Water Access Issues for Expanding Urban Areas: A Case Study of Quetta, Pakistan
KAMRAN ASGHAR B.E (Civil), M.E (Environmental management policy)
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Engineering by research
School of Civil and Environmental Engineering University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia
September 2011
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CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. ______Kamran Asghar September 2011
ii ABSTRACT
The time is coming when regional and international conflicts will be about water supply since water touches nearly every aspect of life. Water is becoming a scarce commodity everywhere including Balochistan (Pakistan), where environmental challenges are at a peak. Most of the poor (Quetta, Pakistan) pay high prices for water from private vendors or, with their labour, collect free water from distant sources. Tragically, all the money paid to private water vendors could easily fund an adequate public piped water system. Imaginative tariffs for metered supply would be needed to ensure the poor were not excluded. The overall objective of the study is to discover gaps between demand and supply by collecting and analysing secondary and primary data related to cost recovery.
From a survey of urban water users and water vendors in Quetta, Pakistan, about 40% of respondents have access to a piped supply. However the supply is irregular and unreliable. 50% percent of connections receive water for five or more hours per week but 25% have less than two hours supply per week. 92% percent of respondents thought water should be free. The very small monthly charge for an unmetered connection is PKR12 ($US0.17) but 50% of the connected respondents never pay, citing unreliability and un-affordability, and there is no mechanism for enforcement of payments. Water vendors (mainly using road tankers) deliver about 10Ml (mega litre) per day with a charge of about PKR1 ($US0.0.014) per 10 litres. The inequity and economic absurdity of the situation is obvious. Monies currently paid to water vendors would easily fund the operation of a potentially safe, reliable, piped water supply system for all. However, due to the very low payment collection, the water supply body cannot maintain its inadequate system. Construction of a universal self funding piped and metered supply system would seem to be the logical solution. However, before self funding could be realised, a major public education program would be needed to teach the population about the real cost of water and to inform the legislators of the need for enforcing water charges. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I acknowledge the prayers of my parents and passion of my family without whose support this research “Water Access Issues for Expanding Urban Areas: A Case Study of Quetta Pakistan” would have been mere a dream. Without the guidance of my supervisors Dr. Ian Cordery, Dr. Ashish Sharma and Dr. Wendy Shaw it would have been impossible for me to proceed and undertake this task and their devotion has enabled me to successfully get through this research work.
It would not be out of place to laud the untiring efforts of Dr. Shahid Ahmed who welcomed my queries and answered them with full zeal and enthusiasm and his guidance was a beacon for me during the course of this research.
I am also fortunate to have Munir Hanjra as my guide and advisor for his valuable suggestions on many aspects of this research throughout the study. Thanks Hanjra for your encouraging words.
Many thanks go to the Endeavour Postgraduate Award Ministry of Education, Government of Australia for offering me a scholarship, which allowed me to take up this study.
My thanks go to the staff of the School of Civil and Environmental Engineering who has never hesitated in helping me through the years. Alice, Angie, Julie, Karenne, Kate, Les, Patric, Pattie and Robert (names in alphabetical order) are wonderful people.
Credit is also due to Dr. Saeed Ahmed, Mohammad Anwar Lehri and Gabi Duigu for her efforts in proofreading this thesis.
I am also indebted to the survey participants for their time and tolerance. Special thanks to
Mr. Kamran (from Cameos) and Akram for their help all through the survey.
iv I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to my family for their love, support and encouragement while I was thousands of miles away from home. Also, I am very much obliged to all of you for taking care of my wife and kids, I am also thankful to my loving wife and wonderful daughters, Shamail Sanadeed, Aisha and Sehar for patiently awaiting my success without a word of complaint.
Finally, I am grateful to all other faculty members, friends and class fellows, students and family members whose prayers are always with me.
KAMRAN ASGHAR
B.E (Civil)
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY ii
ABSTRACT iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS vi
LIST OF TABLES xii
LIST OF FIGURES xiii
DEDICATION xiv
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1. Introduction 1 1.1 Historical Background 1 1.1.1 Water Supply in Quetta City 2 1.1.2 IUCN 3
1.2 Groundwater Contamination 4
1.3 Financing the Water Supply 4
1.4 Water Demand and Population 5
1.5 Hypothesis 7
1.5.1 Hypothesis 1 7 1.5.2 Hypothesis 2 7
1.6 Research Objective 8
1.7 Thesis Outputs 9
vi 1.8 Structure of the Thesis 9
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction 10
2.2 Global Water Crisis 11 2.2.1 Assessment of Water Security 16
2.3 Water Scarcity in Asia 23
2.4 Water Supply in Pakistan 26
2.5 Urban Water Supply Dilemma 2 7 2.5.1 Water Rates and Pricing Policies 29 2.5.2 Drinking Water Cost Recovery & Privatisation 31 2.5.3 Strict Regulation & Drinking Water Cost Recovery 32 2.5.4 Significance of Water Pricing 33
2.6 Overview of Urban Water Supply in Quetta, Pakistan 34 2.6.1 National and Provincial Policy on Drinking Water Pricing 34 2.6.2 Drinking Water Pricing and Poor Respondents 35 2.6.3 Water Tariffs and Local Norms 35 2.6.4 Regulation and Cost Recovery 36 2.6.5 Community Communication and Cost Recovery 37 2.6.6 Drinking Water Costs in Pakistan and Quetta 39 2.6.7 Tribal Water Rights 40 2.6.8 Water Legislation in Balochistan 41 2.6.8.1 Balochistan Groundwater Rights Ordinance, 1978 42 2.6.8.2 Balochistan Canal and Drainage Ordinance, 1980 42 2.6.8.3 Balochistan Water User Association Ordinance, 1981 42 2.6.9 Laws Enacted in Quetta for Improving Water Management 42
2.7 Synthesis and Knowledge Gaps 4 3 2.7.1 Summary 44
2.8 Methods of Assessing Public Reaction and Experiences of Water Supply Inadequacies 44 2.8.1 Collecting qualitative data 44 2.8.2 Relevancy and Accuracy 4 5 2.8.3 The Constraints of Time and Money 47
vii CHAPTER 3: MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 Introduction 48
3.2 Collection of Data 49 3. 2. 1 Primary Data 49 3.2.2 Secondary Data 51 3.2.3 Reasons for the Survey 52
3.3 Methodology 53
3.4 Survey Objectives 56 3.4.1 Questionnaire for Water Vendors 57
3.5 Pilot Study 58
3.6 Conducting the Main Survey in the Selected Regions 59
3.7 Lessons Learnt from Literature Search 61
3.8 Summary 61
3.9 Conversion of Questionnaire into Softwares and Analysis Technique 62
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Introduction 63
4.2 Socioeconomic Profile of Survey Participants 65
4.3 Results of questionnaire survey 6 7 4.3.1 Access to Water Supply 67 4.3.2 Sources of Water 68 4.3.3 Affordability of Water Supply 71 4.3.4 Tanker Supply 77 4.3.5 Analysis of Water Cost Payments for Various Socioeconomic Groups 78 4.3.5.1 Details of variables used in calculations offered in Table 4.4 84 4. 3.5.2 Timecostmonth 84 4. 3.5.3 Tankercost 84 4. 3.5.4 PaidQ-WASA 84 viii 4. 3.5.5 Totalcost 84 4.3.6 Economic Analysis of Water Supply from Water Vendors 84
4.4 Operation and maintenance costs and revenue generated 88
4.5 Summary of Results 90
4.6 Available options for Q-WASA 92
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusions 94 5.1.1 Money Flows 94 5.1.2 Volume of Water Supplied 96 5.1.3 Unit Cost of Water 96 5.1.4 Household Water Storage 97 5.1.5 Attitudes to Water Charges 98 5.1.6 Availability of Water 99 5.1.7 Physical Labour Needed for Water Collection 99
5.2 The Way Forward 10 0 5.2.1 Options for Improving Water Pricing and Cost Recovery 100 5.2.2 Water Supply and Managing the Demand 101 5.2.3 Changes Needed in water Governance 102
5.3 Recommendations 10 3
REFERENCES 105
APPENDICES 112
APPENDIX A: The Questionnaires and following table 112
Figure 1A Water conservation practices (leave taps open all the times for water) 128 Figure 2A Capacity of water storage tank 129 Figure 2B Capacity of water storage tank 130 Figure 3A Water conservation (water storage tank fulfils daily water needs) 131 Figure 4A Opinion on water pricing (should prices be increased) 132 Figure 5A Opinion on water pricing (water payment to Q-WASA and tanker) 133 Figure 6A Residents opinions (Do you like to be educated on water conservation) 134 ix Figure 7A Residents opinions (How water issues brought to people’s attention) 135 Figure 8A Water sterilization practices(boil water which received from Q-WASA)136 Figure 9A Water vendor (water source) 137 Figure 10A Water Tanker Supply-Monthly Costs 138 Figure 11A Amount Paid to QWASA previous month 139 Figure 12A Tanker Water-number of purchase per week 140 Figure 13A Tanker Water-Cost per delivery 141
Table 5.1 Characteristics of survey participants in Quetta 142 Table 5.2 Annual household payments for water in Pakistani rupees 143 Table 5.3 Volumes of water supplied to households in Quetta 143 Table 5.4 Water collection labour 144
APPENDIX B: Letter of approval from ethics panel and commendation from various government departments 145 1. Approval of Human research ethics advisory panel (H) approval number 08/2009/010. 145 2. Letter of commendation from all three Academics Supervisors 146 3. Letter of commendation from Garrison Army Service Quetta 147 4. Letter of commendation from Quetta Water And Sanitation Authority (Q-WASA) 148 5. Letter of commendation from Quetta Water Supply And Environmental Improvement Project (QWSEIP) 149
APPENDIX C: Survey data collection and responses by Government and army officials 150 1. Letter of data information from Quetta Water Supply And Environmental Improvement Project (QWSEIP) 151 2. Letter of data information from Quetta Water And Sanitation Authority(Q-WASA) 152 3. Public Health Engineering department Government of Balochistan 153 4. Letter of data information from Garrison Army Service Quetta 154 5. Clean drinking water for all project Government of Balochistan 155
APPENDIX D: Survey data entry verified by UNSW PhD students, Department of Brahui(Local language of Balochistan,Pakistan)and conference publication 156 1. Sanaullah Qaisar from School of Surveying and Spatial Information Systems, University of New South Wales 156 2. Faisal A. Khan from School of Surveying and Spatial Information Systems, University of New South Wales 157 3. Khawaja Hamood ur Rehman from School of Electrical Engineering and Telecommunication, University of New South Wales 158
x 4. Adeel Razi from School of Electrical Engineering and Telecommunication University of New South Wales 159 5. Najeeb Ahmad Memon from School of Business Law and Taxation, University of New South Wales 160 6. University of Balochistan Quetta Department of Brahui 161 7. Cordery, I. and Asghar, K 2009, “Reasons for low access to water in expanding urban centres – the example of Quetta”, AWRA 2009 annual water resources conference Seattle, Washington, AWRA 162 8. Cordery, I. and Asghar, K 2009, “Effects of political neglect on urban people’s access to water, River Symposium October 2010 Perth, Western Australia. 162
APPENDIX E: Acronyms explained 163
xi LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. Millennium Development Goals as developed by UNDP North Caro lina Board of Health (2007) 12
Table 2.2 Cebu, Philippines: patterns of water use among households not connected to the main water network. 2 4
Table 2.3. Women face a heavier burden collecting water (minutes per day) 25
Table 4.1 Socioeconomic characteristics of sampled participants 66
Table 4.2 Access to water supply per household 68
Table 4.3 Affordability of water supply 78
Table 4.4 Water cost for various socioeconomic groups 80
Table 4.5 Economics of water supply/returns from water selling 85
Table 4.6 Income and O&M Expenditure of Q-WASA 89
xii LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 Relationship between Population and Groundwater Demand of Quetta Sub-Basin 6
Figure 2.1 World water security map 1 6
Figure 2.2 The elements of sustainable urban water security 17
Figure 2.3 National values for WPI 21
Figure 3.1 (a) Location and District map view 1 of Quetta City 50
Figure 3.1 (b) Borders and District map view of Quetta City 51
Figure 3.3 Image of the survey questionnaire portion translated in local Language 54
Figure 3.3.1 English translation portion of Brahui version 55
Figure 4.1 Water capture and storage 69
Figure 4.2 Water vendor- Water source 7 0
Figure 4.3 Opinion on water pricing (should water be free of cost or not) 72
Figure 4.4 Consumers views regarding Q-WASA services 73
Figure 4.5 Reasons for non payment to Q-WASA 75
Figure 4.6 Can water regulation reduce water wastage 77
Figure 4.7 Amount paid by vendors for water to fill tank (PKR) 85
Figure 4.8 Capacity of water tanker (litres) 8 6
Figure 4.9 How many tanker loads sold per day (No.) 87
Figure 4.10 Total number of water tankers assumed to be in 88 Quetta (No.) By all 545 interviewees
xiii Figure 4.11 Year-wise Growth of Revenue and Expenditure Situation of Q-WASA 90
xiv DEDICATION
I owe a lot to my parents for their love, kindness, prayers, moral and financial
support. I am proud to dedicate my thesis work to my loving parents, wife and
daughters and pray to God for their long life and everlasting health.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, is the province’s true urban area. The city is located in a remote mountain valley 1,700 m above sea level. The valley is a part of the Quetta Basin within the Pishin Lora regional basin. The Quetta sub-basin area bounded by towering mountain ranges. The site controls strategic passes and trade routes to Iran Afghanistan and Europe, and has been host to a large cantonment since British times. The population of Quetta City was recorded as 845,000 in 1998, in comparison to 37,000 in 1941. By 1951 it had only increased to 65,000, but was 380,000 in 1981 and by 1995 had almost doubled to 676,000. The population of Quetta City is projected to rise to 1.8 million by 2010 (IUCN and GoB 2000). This increase in population has resulted in severe pressure on the available water resources, leading to chronic water shortages over the years. Urban population trends based on census figures indicate that at the current rate of population growth the total population of the Balochistan province in which Quetta is situated may reach 14 million by the year 2030, with 50% thereof living in the urban area. Many will be attracted to settle in the Quetta area (IUCN and GoB 2000).
