested, challengedand, at times, redefinedas a result of sweepingeconomic changesrooted in the expansionof cocoa. Let us look brieflyat some of those changes. Few would dispute Gareth Austin's recent contention that the labour necessaryfor the rapidspread of cocoa, whichsaw exports from the arearise from eight pounds to over 170,000tons duringthe period 1890-1918,came 'very largelyfrom established,non-capitalist sources'.13 After the abolition of slaveryand the prohibitionof pawning*in Asante in 1908, wives became one of the main sources of that unpaid labour, particularlyin the initial establishmentof cocoa farms.14In many ways, wives' provisionof labour flowed logically from pre-cocoa productiveobligations between spouses. Wives commonlygrew food cropson land clearedby theirhusbands - crops whichboth fed the familyand provideda surpluswhich wives were entitled to sell. When cocoa farmswere firstestablished, the patterndiffered little. In the firstthree to four yearsof theirexistence, the only returnsfrom cocoa farms were the food crops - particularlycrops like plantain or cocoyam which were planted to shade the young trees duringtheir firstyears. After * In Asante, the practice of human pawning entailed a debtor giving a person to a creditor as security on a debt. On repayment, the pawn was returned. This
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