1.1 Historical Background.
Supplying water to the rapid increasing population has always been a challenge but has intensified in recent years. The administration of the drinking water supply to Quetta City is under the jurisdiction of BWASA, now named Q-WASA (IUCN and GoB 2000) who obtained its drinking water from natural springs, shallow hand-dug-wells and karezes (ancient under groundwater supply tunnels). In 1890, the government became involved
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when it acquired 50% of the water rights at Urak Springs, 16 km east of Quetta. Water was provided by a pipeline to the cantonment and city. Subsequently, the system was augmented, and Quetta entered into an agreement with the cantonment to pay for a share of the water. Since the 1960s, to alleviate the water shortages, tube wells have routinely been installed by a variety of agencies to meet the needs of a rapidly growing population. Quetta City’s agreement for payment to the cantonment for its water share dwindled, and by 1970 this arrangement had broken down. The Public Health Engineering Department took over the responsibility for water supply to Quetta in 1967 onwards. This continued until 1978 when it handed over its responsibilities to the Quetta Municipal Corporation. In 1982 a Quetta water supply project was initiated with the financial assistance of a Kuwaiti fund and the Government of Balochistan, Pakistan established the Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority Q-WASA (IUCN and GoB 2000).
1.1.1 Water Supply in Quetta City
At present Q-WASA does not receive any water supply from the cantonment and is solely dependent on its own resources (Government of Balochistan 2008; Personal communication: Revenue Director of Q-WASA (2009)).
Quetta Cantonment administered by the Pakistan army and the civilian government in Quetta both provide public water supplies, which run parallel to each other. They are not dependent on each other; however, they cooperate with each other when necessary. But in urban Quetta Q-WASA is near the verge of collapse due to the non-availability of sufficient funds and low water cost recovery. Quetta Cantonment, however, is self-sufficient in running its public water supply and has high water cost recovery for the administration of public water supply.
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1.1.2 IUCN
Alongside, many non-governmental organization have been working with grass root communities for tackling the Quetta’s water supply challenges. For instance, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) which is an international organisation dedicated to natural resource conservation. Founded in 1948, its headquarters is located in the Lake Geneva area in Gland, Switzerland. The IUCN brings together 83 states, 108 government agencies, 766 non-governmental and 81 international organisations and about 10,000 experts and scientists from countries around the world (IUCN and GoB 2000).
The Balochistan office of IUCN conducted several studies in Balochistan, Pakistan with the assistance of the Government of Pakistan. The sole purpose of these studies was the conservation of natural resources of Balochistan and in particular strategy development for the sustainability of groundwater in Quetta and remedial plans for environmental restoration. One example is the Balochistan Conversation Strategy (BCS) developed by the IUCN. The IUCN publications have been a valuable source of information in this thesis, (IUCN and GoB 2000).
For planning purposes Q-WASA estimates the Quetta population as one million. Assuming an urban growth rate of 6% per annum (IUCN and GoB 2000), the population is projected to rise to 1.8 million in 2010. The projected water shortfall is 0.195 mcm (million cubic metres per day) by 2010 (IUCN and GoB 2000).
Quetta cannot rely on groundwater for much longer as aquifers are depleted at much faster rate than what could be replenished through natural recharge. This is evidenced by the rapidly falling water tables, drying of the old wells and higher pumping head and energy cost. The Government of Balochistan has responded by obtaining technical assistance from the Asian Development Bank. The project will develop a plan to manage the water
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resources of the Quetta sub-basin as 40% of water is lost through leakage and broken pipes, allowing the mixing of potable water with sewage (IUCN and GoB 2000).
1.2 Groundwater Contamination
The shallower aquifers are now contaminated by sewage, waste water and other pollutants. Though few data are available, it is likely that these sources will not be suitable for drinking in future (Q-WASA 2009; Personal communication: Revenue Director of Q- WASA (2009).
There is little evidence of mass awareness or education programs concerning the problems of water scarcity or quality, or of the steps that can be taken by members of the community to help deal with the issue. Similarly, recycling of wastewater or reducing the water demands for agriculture was not considered an option in the past. However, there are plans to recycle sewage and drained water to be used for growing vegetables and fodder outside the Quetta Municipal boundaries, subject to availability of funds from local resources or donor assistance (Q-WASA 2009; Personal communication: Revenue Director of Q- WASA (2009).
1.3 Financing the Water Supply
The Government of Balochistan (GOB) launched several programs in the past with various donor organizations to improve the water supply and maintenance situation in Quetta. Similarly the GOB with the assistance of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) initiated a Project entitled “Drought Impact Mitigation and Recovery Assistance Component (DIMRAC)” which aims to install 1215 tube wells. The objective of this component is to mitigate the impacts of drought, which prevailed in the province during 1998-2002. In addition, under the Drought Emergency Relief Assistance (DERA), the World Bank provided assistance for the installation of tube wells during the first decade of 2000. The
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installation of new tube wells will further contribute to the lowering of the water table. Therefore a strategy is needed to regulate the installation of new tube wells (Ahmad 2005) and installation of production wells in the streams, rivers and catchments across the Basin.
1.4 Water Demand and Population
Water is recharged primarily in the mountains and streams, alluvial fans and plains. The geological condition of the valleys favors the formation of the groundwater reservoirs. The availability of surface water in Quetta is very limited and directly dependent on the precipitation and surface runoff of the catchment’s area. The annual precipitation of Quetta city and its suburbs ranges from 150 mm to 200 mm which occur mostly in the winter season which starts from November to March. Summer rainfall is sporadic and limited.
Quetta’s population is the main driver of water demand. However, in calculating demand, allowance has to be made for public use, which includes educational institutions, Government buildings, hospitals, parks and the Military. Allowance for wastage also has to be made and this may be as high as 30-50% in places such as Quetta, where there is a considerable leakage and illegal connections from the supply (IUCN and GoB 2000).
The rapid population growth has put an extra burden on domestic water supply, and water demand is continually growing in Quetta. Fig. 1.1 shows water demand and population since 1951 and the projection for the year 2010.
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Fig.1.1. Relationship between population and groundwater demand of the Quetta sub-basin Source: Aftab and Farooqi (1997 ) Note: Ratio of demand/population is quoted constant as per information of Aftab and Farooqi (1997 ). Only soure of water is ground water.
By the year 2000 about 100 tube wells were pumping out water from the sub-surface of the Quetta valley. Despite heavy groundwater mining, the city continues to suffer from a water shortage (IUCN and GoB 2000).
At the estimated present scale of pumping the groundwater resources will hardly fulfill the demand of the next 20 years. Modern technology and deep well drilling techniques have made it easy to drill deeper and deeper wells. The cheap power supply helps to install deep well pumps for more water yield. Even this is unlikely to be sustainable in future.
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Water supply agencies are hard pressed in fulfilling the surging demand due to paucity of funds and ageing water supply infrastructure. Private water service providers such as water tankers/vendors are meeting the demand and the gap in water supply in Quetta to some extent. The Quetta Electric Supply Company has levied fixed electricity charges on tube wells. However the fixed water electricity charges ensure that there is no inducement to use less electricity and consequently use less water.
Inadequate funding for the maintenance of irrigation works and emerging shortages of water is believed to be a major issue faced by the Water and Sanitation Agency, with expenditure being much greater than the revenue generated. The use of rational water charges and water cost recovery to generate resources for maintenance and to reduce demand is therefore an important consideration. These are almost no systematic scientific studies on the sustainability of water supply in urban Quetta, especially on the examination of means to improve domestic water supply with emphasis on financial sustainability through cost recovery. This research has been undertaken to study the issue and make suggestions to meet the shortfall in water in the Quetta urban areas.
1.5 Hypothesis
1.5.1 Hypothesis 1
Anecdotal evidence suggests that current water pricing does not lead to water use efficiency hence the plan here is to test whether or not water pricing could influence water use efficiency.
1.5.2 Hypothesis 2
Are consumers ready to pay for the services if a reliable, adequate and quality water supply is available?
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1.6 Research Objective
The overall objective of the study is to discover gaps between demand and supply by collecting and analysing secondary and primary data related to cost recovery, reliability of water supply and equitable distribution of water to the consumers in Quetta urban areas, and to suggest measures to improve the water supply services.
The local language used in Quetta is Brahui. All survey questionnaires were conducted in Brahui by the researcher. Therefore all English questionnaires and other explanatory materials had to be translated into Brahui. Translations were undertaken by the researcher and the translations were checked and verified by the members of the University of Balochistan at Quetta, Department of Brahui. Copies of all material, their translations and attestations of the correctness of all translations are shown in Appendixes.
Approval of Human research ethics advisory panel (H) for the presented research survey was granted under approval number 08/2009/010 shown in Appendix (A).
Letters of commendation from all three Academics Supervisors and various government institutions of Balochistan government in the name of the researcher for his efforts in the right direction with considerable appreciation of research offered are shown in Appendix (B).
Official letters received from various departments on requested data on the water supply of Quetta are shown in Appendix (C).
Certificates of attestation by various scholars of Brahui and correctness of data entry into computers and conference paper are shown in Appendix (D). Acronyms explained are shown in Appendix (E).
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1.7 Thesis outputs
Conference publication
Cordery, I. and Asghar, K 2009, “Reasons for low access to water in expanding urban centres – the example of Quetta”, AWARA 2009 annual water resources conference Seattle, Washington, AWARA. Abstract shown in Appendix (D).
Journal paper publication
Paper submission for publication to (JAWARA) Journal of American water resources association is in progress.
Abstract accepted and presented in 13th International River symposium on 11-14 Oct 2010. Perth, Western Australia
1.8 Structure of the thesis
This thesis is organized as follows:
Chapter 1: Gives an overview of the water supply and demand issues in Quetta (Pakistan).
Chapter 2: Presents a brief review the literature and identifies the major gaps in knowledge.
Chapter 3: Describes the methodology of the research undertaken. The detailed steps taken are as follows: • Assessment of water availability at present in Quetta city and supplied by Q-WASA • Quantity of water supplied by private sources (tankers) to the inhabitants of Quetta • Reporting of public opinion on water issues with the help of survey results conducted in Quetta.
Chapter 4: Discusses the results from the analysis of household level data from the selected areas of Quetta city with the help of tables and graphs.
Chapter 5: Concludes the results and offers recommendations regarding what best could be done to improve the overall water supply situation in Quetta. ϵ
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter presents a review of literature on the subject. The main goal is to identify the knowledge gaps in the literature, with emphasis on water supply and cost recovery in developing countries and to examine the existing institutional arrangement (water laws, water policy) under which the urban water is supplied and its implications for various socioeconomic segments of the society. The scope of the review is global, although the emphasis is on developing countries specifically in Asia. Specific examples are also provided for the case of water supply in Pakistan, with emphasis on Quetta City, the focus of this research. For this purpose, the review is divided into the following sections:
2.2 Global water crisis 2.3 Water scarcity in Asia 2.4 Water supply in Pakistan 2.5 Urban water supply dilemma 2.6 Overview of urban water supply in Quetta, Pakistan 2.7 Synthesis and knowledge gaps 2.8 Methods of assessing public reaction and experiences of water supply inadequacies
The last section summarises the chapter by highlighting the existing problems and the future directions for improving water supply in the context of a major city, namely Quetta, Pakistan. The review agrees that a part of the overall strategy to improve urban water supply is to raise revenue from those receiving the supply in order to finance that supply. Nevertheless this is often problematic, due to low capacity to pay and poor service delivery ϭϬ
in most developing countries. This review also involves the identification of reasons for difficulties in imposing user pays philosophies. The chapter is also devoted to identifying demand management and water conservation strategies and measures to avoid water wastage and avert unnecessary water shortages.
2.2 Global Water Crisis
Water security is a key element of human security, together with food security, energy security, health security, economic security, and freedom from fear (Grobicki, 2009). A comprehensive view of water security involves taking into account the water needs of all the sectors that consume or harness water, including industry, agriculture, and energy, and domestic water use in both urban and rural settings. Urban planners and policy makers must not ignore surging water scarcity. Water scarcity will continue to worsen, both in terms of quantity and quality, especially in developing countries because of population growth, urbanisation, industrial and economic growth, as well as water competition in agriculture. Early warning signs are already appearing, including pollution of critical waterways, depletion of groundwater aquifers, falling aquifer yields, escalating pumping costs, and loss of human productivity due to water related disease, and even deaths (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Inefficient and wasteful water use can only compound the situation and worsen the emerging water crisis. It is not that the world is running out of water, rather the global water crisis is a crisis of water governance and a need for better management of water resources (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Water resources are essential to human development processes and for advancing the Millennium Development Goals(UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007), especially Goal 7, in table 2.1, that seeks to halve by 2015 the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water.
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Table 2.1. M illennium Development Goals as de veloped by UNDP North Carolina Board of Health (2007)
Goal 1. Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than one dollar a day halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger Goal 2. Achieve universal primary education ensure that by 2015 children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling Goal 3. Promote gender equality and empower women eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and to all levels of education no later than by 2015 Goal 4. Reduce child mortality reduce by two thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five mortality rate Goal 5. Improve maternal health reduce by three quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality ratio Goal 6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria and other major diseases Goal 7. Ensure environmental sustainability integrate the principles of sustainable development into country policies and programmes and reverse the losses of environmental resources halve by 2015 the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2020 to have achieved a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers Goal 8. Develop a Global Partnership for Development ϭϮ
deal comprehensively with the debt problems of developing countries through national and international measures in order to make debt sustainable in the long term in cooperation with developing countries, develop and implement strategies for decent and productive work for youth World Bank, 2009 (http://go.worldbank.org/JQ9Z4PTBY0, accessed 28 March 09).
Halving the proportion of people without access to safe drinking water is a goal in its own right, but also important to achieving other key goals, especially for poverty reduction, health, literacy and education, and environmental sustainability. But current trends are startling. For instance, a lack of clean water is the reason that waterborne diseases are so common in developing countries. In 1990, diarrhoea led to 3 million deaths, of which 85% were children (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Between 1990 and 2000 about 900 million people obtained access to improved water sources, just enough to keep pace with population growth. In 2000, 1.2 billion people still lacked access to an improved water supply, 40% of them in East Asia and the Pacific, 25% in Sub-Saharan Africa – the core areas with high poverty and malnutrition rates (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Of the 1.2 billion persons who did not have access to an improved water supply, 80% were rural dwellers unable to obtain at least 20 litres of safe water per person a day. In addition, 2.4 billion persons were estimated to be without sanitation (WHO 2000). Furthermore, United Nations 1997 noted that 2.3 billion persons each year suffered from diseases linked to water (United Nations 1997).
The number of people with access to safe drinking water must increase by 270,000 a day to meet the 2015 target for halving the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water. This rate is lower than the daily increase achieved in the 1980s, but many of those connections did not provide sustainable access to drinking water, and performance levels of the 1990s were even lower (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
Because water is a basic need for all life and good health, access to enough safe water, or water security, is defined as a basic human right by international laws and agreements ϭϯ
(UNDP 2005). One of these agreements, called General Comment 15, states: The human right to water entitles everyone to sufficient, safe, acceptable, physically accessible and affordable water for personal and domestic uses. An adequate amount of safe water is necessary to prevent death from dehydration, to reduce the risk of water-related disease and to provide for consumption, cooking, personal and domestic hygienic requirements. Other international agreements that protect the human right to water include:
¾ The United Nations Charter ¾ The Dublin Statement ¾ The Universal Declaration of Human Rights ¾ Agenda 21 ¾ The Geneva Convention ¾ The Millennium Declaration of Johannesburg ¾ The Declaration on the Right to Development ¾ The European Council of Environmental Law ¾ The Convention on the Rights of the Child ¾ Resolution on the Right to Water ¾ The Stockholm Declaration ¾ The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights ¾ The Mar del Plata Action Plan ¾ The Protocol of San Salvador Besides for personal and domestic uses, water is required for a range of different purposes to realise many of the basic rights. For instance, water is necessary for producing food (right to adequate food), ensuring environmental hygiene (right to health), securing livelihoods (right to gain a living by work), and enjoying certain cultural practices (right to take part in cultural life) (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Nevertheless, priority in the allocation of water must be given to the right to water for personal and domestic uses. Priority should also be given to the water resources required to prevent
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starvation and disease, as well as to meet the core obligations of each of the basic rights (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
Gender equality is another key dimension of sustainable access to safe drinking water. To reduce by half the people without sustainable access to safe drinking water will directly benefit women more than men, because of the water related responsibilities women have in most cultures. Increased urbanisation is pushing poor people to live in slum areas with inadequate water or sanitation services. Women face increasing difficulties related to the quantity, quality and price of water, as they are main water collectors/carriers (Mehta et al. 2005). Similarly, the sanitation challenges faced by women in slum areas are disproportionate in terms of exposure to diseases and lack of dignity (Mehta et al. 2005).
Water competition between domestic use and agriculture is inevitable, not to mention industry and tourism. That means ensuring sustainable access to water for agriculture to realise the right to adequate food. Continuing contamination, depletion and unequal distribution of water is exacerbating existing poverty (Soussan and Frans 2004). Moreover, as water is withdrawn from the environment for a range of uses, negative effects on the environment are likely. For example, many urban communities and municipalities around the globe depend on groundwater for drinking and other purposes (Shah et al. 2006). Over- abstraction of aquifers can lead to falling water tables, increasing the cost of pumping and affecting service delivery to residents. Contamination of groundwater with nitrates, arsenic and other pollutants is another issue affecting water quality, for instance in parts of India and Bangladesh (Shah et al. 2006).
In summary, it is clear that the Millennium Development Goals of eradication of poverty and hunger, and the universal availability of education and gender equality can only be attained if there is adequate provision of water.
Sustainable access to safe drinking water is essential to health, and is recognised by the UN as a basic human right (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). ϭϱ
2.2.1 Assessment of Water Security
Water is an essential component of sustainable human development. However, growing water demands and a changing climate are increasingly affecting water availability, access, quality and affordability – raising the fundamental issue of long term water security. There is a need of business to recognise and adapt to these changing risk and opportunities. Based on a unique water security index (WSI), the Maple croft 2008 developed world water security map shown in the Figure 2.1. The WSI quantifies the relative country risks across 163 countries incorporating six key indicators that provide a measure of the risk to a sufficient, reliable and clean fresh water supply. These indicators examine the natural availability of water and reliance on cross-border sources, the balance between availability and competing demands, the water dependency of the economy, and access to clean water and sanitation for human development.
Figure 2.1 World water security map (Maplecroft 2008)
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Sustainable access to safe drinking water is defined differently in the developing than the developed world. In developing country terms, people are classified as enjoying access to water if they have available at least 20 litres a day of clean water from a source less than 1 kilometre from their home (Sullivan and Meigh 2007). This is the goal considered in this study. Figure 2.2 summarizes the elements of sustainable urban water security used in this study. These elements are further described below;
Figure 2.2 The elements of sustainable urban water security
Water resource availability is determined by a range of factors including
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• internal freshwater flows, groundwater resources • external inflows and rainfall • population
Water resource access is determined by a range of factors including
• percentage of population with access to clean water • access to irrigation compared to need for irrigation • supply network coverage and service providers • environmental and zoning regulations • funding • type of housing
Water resource acceptability is determined by a range of factors including:
• water quality • socioeconomic status • education • information capacity • gender • tribal and other factors
Water resource affordability is determined by a range of factors including:
• water price • income • employment type • gender
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• education • household size
How to ensure adequate access to water in domestic, industrial and agricultural sectors and still leave enough for ecological services is problematic. Even where water resources are available, people may lack access to water because of the factors outlined above, or water service or quality may not be acceptable. In such situations the willingness to pay is low. Cost recovery rates are low and operating and maintenance expenses may not be met through water charges. The communities may be too poor to pay. Consequently service coverage or quality may be poor. High costs, low charges and poor cost recovery rates, and rising expenses may further affect the service delivery, starting a vicious cycle of non- payment and budget deficits and falling service delivery to urban communities (Sullivan and Meigh 2007). The worst affected are those who are too poor to pay or to buy their own water. Generally such respondents lack access to safe water, are unemployed, have poor health and live in informal settlements or shanty towns not covered by the service network of the municipalities. They simply cannot get connection because of “lack of entitlement” due to non-ownership of their dwelling (Sullivan and Meigh 2007).
The entitlements approach offers useful insights on water access because it draws attention to the social and market structures, institutional rules and patterns of service provision that exclude the poor. It also highlights the underlying market structures that result in poor people paying far more for their water than the wealthy. People get access to water through exchange in the form of payments (to service providers, informal providers or water associations), or by using their own labour for collecting and carrying water from streams and rivers or digging wells, for example). Whether respondents can meet their basic need for clean water depends partly on their own resources and partly on how water policy shapes access to the network and water through investment decisions, funding, pricing
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policies and environmental and zoning regulations governing service providers (Sullivan and Meigh 2007).
The scientists at the University of Keele and the research centre of Wallingford Centre for Ecology and Hydrology (CEH) developed a global Water Poverty Index (WPI), which reports the relative standing of 147 countries according to their water poverty (Mehta et al. 2005). The Water Poverty Index is a holistic water management indicator that captures a country’s relative position in the provision of water for drinking, domestic and agricultural use and thus incorporates the water needs for food crops, industry and other productive purposes. It captures multiple dimensions of water resource development, including resource availability, access, capacity, use, and environment (Mehta et al. 2005). Higher values indicate better water resources management. Pakistan is 72 in global water poverty index ranking.
The WPI (Pl see figure 2.3) is a major breakthrough in conceptualisation, modelling and quantification of access to water. The underlying structure of the WPI demonstrates that overall status of water use is influenced by a range of factors, including technical, social, economic and policy, such as per capita water resources (internal and external flows), population, GDP, share of agricultural and industrial water use, education and literacy, water quality, water stress/pollution, and information capacity (Sullivan and Meigh 2007).
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Figure 2.3 National Values for WPI (Lawrence et al 2002) Ϯϭ
Modelling studies at household level show that access to water is a key determinant of health and educational outcomes. For example, econometric modelling by (Jalan and Ravallion 2003) shows that the mother’s education level interacts with household water supply to affect child mortality outcomes. This modelling suggests that simply the access to piped water supply is not enough. Health gains from improved water supply are not achieved by the poor families where the mother is not educated. Water supply should therefore be combined with education and awareness programs to empower poor respondents.
Modelling results from another study in India show that it is not simply the connection to or delivery of safe drinking water to urban respondents that matters for their welfare and better health (Whittington et al. 1990)Rather in-house water storage practices matter more. Thus the role of education and socioeconomic factors in realising benefits from existing and improved water supply is clear.
Then there is a set of studies on willingness to pay (WTP) by the respondents and communities, and the determinants of WTP such as (Vásquez, Mozumder et al. ; Whittington, Briscoe et al. 1990; Whittington, Lauria et al. 1991). These studies show that often the WTP is higher than current water payments to agencies, or the expenses incurred in fetching one’s own water supplies form informal sources and water sellers. For example, one study (Altaf et al. 1993) provides an analysis of public policy relating to the rural water supply sector which can also be considered for urban water supply and public policy development in Punjab, Pakistan. Modelling was based on a household survey of the existing water supply situation in selected districts. To model respondents' WTP for improved water services, in-depth interviews were conducted in 1988 with 756 respondents in 11 villages; 5 in the Sheikhupura and 6 in the Faisalabad districts. The contingent valuation survey results showed that respondents could afford but were unwilling to pay more than current tariffs for piped connection unless the system reliability was dramatically improved (Altaf, Dale et al. 1993). ϮϮ
Other modelling studies provide similar results. These include modelling studies in Philippines (Whittington et al. 1993), Nepal (Pattanayak et al. 2005) , and Ghana; (Whittington et al. 1993), Southern Haiti (Whittington et al. 1990), Nigeria (Whittington et al. 1991), Uganda (Whittington et al. 1998)and Kenya (Whittington et al. 1998).
2.3 Water Scarcity in Asia
Water scarcity is a serious issue in many Asian countries, particularly Bangladesh, northern China, India and Pakistan. These countries have some of the fastest growing populations, highest urbanisation rates and high population densities, particularly in urban areas. Water access is particularly precarious in slums and informal settlements in and around large cities such as Dhaka, Mumbai, and Hyderabad in India for instance, and Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad and Quetta, the largest cities in Pakistan (Shah et al. 2006).
For millions of poor respondents, daily water use patterns combine recourse to both improved and unimproved water. Women living in slums in the Indian city of Pune reported using water from public taps (an improved source) for drinking but going to a canal for washing (United Nation 2004). Research in Cebu, Philippines, found five patterns of water use among respondents not connected to the main water network as shown in table 2.2 (Whittington et al. 1993). In urban slums and rural villages poor respondents might draw water from a protected well or standpipe for part of the year, but then be forced to draw water from rivers or streams during the dry season. The configuration of water used in any one day will depend on factors ranging from price to availability to perceptions of quality.
Respondents lacking access to safe water often pay a high price to get their water for daily needs. Water delivered through vendors and carters is often 10–20 times more costly than water provided through a utility (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). For instance, in Barranquilla, Colombia, the average price of water was reported in 2007 to be
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$0.55 per cubic metre from the utility and $5.50 from truckers (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Similarly, in the slums of Accra and Nairobi people buying water from vendors typically spent eight times as much per litre as respondents with piped water supplied by utilities (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
Table 2.2 Cebu, Philippines: patterns of water use among respondents not connected to the main water network.
Main source Share of Main Use Comments of water Population (%) Type 1 4 All purpose Most of these users live in isolated (drinking, areas and have no other choice Vendors cooking, available. washing) Type 2 34 All purpose ---- Public well Type 3 15 About half for About half use it for non- potable Well all purposes purposes only and get drinking water from a neighbour connected to the water system. Type 4 8 Two-thirds for One -third reserves its drinking water all purposes from a public well for washing and Public laundry. A few occasionally buy standpipe water from a neighbour connected to the water system. Type 5 38 About half for About half use it for drinking and all purposes cooking, relying on a public well for Neighbour other purposes. connected to water system Data source: (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007)
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The prices paid by the respondents are high basically because they lack access to water, as service providers lack financial resources to operate and maintain the network. But financial cost is just one barrier. The per capita costs of providing clean water are highest in urban areas and in sparsely populated rural areas, but on average expanding coverage costs less in rural areas than in high-density urban areas (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
Gender issues are important determinants of water access in most developing countries, particularly in informal settlements lacking connections to a water network (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007). Women spend a large part of their time on collecting and storing water (Table 2.3). This time could be better spent on education, childcare and other productive purposes.
Table 2.3 Women face a heavier burden collecting water (minutes per day)
Benin Ghana Madagascar
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Urban 16 6 33 31 16 10
Rural 62 16 44 34 32 8
National 45 12 41 33 27 9
Data source: (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
This analysis suggests that sustainable access to safe drinking water is affected by a range of factors, including cultural norms, male, female responsibilities household characteristics, the policies and programs of local governments and service providers, and financing available to provide the service. The fact that WTP is often higher than current payments
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means that improving water service could help raise finances as well as address some of the water issues.
2.4 Water supply in Pakistan
Pakistan is one of the most populated countries in the world and the population continues to grow fast. Poor access to safe drinking water has remained a serious concern, and the situation may worsen further due to rapid urbanisation and population growth. The Government of Pakistan recognises that there are clear links between water, health and economic productivity (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006). It is keenly aware that progress in sanitation not only has direct impact on MDG 7, in relation to environmental sustainability, but also has impact on MDGs 1, 2, 3 and 4, and indirect impact on other MDGs. The Government recognises the far-reaching effects the cost of water has on the dignity and fundamental rights of all its population, but on women and girls in particular (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006). This paper focuses on the course Pakistan has taken to inject new energy into the sector and to gain the momentum necessary for meeting these goals and commitments.
Pakistan is largely arid to semi-arid country, dependent on the Indus River System for its surface water. With limited water resources and growing population, the country has become water stressed on a per capita water availability basis, which has decreased from 5,000 cubic metres per capita in 1951 to about 1,100 cubic metres per capita in 2006, verging on the international scarcity rate. It is estimated that it will be reduced to 700 cubic metres per capita by 2025 (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006).
The provision of water and sanitation services in Pakistan is inadequate, inequitable, and highly inefficient. The services are mainly provided by the public sector, which generally fail to meet water quality standards and are unable to provide adequate sanitation needs of a
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growing population (WWF-Pakistan 2007). The WWF-Pakistan identified the following major reasons why these service providers have failed to perform;
¾ Confusion of social, environmental, commercial, and political aims; ¾ Poor management structures operating without clear policy guidelines; ¾ High capital investment needs with low or no rate of return; ¾ Resistance to achieving full or even partial cost recovery; ¾ Decentralized water agencies with service responsibility but few resources; ¾ Political interference at most levels of operation; ¾ Non-existent regulator; ¾ Lack of proper legal framework; ¾ Lack of platforms for contribution by concerned citizens.
Through the 1990s, progress in improving coverage in the water supply and sanitation sector was lacklustre (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006). Since 2002/03, however, there have been marked improvements in access to water supply and sanitation services, especially in urban areas (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006). The trend of the 1990s has been jumped by improvements in rural access, in particular in access to sanitation in rural Pakistan (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006).
Currently, over 65% of the Country’s population is considered to have access to safe drinking water (Q-WASA 2009, Private Com 25 Feb.). Huge disparities, however, still exist with regard to drinking water coverage between urban and rural areas and provinces/regions. Some urban areas still continue to lag behind. Quetta City is just one example.
2.5 Urban Water Supply Dilemma
The world is becoming more and more urbanised and it is estimated that by 2050 nearly 75% of the world’s population will be living in cities (Swilling, 2003). This uncontrolled
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growth of cities will put enormous pressure on natural resources particularly the fresh water resources, which are already under stress. This motivates planners and managers to devise appropriate strategies to attain sustainable urban water security. Managing water demand in serviced areas and provision of safe drinking water to other areas has to be ensured by the water and sanitation authorities in cities.
A new water infrastructure can be made possible by securing funding through water pricing and cost recovery. This is well documented by the Independent Pricing & Regulatory Tribunal of NSW (IPART) review (Dea and Cooper 2008). However, for the development of the water supply, price increases are necessary. A socially equitable, market-based method to achieve the goal of funding the infrastructure is required for a sustainable water supply. The IPART review strongly argues that the approach adopted in its research would create a market for ways of saving water and generating new supplies by water pricing (Dea and Cooper 2008).
Zardari (2008) suggested the following solutions and water pricing structure in water scarce conditions:
• Increasing water charges so that at least operation and maintenance (O&M)costs are recovered and the users care about water usage • Revising outdated water allocation rules by considering current socioeconomic conditions • Initiating public awareness programs to encourage careful use of fresh water and to reduce their water demand • Promoting water markets by considering water as an economic good.
Dea and Cooper (2008) asserted that, “Economic theory suggests that an efficient price structure is one that encourages an efficient allocation of resources in the economy via the signals that it sends to consumers and producers”. This is achieved by setting prices at the marginal cost of supply.” Hence, relating economic theory to support an efficient price structure is required.
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Quetta, Pakistan is in need of solutions to water shortages and an efficient price structure for its future new water infrastructure. However full cost recovery may conflict with social equity, as poor respondents may not be able to pay water charges that are high enough to finance the ongoing costs, let alone future investment needs. The institutional framework involving water laws and policies must recognise this, as discussed below.
2.5.1 Water Rates and Pricing Policies
Resources that have low values are often owned in common. In traditional societies ownership of water was a meaningless concept (Aftab and Farooqi 1997) However, when resources become valuable, governmental ownership or private property rights tend to be established. It is often said (Aftab and Farooqi 1997 ) that resources that belong to everybody in effect belong to no one and are often inefficiently used, which is only noticed once the resources have become valuable. Air and water are examples of resources that are often owned in common. This simply means that, at a given time and place, problems connected with their usage are not important enough to justify the establishment of rules and property rights regarding their use.
Throughout the world, water has increasingly become a limited commodity, and its supply has needed to be planned and controlled (United States National water commission 1974). Thus different forms of legislation have been established in response to political and social as well as resource pressures. Since the 1960s most legal systems have set up in greater or lesser detail the basis for payment for water (United States National water commission 1974). Usually only the general principle is given in the statute and the details are left to regulations or by-laws of the organisations supplying water (United States National water commission 1974). Historically, water was frequently supplied free of charge, often to encourage settlement and development. For example, the 1970 Principles of Water Law in the USA (United States National water commission 1974) stated that water use should be free of charge and that special water use (that is water used with the application of facilities Ϯϵ
or technical devices) “may” be subject to a fee. In the early days, the Bureau of Reclamation made long-term contracts for water supply to promote settlement but not economy in water, and charges were based on an estimate of the users’ ability to pay (United States National water commission 1974).
In many Asian countries there was similarly no charge for water supply in the past (United Nations 1967). In India there was the so-called occupiers’ rate which was prevalent in several states of northern India and was below the commercial value of the water (United States National water commission 1974).
In all these cases, government ownership has been assumed. Governments could sell rights to use water or a share of the water for a definite period, say 10 years. If the supply was normally abundant, the government could sell excess rights and then only make additional charges based on volumes requested in times of shortages.
Once water use has been controlled and charged for, it can be found that almost all water laws create a ranking of priorities among uses, and in some cases also users (Aftab and Farooqi 1997 ) One prerequisite for this is to establish the quantification of water use rights, which means keeping an accurate inventory of available water. Registration of rights provides an inventory of water that cannot be used without authorization (Aftab and Farooqi 1997). A new feature of the modern management of water resources is also the maintenance of minimum flow requirements for presentation of environmental values. These requirements not only inhibit wasteful withdrawal but also act as a means of preserving the quality of waters. Such requirements are part of the 1963 Water Resources Act of England and Wales (section 19) and the French Rural Code (article 97-1, amended by law No. 64-1245 of 1964), which provides for a debit reserve, and are also in force in a number of South American Jurisdictions (e.g. in the Salta, Argentina Water Code of 1946, articles 44 and 184-189) where they are established as a basis for calculating the apportionment of water between users (Aftab and Farooqi 1997 ).
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2.5.2 Drinking Water Cost Recovery & Privatisation
Privatisation has been controversial, but it can be adopted as an important tool for improving water services and cost recovery. The United Nations notes that “During the 1990s privatisation was widely advocated as a solution to the failures of public provision” (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
The main aim of privatisation (Weizsacker et al. 2005) should be to attract investment for the development of infrastructure and the improved quality of services. It is also expected that more innovative and creative operators can be found through privatisation than exist in the public sector, especially in the developing countries.
The common feature of privatisation success stories (Weizsacker et al. 2005) is an efficient state defining and policing the rules of the game, when necessary based on the re- regulation. However, the issue of public awareness is not normally discussed in this context. No matter how good the proposal offered is, it cannot be successful without gaining the confidence of the public.
An example of revenue collection can be observed in the Dar es Salaam case. The aim was to improve the efficiency of water services and generate revenue through water billing to meet operational and maintenance costs. The Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority, DAWASA, has been described as suffering from poor bill collection and inadequate water sources, therefore the government tried to raise funds to privatise DAWASA to improve its infrastructure. But since there was no public awareness raised for the project, it was opposed strongly by the public and therefore DAWASA public water supply privatization by the government was a total failure (Scheffran 2005a).
Kiliwater, the largest privatised water company in Tanzania, provided a different experience. It was established in 1995 with financial assistance and support from the Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), a German government owned
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corporation for International Co-operation. By 2003, Kiliwater was serving approximately 35,000 people, mostly farmers, in the eastern and north eastern part of Mount Kilimanjaro. In this system recovery cost was considerably efficient and supported the whole water infrastructure in Kiliwater (Scheffran, 2005a; 2005b).
2.5.3 Strict Regulation & Drinking Water Cost Recovery
While investigating attitudes towards increase of water pricing mechanisms and mandatory restrictions, fines for overuse could perhaps be considered to be more acceptable. Pumphrey et al, in 2008 reported on a study which addressed the effectiveness of using pricing mechanisms, government imposed constraints, or a hybrid, as a means of rationing municipal water. They tried to test which policies would be most accepted among rural and urban communities in a semi-arid region of Texas that depends on both surface and groundwater sources for its municipal supplies. They found that a hybrid conservation policy that included mandatory restrictions, fines for overuse, and pricing increases could be more acceptable, and hence more efficient, than a policy that only consisted of regulation.
Before the survey, the expectation was that there would be differences in rural and urban attitudes toward a conservation policy for municipalities, but they found no difference. (Pumphrey et al. 2008)
Apart from the financial issue of cost recovery, there are serious health risks in the absence of clean drinking water that can be avoided by planned water pricing, by cost recovery and water regulation in order to achieve a reliable drinking water supply. The possible serious health hazard is described by Lauria et al (Lauria et al. 2009). Typhoid is endemic in many developing countries and remains a substantial public health problem despite recent progress in water and sanitation coverage.
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As stated by (Randolph and Troy 2008) water pricing and efficient cost recovery is a must for funding the infrastructure required for a sustainable water supply, the attitudes of consumers are an important consideration. However, no research into attitudes towards water pricing mechanisms and cost recovery in Quetta Balochistan could be found, this survey-based study was undertaken in the hope that the findings of the research would enable service providers and environmental planners to improve their current services and future plans. There is no published or unpublished literature on the subject of water pricing specifically in Balochistan. However there is sufficient evidence of literature supporting a drinking water price for water infrastructure which has been well documented by many of the following researchers. (Trevelyan 2006; Government of Pakistan 2007; Hua, et al. 2008). A review of water conservation measures well documented by (Van der Leeden, Trose. et al. 1990 ) would help in understanding the options available for resolving almost all possible water issues faced by water supply utilities.
2.5.4 Significance of Water Pricing
In past, water has been treated as public/social good. Many people still believe that it should be provided free or at highly subsidized prices. In contrast, recent approach values water to ensure expansion and proper maintenance of the water supply systems, improve technological capacity, and provide sanitation facilities. It is believed that without appropriate water pricing, the present vicious cycle of waste, inefficiency, and lack of services to both the rich and the poor will continue. The importance of water pricing and cost recovery can be observed in the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB’s) Water Policy (ADB 2001), which has the following principal elements: i) Promote a national focus on water sector reform ii) Foster the integrated management of water resources iii) Improve and expand the delivery of water services. iv) Foster the conservation of water and increase system efficiencies ϯϯ
v) Promote regional cooperation and increase the mutually beneficial use of shared water resources within and between countries vi) Facilitate the exchange of water sector information and experience vii) Improve governance Under its element of water conservation and improving system efficiencies, ADB stresses the need to see water as an economic good. Their policy further argues that managing water demand through efficient pricing, effective regulation, appropriate reduction of drinking water wastage and awareness are essential. Therefore all governments, specifically those facing water scarcities, can benefit from the policy.
2.6 Overview of Urban Water Supply in Quetta, Pakistan
2.6.1 National and Provincial Policy on Drinking Water Pricing
The Government of Pakistan through its National Drinking Water Policy, while recognizing that access to safe drinking water is the basic human right of every citizen and that it is the responsibility of the state to ensure its provision to all citizens, aims to provide adequate quantity of safe drinking water to the entire population at an affordable cost and in an equitable, efficient and sustainable manner (Q-WASA 2009, Private Com 25 Feb.). The policy provides a guiding framework to all the national, provincial, local authorities for increasing access to safe drinking water, protection and conservation of surface and groundwater resources, water treatment and safety, appropriate technologies and standardization, community participation, public awareness, capacity development, research and development, emergency preparedness and response, public-private partnerships, and coordinated planning and implementation.
The Pakistani government’s drinking water policy supports the successful planning and strategy required for addressing safe drinking water supply challenges all over Pakistan, and especially in Quetta. The goal is “To ensure safe drinking water for the entire
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population at an affordable cost in an equitable, efficient and sustainable manner.” However the policy has achieved little in practice and its application remains problematic (Government of Pakistan 2007b).
2.6 .2 Drinking Water Pricing and Poor Respondents
Efficient water pricing without taking into consideration the poorest respondents is not workable. Increases in water prices are feasible as long as the poorest respondents can be properly subsidised (Hua, et al. 2008) and certain public awareness and accountability campaigns need to be conducted to make any price increase more acceptable to the public.
It is evident from the literature that water pricing is a must (Faruqui et al. 2001; Asian Development Bank 2003; Scheffran 2005a; Scheffran 2005b; Dea and Cooper 2008; Hua, et al. 2008). But determining the price structure and recovery are serious issues. One can only plan for water reliability, equitable distribution and quality of water where an efficient water price and cost recovery structure exists.
2.6.3 Water Tariffs and Local Norms
Since Islam is the local norm, it is important to recognise that water pricing is permitted in Islam. Islam also demands social equity, which in this case means a fair tariff. The question then arises: what is a fair tariff, that is, one that will generate equity across society (Faruqui et al. 2001).
In Jordan, un-served residents were paying US$2 per cubic meter or more in 2001, whereas served residents paid a maximum of US$0.50 per cubic metre and the full cost of provision was no more than US$1 per cubic metre. The tariff should be structured to supply everyone as it is done in Iran where 30 litres per capita per day is provided free to all domestic customers (Faruqui et al. 2001). Quetta residents should also be provided the same facility
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(Faruqui et al. 2001). However, price structure cannot play the only effective role, unless there is efficient cost recovery.
2.6.4 Regulation and Cost Recovery
Water regulation, meaning laws looking after all water issues, could be an effective tool for effective cost recovery of domestic water supply to the consumers, but without investigating the attitudes and consumer behaviour in the light of social and cultural contexts it is not likely to be fully effective to try to enforce water regulations (Pumphrey et al. 2008)
Interviews to obtain public opinion were conducted with landowners between June 1997 and February 1998 in Costa Rica by (Uphoff and Langholz 1998 ). The questions explored the interplay of incentives and motivational domains (Uphoff and Langholz 1998 ). The respondents in the first group of landowners were participating in a private Wildlife Refuge programme, whereas the second group of 29 non-participating in the private Wildlife Refuge programme interviewed were randomly selected from a longer list of over 200 private reserve owners. The survey used mostly closed-ended questions which asked whether the landowner agreed or disagreed with particular statements. For each question, responses were scored according to a simple four-point scale where 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = mildly disagree, 3 = mildly agree, and 4 = strongly agree.
Landowners were also given opportunities to expound at length on topics important to them. The groups were small and the measures of landowner attitudes were simple. The first group included all the persons in that category and thus was not a sample; the second group was large enough to be considered representative of that category (Uphoff and Langholz 1998 ).
A similar method of obtaining public opinion was also adopted in the present research. The above technique is alike when it comes to investigating public opinion by conducting a ϯϲ
survey on a certain issue and are true in the tribal society of Balochistan with hardly any culture of paying revenues of any sort.
Efforts related to the protection of vulnerable environmental resources protection have focused largely on legal prohibitions and sanctions or on economical rewards or penalties. However, social and cultural factors have been much less considered while developing and enforcing regulations for cost recovery which is an important prospective influencing legal prohibitions and sanctions or economical rewards or penalties in Costa Rica (Uphoff and Langholz 1998 ).
Legislation to resolve and monitor water issues is an effective and important resource, “Human rights can be a powerful vehicle for change. However, they have to be enshrined not just in normative statements, but in legislation, regulatory systems and governance systems that make governments and water providers accountable to all citizens, including the poor” (UNDP North Carolina Board of health 2007).
2.6.5 Community Communication and Cost Recovery
(Pearce, et al. 2007) investigated cost recovery of water supply system in Australia and found that communication and community mobilization were effective tools for a efficient cost recovery and reported that environmental sustainable and economically viable water infrastructure are the commitments of Australian governments. Consumption based pricing is seen as a water conservation strategy. The outcome of their research was recognition of the need for cost recovery to promote water conservation. This was made possible through communication and community involvement in the decision making process by the Australian government (Pearce, et al. 2007)
In order to understand water issues, education is a key element but in the case of Pakistan as compared to other developing countries, the education scenario is getting worse rather than improving, as shown by (Lloyd et al. 2009). Over the last decade the schooling ϯϳ
environment in rural Pakistan has changed dramatically. In the absence of effective government efforts to expand the number of government primary schools to meet demand, there has been an increase in private schools with higher fees (Lloyd et al. 2009), making schooling unaffordable for poor children. This has resulted in lack of education and of addressing their immediate community problems, one of which is reliable drinking water.
In this regard the situation in Quetta is more serious, since the education level there is lower than in other parts of Pakistan. Therefore addressing water issues requires public opinion surveys to find out the best possible ways of communication with the communities, especially to achieve maximum supplied drinking water cost recovery.
Cost recovery is one of the important factors in Delhi water management as pointed out by (Datta et al. 2001), who report that water scarcity is common in all parts of Delhi, and the problem is getting worse due to not only an increase in population, but also an increase in industrialisation, zonal disparity in water supply and the race to economic progress. Datta et al. quotes reasons, such as lack of awareness of people, because there is no economic value placed on water, and the Government subsidises domestic water consumption, causing an increase in extraction and wastage, leading to the same situation of depletion of water resources. The authors conclude by linking water management to changing land use, long-term actions of past and present reviews, and controlling excess withdrawal of water. Moreover, the authors suggest better operation and maintenance costs and education for the residents of the area, taking into consideration the perspective of the United Nations which is very clear on declaring water as an economic good: “Clean, accessible and affordable water is a human right. It is also one of the foundations for economic and social development. Strengthening these foundations is not always easy: it takes political leadership and it costs money. But failing to invest political and financial capital today will carry the high price of lost opportunities for social progress and economic growth tomorrow” (Datta et al. 2001).
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When governments fail to provide public goods, voluntary provision can serve as a substitute. For example, communities in Pakistan maintain irrigation systems and roads (Greig and Bohnet 2009).
As community mobilisation, communication and education are key factors, which can contribute to good water management in Quetta, these resources can also contribute to a reliable water supply and equitable distribution of water to the consumers in Quetta urban areas.
2.6.6 Drinking Water Costs in Pakistan and Quetta
Drinking water costs in Pakistan have been well documented by Trevelyan (Trevelyan 2006). The cost for a family of eight consuming only 10 litres of drinking water per day (five litres for drinking and five litres for food preparation, ablutions etc. (It may be surprising to readers but it is true) can be A$60 –A$90 every month. In Western Australia, a family pays around Aus $16 a month for five times as much water. Trevelyan notes that the poverty of the community, a lack of general education and of engineering skills are responsible for most of the problems and discusses the roles of government, stakeholders and non-government organisations in attempting to deal with the issues. But basically water supply utilities in Pakistan, including Quetta, fail mainly because of high demand, low productivity and poor maintenance. Trevelyan recognises the need for cost recovery, noting that, “Fixing this problem requires water meters in every household to regulate demand and an intensive programme to create a skilled workforce. However, there is no sign currently that fixing water supplies is high on government priorities.” (Trevelyan 2006). However, This is a very pessimistic analysis, and Trevelyan does not suggest any monitoring strategy for the implementation of the National Drinking Water Policy by government institutions.
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An earlier paper by (Altaf et al. 1993) provides an analysis of public policy relating to the rural water supply sector, which can also be considered for urban water supply and public policy development.
The authors offer the following summary for policy development in the studied area:
• Improved reliability was the key to customer satisfaction and high connection rates. The provision of subsidised credit to cover household connection costs was not necessary.
• Private connections should be metered, and prices should be set to cover a much higher proportion of the capital and operation costs of supplying water. Uniform prices were not desirable. They should vary based on system costs.
• Piped distribution systems should not be built unless projected revenues were sufficient to cover the costs of providing a much more reliable service (Altaf et al. 1993)
2.6 .7 Tribal Water Rights
Water rights in Balochistan are entirely determined by customary tribal laws, which are derived from customary land rights. Water can be used freely for human, animal and for domestic purposes; this is applied to all sources of water like karezes, rivers, springs and tube wells.
River channels, which are occupied by a number of clans or tribes, have a fixed share of water for every tribe. Each builds a temporary dam across the river, without depriving the lower riparian of water. From the impounded water a number of water channels are dug in accordance with the number of clans. From these channels minor channels are laid out into the individual fields. Torrent flood water is diverted into embanked fields through distribution channels. The upper riparian has the prior right to water. Run off belongs to the
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person in whose land the water enters. A spring belongs to the land owner. The right to use groundwater by a dug well or borehole belongs to the person who owns the land above. Karezes are usually of group-ownership, with a fixed share of water for each individual. In Balochistan there is a riwaj (tradition) that a tube well cannot be installed within 457 m (1500 feet) of kareze -tunnels in the gravelly and coarse sandy soils and not within 229 m (750 feet) in silt soils. The same distances are applicable in case of two tube wells and the mother-well of karezes. However, this riwaj is losing its importance, especially in and around the urban settlements, and especially Quetta.
As mentioned above the riwaj, jirga (committee), tribal laws and different ordinances pertaining to water are applicable at the same time throughout Balochistan. The majority of them are ill-defined and not based on technical footings. No qualified hydrologist or hydro- geologist is recommended to become a member of the Provincial Water Board and District Water Committees. The presented research, if necessary, will recommend the formation of a committee for the unification of all existing laws with an easy, realistic and applicable approach. The committee should comprise the members of the recommended Directorate or Catchment Area’s Management Board. The District Water Committee should assign powers to fine or to punish for violation of rules. Measures recommended for groundwater conservation should be enforced in all basins/sub-basins through district water committees (Aftab and Farooqi 1997 ).
2.6.8 Water Legislation in Balochistan
Currently three different laws are enacted in Balochistan dealing with different aspects of water use, administration and rights. The following sections describe these laws (Noor and Raja. 2006):
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2.6.8.1 Balochistan Groundwater Rights Ordinance, 1978
This ordinance proclaims that it is a law “to regulate the use of groundwater and to administer the rights of various persons therein”. It attempts to register all existing open surface wells, tube wells, karezes and springs with the Provincial Water Board lying within the area of a designated groundwater basin, which in turn are required to be notified by the Water Board.
The Water Board is also responsible for laying down policies for conserving and developing groundwater resources, making rules and regulations for use of groundwater resources and administering the water rights of various persons, notifying water basins which it intends to regulate, and determine the “safe yield” in respect thereof by prescribing the distance between wells and karezes (Noor and Raja. 2006).
2.6.8.2 Balochistan Canal and Drainage Ordinance, 1980
This ordinance in its preamble states that the “Provincial Government is entitled to use and control for public purposes the water of all rivers and streams flowing in natural channels, and of all lakes, sub-soil water and other natural collection of still water “ (Noor and Raja. 2006).
2.6.8.3 Balochistan Water User Association Ordinance, 1981
This ordinance regulated the formation of the Water Users Association and its operation to ensure better water management for sustainable agriculture (Noor and Raja. 2006).
2.6.9 Laws Enacted in Quetta for Improving Water Management
According to the Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority (Q-WASA) Act 1989) (Department of Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority 2008). The authority is responsible
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for management and water supply to the public. The main purpose of this authority is to provide safe and clean drinking water according to the requirements of the local population and to provide a hygienic and pollution free environment, free from the effects of sewerage, and to work out the requirements of the consumers of Q-WASA.
Apart from this responsibility, Q-WASA has undertaken huge projects and new water resources are being developed. Q-WASA has responsibility for utilising all its energy efforts to meet the requirements of the growing population and to succeed in its aim. Q- WASA has undertaken a large development project of new resources in Quetta with the help of the government “and maybe the ADB” (Department of Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority 2008).
The exploration program is underway and implementation of the project will provide a relief to inhabitants of Quetta valley from the water shortage crisis and to provide availability of water for the next twenty years. Reports indicate that Quetta cannot rely on groundwater for a much longer period. Some major water supply projects are needed for Quetta under its mega Water Supply and Environmental Improvement Project, financed by the Government of Pakistan. Technical assistance from the ADB and other donors would be needed to complete such an assignment (Department of Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority 2008).
2.7 Synthesis and Knowledge Gaps
The above review of water supply and cost recovery situation and institutional arrangements in developing countries shows that:
• Water scarcity is a serious issue with implications for sustainable access to basic water, including in urban areas. • Respondents pay a high cost for their lack of access to water. • Network coverage rates are low. ϰϯ
• Financial costs are high, and cost recovery is low. • Willingness to pay is higher than current water charges in most areas. • Informal water providers are a key stakeholder. • Quantitative data on urban water supply and its determinants are lacking. • A better understanding of the socioeconomic, policy and institutional factors is essential for improved learning and addressing the issues in a regional and local context.
2.7.1 Summary
This review Chapter in particular found that studies linking various aspects of water supply and demand management with service delivery and turnaround in financial recovery are often lacking. Such studies can provide key insights into the water service delivery issues on one hand and improve the financing and planning processes on the other, while impacting user satisfaction and payment and recovery rates in urban areas even in poor countries. The next Chapter attempts to show these issues through a case study of Quetta city, using household level data collected through a survey questionnaire as outlined below.
2.8 Methods of Assessing Public Reaction and Experiences of Water Supply Inadequacies
2.8.1 Collecting qualitative data
In order to understand other people’s constructions of reality, it is best to ask them, and to ask in such a way that they can tell us in their terms (rather than those rigidly imposed and a priori by ourselves) and in depth, which addresses the rich context that is the substance of their meanings (Punch 2005).
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2.8.2 Relevancy and Accuracy
Relevancy and accuracy are two ideals that encompass the main outcome of creating reliable surveys. These two principles work together to write effective survey questions (Iraossi 2006).
The kinds of questions in a survey are generally based on two things: the objectives of the survey and the information to be collected (Zardari 2008). A goal of the survey author is to then turn those research objectives into a set of ‘information requirements.’ From here, one can create questions that will produce that information (Brace 2004). When designing a survey, the author should try to put him/herself “in the position of the typical, or rather the least educated, respondent.” (Moser and Kalton 1971).
In the design of a questionnaire used in this study, the author strictly followed the above Basic goals in conjunction with the questions listed below:
• Are the words simple, direct, and familiar to all respondents? • Is the question as clear and specific as possible? • Is the question applicable to all the respondents? • Can the item be shortened with no loss of meaning? • Does the question read well (Zardari 2008)?
The literature suggests that the physical layout of the questionnaire plays an important role in the survey. A questionnaire with good physical layout shows the seriousness of the survey and encourages respondents to participate in the survey.
Hague (Hague 1993) concludes that the response rate to a bad looking questionnaire is poor. For example, consistency in numbering, space, paper quality, typefaces, illustrations and symbols, all are important in the questionnaire design. The author was careful to take all these aspects into consideration. Then, once the survey has been assembled, one must
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try it out to see that it can be administered and that one can gather accurate data (Fink 2009).
A Brahui version of the questionnaire was administered in the field survey because generally people speak Brahui language or understand it.
Cultural considerations of Brahui’s are primitive. Men do manual hard labour jobs of harvesting and farming. But in urban Quetta they also participate in Government jobs and do business of various kinds. However mostly women are responsible for fetching water including management of water tankers along with observation of tap water availability timings from public supply if any and managing home affairs. Brahui’s migrate in winter to warmer areas along with their cattle to their properties with arrangements for cattle and food storage and return in summer, regardless of the fact that this ancient practice is changing in urban areas.
Forms of dresses of Brahui’s are, men wear turban, shalwar Kameez and chudur (long sheet of cloth), locally made cultural foot wear but in urban areas they not so culturally oriented. Whereas women wear Shawar Kameez with embroidery work, showing cultural identity of Brahui’s. Women do not cover their faces but wear chudur or Hijab cloth covering their heads.
Women rarely talk to strangers. Otherwise she is put to death by men for petty matters in the name of pride or honour killing along with the strangers. Therefore for communication women primarily talk to each other. Men are cooperative and hospitable to strangers if they understand good faith is offered by the strangers.
Three men and three women were selected to interview the respondents as well as the researcher.
The Researcher needed such a large team for the survey for the following reasons
1. The limited time and large sample. ϰϲ
2. Due to norms and culture of the area female interviewers were required, because all the women observe Pardah (veil), and with interaction with women only females interact.
To include all stratas of society, on anecdotal bases various locations were divided into different zones of Quetta with different social status, cultural and drinking water consumption. Moreover the interviews were conducted in open public places with different timings of the day in order to have a representative and unbiased sample.
Same information was obtained by drawing repeated samples from the same population (Preston, Rob et al. 2009). No background information regarding the presented research was offered to respondents to extract maximum original point of views. A sample of respondents was selected and surveyed according to all the procedures to administer the questionnaire (Preston, Rob et al. 2009).
An enumeration of all members of a population was done from which a sample can be selected (Preston, Rob et al. 2009).
For the validity of survey, correspondence between the questions and the concepts according to the researcher interest was implemented (Preston, Rob et al. 2009).
2.8.3 The Constraints of Time and Money
The design of all questionnaire surveys reflects the availability of resources. To save money, the number of questions measuring a concept is reduced, sometimes reducing the validity of the information. Simple random samples are often replaced by non probability samples to limit costs. Compromises are inevitable, but researcher need to ensure there is sufficient time and money to undertake a valid and reliable questionnaire survey (Preston, Rob et al. 2009). Hence limited resources often require rethinking the research question to narrow the topic and the population of interest (Preston, Rob et al. 2009).
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CHAPTER 3
MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 Introduction
The study was conducted under the Department of Civil & Environmental Engineering at the University of New South Wales, Sydney, during 2008–09.
The overall objective of the study is to discover gaps between demand and supply by collecting and analysing secondary and primary data related to cost recovery, reliability of water supply and equitable distribution of water to the consumers in Quetta urban areas, and to suggest measures to improve the water supply services.
This chapter presents the materials and methods of the research undertaken, including the justification and objectives of the survey, methodology used for sample selection and data collection, description of the study areas, and composition of the survey group that includes a wide range of stakeholders in water supply system in the study area.
The residents of Quetta City rely on the supply of water from various sources, namely Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority (Q-WASA), private water vendors, private bores, or wells (Ahmad 2006). An attempt was made to include all these groups into the survey to help ascertain a comprehensive picture of the water supply situation in Quetta. The aim was to investigate the availability of these options/sources by collecting primary data on the magnitude of the water supply, the demand for water, the sources and methods of delivery, the quality of water delivered, the reliability of the supply, and the financial arrangements for both water users and water suppliers.
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The statistical data regarding water revenue and regular charges of Quetta City was obtained from the Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority (Q-WASA), Planning and Development (P&D) Department authorities, Quetta Water Supply & Environmental Improvement Project (QWSEIP) authorities, Clean Drinking Water for All Project (CDWA) authorities, Military Engineering Services (MES) authorities, Public Health Engineering Department (PHE) authorities and the Government of Balochistan. The data was analysed, graphed and discussed in detail in chapter results and discussion.
3.2 Collection of Data
The case study was conducted in an area called Quetta, Pakistan. All the secondary and primary data relevant to research in order to discover gaps between demand and supply were collected, is shown in the Location map in view1 and 2 is presented below.
3.2.1 Primary Data
All data related to water access, opinions on water pricing, water conservation, water use and water vendors’ regarding water supply and sources collected through survey interviews and from various departmental authorities on request is known as primary data in this thesis.
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Source (City District Government Quetta 2008)
Fig 3.1(a) Location and District map view 1 of Quetta City
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Source (City District Government Quetta 2008)
Fig 3.1(b) Borders and District map view of Quetta City
3.2.2 Secondary Data
All data collected through literature review is known as secondary data in this thesis. The literature review of the research topic was carried out in Sydney at the University of New South Wales University library, as well as in Pakistan through local, provincial and national sources such as the University of Karachi, NED University of Engineering and
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Technology, State Bank, Liaqat National libraries. Furthermore, Balochistan University, IUCN, Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences (BUITMS) digital libraries were also very useful in this regard.
3.2.3 Reasons for the Survey
Demand management and conservation of existing groundwater resources for Quetta, Pakistan are vital primarily for the following reasons: a) The high growth rate of the population is increasing the demand for water supply. b) Increasing pressure on the source of water supply has resulted in lowering the water table.
The claim by Q-WASA that majority of residents dependent for drinking water supply on its water supplies, is misleading to its political masters and contradictory to the presented research, supporting and relevant data of the presented research is presented at later stage in chapter results and discussion. Moreover due to deterioration in the system and the unreliability of the water supply, consumers are forced to purchase water from the private sector at much higher cost the water tankers/vendors market in the private sector Q-WASA 2009, Private Com 25 Feb.).
The real issues are extremely poor cost recovery and lack of reliable and equitable supply of water, creating an environment where consumers are not willing to pay their water bills until a reliable water supply is available as per findings of the presented research. This has caused the services to deteriorate, along with the deferred maintenance of the water supply network. The federal government has provided funds in the past decade for the ongoing projects for replacement of the old network of pipelines to provide hygienic and reliable water supply, but whether these developments will improve the situation or not is also an area of interest to study. (Department of Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority 2008).
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Under the circumstances Q-WASA needs organised and improvement in its system. The efficiency of the administration enforcement of the regulations will be helpful for the promotion of the water supply as the whole and its distribution.
3.3 Methodology
To determine the real situation of the water supplies in Quetta, a survey was undertaken among the adult residents of the city. Since a large proportion of the population is uneducated, the survey was conducted by face-to-face interviews of people in the street, at entrances to markets etc. A total of 545 interviews were completed. The questionnaire contained a set of 28 questions (see Appendix (A) for the English and Brahui versions). Water vendors were also interviewed using a set of 5 questions. The author, together with three male and three female assistants, conducted the survey in one of the local languages, Brahui. The reason this language was selected is because the majority in Quetta speak or understand it well as per knowledge of the researcher who happens to be the son of the soil. The interviews were conducted during December 2008 and January 2009. Interviewee characteristics are summarised in Table 4.1 of Chapter 4. All interviewees were at least 18 years of age. The survey participants may not have been fully representative of the adult population in that only 12% were older than 45 years, because the actual age distribution of Quetta residents has not been established. Current estimates (US Census Bureau, International Data Base) suggest 14.5% of the over-18-year-old population of Pakistan are over 45 years old. A possible reason for this under representation of the older section of the population in the survey is due to the lower mobility of the elderly and the frail, and their lower frequency of venturing from their homes.
For the interest of readers an extract of the Brahui version of the survey questionnaire and the English version is included on the next page.
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Figure 3.3 Image of the survey questionnaire portion translated in local language. Note: Complete questionnaire for reference added on page 112 in Appendices. ϱϰ
Figure 3.3.1 English translation portion of Brahui version Questionnaire for the Conduct of Survey on Quetta Water Supply Research Study THE QUESTINNAIRE Code No of questionnaire: Age Group (a) 20-30, (b)31-40, (c)41-50, ______(d)51-60, (e)61 or over
Date of Survey: Male: (a) Female: (b) ______
Duration of questionnaire: ______
Education: (a) Illiterate (b) Primary (c) High School (d) University
Profession: ______
Residing type (a) Owned (b) Rental (c) Shacks
Important Questions
1-How many hours a day do you expect to get, Q-WASA water from your tap in present water shortage period?
(a)______
2-Do you think water should be delivered free of cost?
(a) Yes (b) No
3- From which source do you get water for yourself?
(a) Groundwater (b) Water tanker (c) Q-WASA (d) Neighbour (e) Stand pipe
Other ______
Water Access Part 1,
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4-Do you have Q-WASA water supply connected to your house?
(a) Yes (b) No
3.4 The survey was designed to fulfil the following objectives
The survey was designed to fulfil the following objectives:
Data collection of respondent characteristics, namely age, gender, education, profession and residence type.
Water supply expectations – hours per day
Opinions on water pricing (whether free of cost)
Household water sources
Population (in percent) with Q-WASA connection
Water availability – hours per week
Manual water collection– number of collectors per household
Daily water collection – time spent for collection
Water tanker supply – monthly costs
Number of consumers satisfied with current Q-WASA services
Amount paid to Q-WASA – previous month
Opinions on water pricing – increased water price
Opinions on water pricing – current water price
Opinions on water pricing – water connection payment
Opinions on water pricing – water tanker payment
Reasons for non-payment
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Tanker water – number of purchases per week
Tanker water – cost per delivery
Water conservation practices – continuous running of taps
Sources of storage tank –filling storage tank
Capacity of water storage tank
Resident opinions – water conservation education (wanting to be educated on water conservation)
Resident opinions – water conservation education (how water issues brought to people’s attention)
Occupancy rate per household
Water sterilization practices – boiling water received from Q-WASA
Water sterilization practices – boiling water received from private water tankers
Water disposal practices
Resident opinions – water regulation to reduce water use/wastage
3.4.1 Questionnaire for Water Vendors
Water source
Water cost
Water tanker capacity
Daily sales
Total number of water tankers in Quetta 3.5 Pilot Study
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A pilot study was conducted in December 2008 in Quetta. The survey was designed and pre tested by conducting 31 pilot surveys (Punch 2005). A question such as: “How funds could be raised for a better water supply?” was found to be unsuitable and amended because it was not fulfilling the objective of establishing respondents’ willingness to pay and it was creating confusion. An improved question was asked: ‘Do you think that current water pricing is fair?”
In order to satisfy the analysis of the role of mullahs in water issues a question was posed: “Do you think mullahs at the mosque can bring awareness among people about water issues?’ But this question was found to be difficult as it was isolated from expressions of attitudes and therefore it was modified to: “How can water issues be brought to people’s attention? a) by women at home; (b) by mullahs at the mosque; (c) by both; (d) by education institutions; (e) by the media; (f) It is not possible; (g) It is not needed.”
The responses to the modified questions were more superior– indicating a clearer understanding by interviewees. In addition it was easier to interpret the responses, similarly the remaining questions were tested to meet the needs of a survey questionnaire as taught by (Punch 2005).
The interviewers hired to assist the researcher were students in their second year of university. They had limited or no experience conducting household surveys, therefore training was required. The characteristics and utility of conducting the survey were carefully explained. Most of the interviewers were able to successfully and professionally conduct the pilot survey having gained enough experience before conducting the survey. The interviewers were four men, including the researcher, and three women.
The 30 respondents were interviewed face to face in the market and public places. The procedure was followed for three days and during the different hours of the day to achieve a maximum representative sample for the pilot survey. The analysis of the pilot study data
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revealed that the number of questions needed to be reduced so that consistent and important data could be gathered in a reasonable time.
The pilot study data also found that the interviewees needed some assistance from the author in completing the questionnaire, therefore the author helped them by reading questions to them. The author also realized that my presence would encourage the interviewees to complete the survey while maintaining consistency in their responses. The language of the questionnaire was simplified so that the interviewees could complete the survey with minimum assistance by the author. Lessons learnt from the pilot survey were applied to the design of the final questionnaire.
The thirty interviewees who participated in the pilot study also orally filled out the final questionnaire. It took most interviewees about 9.6 minutes to complete the final questionnaire.
3.6 Conducting the Main Survey in the Selected Regions
The main survey was undertaken in the regions where the criteria given below were satisfied. Specifically, the five different zones of Cantonment, Sariab, Nalla, Satellite and others were selected on the basis of socioeconomic characteristics by means of anecdotal sources of information. Here ‘others’ mean respondents from various locations in Quetta which are not in the mentioned four zones.
There were not an equal number of respondents from each zone in the collection of data from the zones and the zones did not contain an equal proportion of the population. The regions had to meet the requirement of a minimum number of residents using various sources of water as per personal experience of the researcher and they had to have a minimum level of understanding of the questionnaire and to be willing to participate in the survey.
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The interviewers usually met the researcher in the research office and were transported to the neighbourhoods that were going to be surveyed. They usually worked in pairs and were distributed in different streets of the neighbourhood being surveyed. Each interviewer carried a script designed to request participation and a questionnaire sheet to record the respondents that were visited, surveyed or refused to participate.
Surprise supervising was another method (Gutierrez 2006) used to ensure the quality of the survey that was conducted. The supervisor/ researcher met the interviewers unannounced while they were working in the field and requested to be shown the completed surveys. The supervisor cross checked the information recorded and methods of recording the information.
Based upon the above criteria, a total of 545 respondents participated in the survey. They were approached in public places. These respondents were 50.7% male and 49.3% female. The main survey was completed in 60 days. The respondents were cooperative throughout the survey. For most of them, it was the first time they had participated in any type of survey and they were excited to contribute to the survey.
The author emphasises here that the composition of the group of survey participants itself was not of much interest in this study, as the main focus was to estimate some of the important factors/variables in five different zones with different sources and scenarios of domestic water availability. Thus, the composition of the survey regions was more important than the composition of the survey participants.
The difficulties worth mentioning during the study were on occasions a lack of cooperation from individuals, the fear of some people about responding to the survey for various reasons, financial constraints for the researcher, lack of time, and the occasional serious law and order situation in Quetta.
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3.7 Lessons Learnt from Literature Search
Relevancy and accuracy are two ideals that encompass the main outcome of creating reliable surveys (Iraossi 2006). Throughout the survey period the researcher observed the relevancy and accuracy of the data collected by administering the questionnaire. The objectives of the survey and the information to be collected (Brace 2004) helped the researcher to stay on track.
Texts on research methodology by Dane (Dane 1990); Fink (Fink 2009) and Punch (Punch 2005) were consulted in the preparation of the surveys.
All the above mentioned references provided standard guidelines which guided and informed the researcher in planning and conducting the survey
3.8 Summary
In order to explore the prevailing water supply situation in Quetta a survey was conducted using in person interviews. All the lessons learnt from the literature in this regard were duly applied to meet the objects of the survey. The survey was conducted between the dates of Dec 2008 to Jan 2009 in urban Quetta, Pakistan. Location of the survey was in Urban Quetta Pakistan. The sample size of respondents was 545.
The survey was conducted through survey questionnaire interviews with the help of interviewers along the researcher by random sampling technique. There were two types of samples drawn sampling. One was from water consumers and other was from water vendors.
It was structured and divided into five sections water access, water pricing, water conservation, water use and water vendor. Opinions of domestic water consumers and water
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vendors were collected in shape of primary data. Data was entered from the survey questionnaire hard copies to the electronic data base that is computer soft copies. Data was rechecked and cleaned after the entry in to the computer drive.
After data entry and cleaning of data the literature was aligned. The significant determinants of water payment, water supply, water cost and house hold behaviour were taken and then analysed. These results from analysis were expected to be comparable with existing international literature. In which comparable means the differences of units along estimated things are same or different. Therefore similarity and differences could be realised. Hence their interpretation could be matched with the interviews.
3.9 Conversion of Questionnaire into Softwares and Analysis Technique
In order to analyse the primary data it was entered first in MS Excel software and then in other software named SPSS (Special Package for Social Sciences) is used. SPSS is among the most widely used programs for statistical analysis in social science. It is used by market researchers, health researchers, survey companies, government, education researchers, marketing organizations and others. Statistics used in this research for analysis and included in the base software are, Descriptive statistics: Cross tabulation, Frequencies etc and following tools are used to interpret the data, which are also measures of central tendency such as the mean, median, and mode. Data from two sources have been used in the presented research. One is the secondary source and the other is primary source.
Chapter 4 deals with the data collected from the survey. The data is tabled, graphed and discussed in detail.
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CHAPTER 4
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the results from the analysis of household level data from the selected areas of Quetta city, on various aspects of urban water supply including service quality, coverage, charges, rate of collection and gaps in service delivery. The role of private vendors in providing water to the urban household and the issues faced by the public water supply agency in terms of financial sustainability and new network operation and extension are also presented. Key results from the data are compared with the empirical findings available in published studies. The results show that households encounter significant issues in getting adequate water from the public supply network. Thus these households are forced to buy water from private vendors; households having no connection, with large family size, low education, often unemployed and unable to afford buying their daily water needs are worse impacted and spend a higher proportion of the their income on water charges. As water from public supply is only available during mornings and evenings for limited hours insufficient to fulfil people requirements, households often do not pay their water bills. The low recovery rates reduce revenue which impact network operations and maintenance. The households and water agency are thus caught in spiral of poor service low payment. Some suggestions on the way forward are also presented.
Actual data in this regard is not available and therefore ground realities are hard to come by. In order to contribute relevant information, a survey was conducted in Quetta City during 2008.
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By means of a questionnaire survey it was possible to gather some information about current water supply and consumption issues for Quetta residents. The survey asked about residential water sources, the reasons for the use of different residential water sources, reasons for lack of supply, opinions about Quetta water supply and costs, and the reasons for payment or non-payment for water. Some information was also obtained about the socioeconomic characteristics of the sampled households. Approximately 600 residents were approached and 545 residents of Quetta city Valley completed the survey. The analysis focuses on two main goals: (i) to discover gaps between demand and supply by collecting and analysing secondary and primary data related to cost recovery, reliability of water supply in Quetta urban areas, and (ii) To suggest measures to improve the water supply services.
In previous studies undertaken in Australia synthesis of secondary data and analysis has revealed that an understanding of consumers’ attitudes and behaviour towards consumption of water is essential (Randolph and Troy 2008). Randolph and Troy showed how this understanding enables service providers and environmental planners to improve their current services and prepare future plans. However, no systematic studies regarding consumer opinions have previously been undertaken in Quetta. While previous investigations (IUCN and GoB 2000) were limited to the number of tube wells, revenue shortfall, etc., public opinion/primary data has never been collected before.
After interviewing the 545 respondents of Quetta Valley, descriptive and quantitative analyses were conducted. Stakeholders, such as Q-WASA and other government departments involved in water supply, were requested to provide information on water supply systems in Quetta Valley. This data was analysed by descriptive and quantitative approaches. In addition, socioeconomic data regarding, gender, employment, education and accommodation of interviewees was collected, with particular emphasis on the availability
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to them of Q-WASA connections and the supply of water by tankers and private water vendors, as well as from community standpipes.
The specific issues addressed in remainder of the chapter are presented in Tables 4.1 to 4.6 and Figures 4.1 to 4.11 while additional results have been analysed and included in appendices A figures 1A to 13A.
4.2 Socioeconomic Profile of Survey Participants
Survey data was collected from five zones in Quetta Valley. All the zones fall in either the municipal area of Zarghoon Town or Chilton Town of the same city. The zones are not divided on the basis of equal area or respondents’ distribution. However, an effort was made to access respondents belonging to all socioeconomic status and age groups with approximately the same population. Above all, it was an effort to create a representative socioeconomic profile of the survey participants. The majority of the respondents were young people as can be seen in Table 4.1. The maximum numbers of respondents were aged between 21 and 40 years, and very few were more than 40 years of age, as old people are less mobile and cannot often be found in the street or market places. The survey responses were collected from these areas. Slightly more than 50% of respondents were male just over 49% were female. This exceptionally high response rate from females reflects the strength of our survey, as soliciting responses from females is often an arduous task in a tribal patriarchal culture (Bhasin 2007). Most (65%) respondents were unemployed, whereas throughout Pakistan approximately 55% are unemployed (Government of Pakistan 2007). The higher than average unemployment rate in our respondents conforms with the results from Babar and Ahmad (Babar and Ahmad 2007), which also showed that Quetta is a particularly poor socioeconomic area. In contrast to the situation for the men, less than 1% of the women interviewed had employment of some kind. The number of respondents per household revealed that there is a dense population (Table 4.2) with an average of nine or more people per household. ϲϱ
Table 4.1 Socioeconomic characteristics of sampled participants
Socioeconomic characteristics of sampled participants Characteristics Descriptive statistics
Cantonment Sariab Nalla Satellite Others Actual for Zone in % Zone in % Zone in % Zone in % in % Quetta in %
Age group 18-24 30.7 25.0 27.9 32.1 25.0 28.1 25-30 27.9 23.2 24.3 25.6 25.0 25.3 31-35 13.6 15.2 11.7 9.0 15.4 13.2 36-40 11.4 14.3 19.8 15.4 17.3 15.4 41-45 7.1 9.8 4.5 3.8 5.8 6.4 46 above 9.3 12.5 11.7 14.1 11.5 11.5 Gender Male 50.7 51.8 49.5 55.1 50.5 51.2 Female 49.3 48.2 49.5 44.9 50.5 48.6 Employment Unemployed/ Jobless 65.7 64.3 70.3 60.3 65.4 65.5 Government job 12.1 19.6 11.7 11.5 17.3 14.5 Labor 5.7 0.9 2.7 5.1 2.9 3.5 Personal work 16.4 12.5 13.5 19.2 13.5 14.9 Private Job 0.0 2.7 1.8 3.8 1.0 1.7 Residence type Rental 34.3 40.2 27.9 32.1 36.5 34.3 Owned 65.0 59.8 71.2 66.7 61.5 64.8 Shack 0.7 0.0 0.9 0.0 1.0 0.6 Note It may be noted as majority of the respondents are young people therefore the term young customers may be used at later stage. ϲϲ
4.3 Results of questionnaire survey
This section presents the results of the questionnaire survey and discusses survey respondents’ opinions about water supply issues. The significance of these results is then discussed in Section 4.4.
4.3.1 Access to Water Supply
Q-WASA is responsible for water supply to Quetta residents but urban settlements residents do not have a common reliable water supply service or reliable access to water. Instead, they depend on the delivery of water via hand pumps, public taps (Q-WASA), water trucks or neighbours (Ahmad 2006). Some households get water from neighbours – by buckets, hose pipe, carried in earthenware jar. Some of them occasionally borrow water in case of water shortage and others purchase from neighbours. Of these sources, water trucks are often the most reliable and common source of water (Babar and Ahmad 2007). Table 4.2 shows that respondent’s expectations regarding the duration of a daily water supply from Q-WASA ranged from 0 to 6 hours/day. Actual water availability for the respondents ranged from 0 to 8 hours per week to meet their needs (Note: Both of these hourly descriptions are those hours of supply experienced by the consumers). This represents an unreliable and inadequate water supply from Q-WASA. Furthermore, up to six people per household may be involved in fetching water manually for their daily needs. Six people are an exceptional situation, but it is quite common for two people per household to be responsible for manual water collection. The time required for each of the household members to supply their daily water needs can be as high as 3 hours.
More than 50% of respondents had storage tanks, primarily underground, of more than 1000 litres capacity to compensate for the irregular supply from Q-WASA (Figure 2A-2B, Appendix A). It should be noted that Q-WASA does not fill household water storage tanks and these households depend on water vendors.
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Table 4.2 Access to water supply per household
Access to water supply per household Min Max Mean Std deviation Water supply expectations – hours per day 0 6 0.2 0.5 Number of hours the Q-WASA water available 0 8 2.3 2.5 during a sample week (Hr) Number of people responsible for manual water 0 6 0.9 1.3 collection Time required to fulfil daily water requirements 0 3 0.3 0.4 (Hrs per household) Capacity of water storage tank (Litres) 0 18 000 3742 3849 Number of persons living in each household 1 43 9 4.5 Note: It must be noted that the results are based on interviews, and if some figures appear to be inconsistent there is the possibility that some respondents had not understood the question or were making a wild guess.
4.3.2 Sources of water
All water supplied to households in Quetta is initially sourced from groundwater (Ahmad 2006). The survey asked participants to state the main source of water for their households. Only 21% of water consumers received water directly to the household from Q-WASA. Around 20% of water consumers that purchased water from water tankers were solely dependent on water supply from the open market at high rates, while altogether 46% used water tanker supplies both as their sole source, or to supplement the provision by Q-WASA. About 4% of respondent pump groundwater through dugwell, hand pump or engines directly from their homes. Around 8% of respondent rely on neighbours. Furthermore, the remaining 79% of respondents did not receive any water from Q-WASA or private water vendors, having to rely on other public sources or charity as observed by the researcher.
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Figure 4.1 Water capture and storage
As seen in Figure 4.2, the majority (98%) of water vendors get their water supply from private tube wells, and this is placing stress on the groundwater resources of Quetta Valley and depleting the resource rapidly (IUCN and GoB 2000). The Remaining 2% may depend on spring, snowmelt and water supply from dam.
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Figure 4.2 Water vendor- Water source
More than 58% of the respondents (Figure 1A, Appendix A)with Q-WASA connections reported that they did not leave their water taps open at all times, which means that they felt they knew the exact time that the water supply became available. However, 42% of water consumers without a regular daily water supply reported that they left their water taps open to ensure that they could be aware when there was a supply flowing through the pipes. This response to the unreliable water supply service depends on someone being in the house at all times, and can also result in wastage. Further analysis from Figure 3A, Appendix A
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shows that the needs of more than 71% of the water consumers were not fulfilled by private storage tanks, and that only 29% of the consumers thought that their water tanks sufficiently fulfilled their daily water requirement. This clearly indicates that Quetta suffers from an inadequate drinking water supply by Q-WASA, the authority that should be providing it.
4.3.3 Affordability of Water Supply
While it is not possible to obtain figures, it is alleged that many of the households with a water connection do not contribute to the finances of the water provider, Q-WASA (Babar and Ahmad 2007). This is confirmed by the attitude reflected in the response of 95% of survey respondents, that a water fee should not be charged, and that water for domestic purposes should be provided free of charge (Figure 4.3). Q-WASA is charging PKR125 per month per connection without metering of volume of water used. The current flat(fixed not dependent on volume) water fee of at least PKR125 per month (Q-WASA) is considered high because of the unreliability of the supply and is therefore not considered as value for money. Figure 4.4 shows that 86% of water survey respondents are not satisfied with the service provided by Q-WASA. As nearly 46% of respondents are forced to purchase water at higher prices from the open market, their dissatisfaction is understandable.
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Figure 4.3 Opinion on water pricing (should water be free of cost or not)
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Figure 4.4 Consumers views regarding Q-WASA services
Survey respondents were asked about possible future water fees, if supply was guaranteed and made reliable (Figure 4A in Appendix A - section two). About 59% of all water consumers are of the opinion that the current water fee could be increased by Q-WASA in case of ensured water supply. They are aware that the current situation does not support a reliable water supply. The current water fee is PKR125 per month (Department of Quetta Water and Sanitation Authority 2008), against a water tanker cost of between PKR200 to PKR500 per water load, with 5–6 loads needed for a family each month. This is a clear
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indicator that many water consumers may be ready to pay more if reliability and adequacy of water supply is improved.
However, as shown in Figure 5A, Appendix A from questions Q8 and Q10 on pages 112, 31% of all respondents indicated that they considered it to be not fair to pay Q-WASA for a water connection. In the case of water tankers, 27% of all of water consumers felt it not to be fair to pay the higher amounts to water tankers if Q-WASA supplies were reliable and adequate, whereas 30% considered it to be fair to pay to Q-WASA. This reflects on the ability of some consumers to pay and underpins that, as water is considered a basic need it is worth paying a high price. .
Poor cost recovery by Q-WASA has been analysed.. As shown in Figure 4.5, the majority of the respondents think the poor water supply is the main reason of not paying their bills, while 35% think that they cannot afford to pay their water bills. This is interesting to note that most of people are paying higher costs to water tanker but they cannot afford to pay to Q-WASA nominal price. A further issue is that 14% of all respondents reported experiencing poor water quality, which may be due to rusted or damaged water supply lines which needing replacing (Ahmad 2006).
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Figure 4.5 Reasons for non payment to Q-WASA
As shown in Figure 6A Appendix A, the majority of respondents are willing to be educated on water conservation, although 11% do not feel a need to be educated further as they consider they already have sufficient information about water conservation.
With regard to the question of how such education could take place, as shown in Figure 7A Appendix A, most of the respondents were of the view that both Mullahs at the mosque and
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women at home could create awareness of water issues. However, 18% of respondents thought media has a role of educating the people about water issues.
There seemed to be little awareness of the issue of water purity among respondents. As shown in Figure 8A Appendix A, about 87% in all respondents did not boil water received from tankers and 6% did not boil water received from Q-WASA before drinking. The majority of the people had no problem with the quality of water they were receiving daily. This reflects the absence of education about the need to boil water for health protection (Pakistan Council of Research in Water Resources 2007). Only 2 % of respondents claimed to boil water before drinking after receiving it from private sources. Clearly there is a great need for increased health education here (Pakistan Council of Research in Water Resources 2007). As shown in Figure 4.6, around 98% of survey respondents are in favour of additional water regulations (other than existing billing and cost recovery regulations) to reduce water usage and wastage in Quetta. While 2% of water consumers don’t have any such understanding, these results support the need and significance of reframing existing regulations.
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Figure 4.6 Can water regulation reduce water wastage
4.3.4 Tanker Supply As shown in Table 4.3, the survey results show the maximum amount paid by individual households to tankers per month is PKR 8000, or PKR1846 per week, with a mean cost of about PKR400 per month. Around 30% of water consumers pay PKR300 per month, or PKR75 per week for water provided by Q-WASA, as opposed to an actual monthly flat rate of PKR 125 per month. That means that there is some rent seeking, or water ‘sub-letting’ behaviour among the Q-WASA staff and/or the water consumers. The majority of (Q- WASA) water consumers i.e. (31 % Figure 5A in Appendixes) are not paying anything
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because they either do not have any water connection, or they are getting water from community stand pipes or from other sources, or they might well be too poor. In some cases up to 9 water tank loads per week are ordered. At the lower end 15% of respondents bought one tanker load each week for their daily water needs, while 13% needed two tankers each week indicating their high usage of water.
Table 4.3 Affordability of water supply (Note: for tanker loads bought per month pl see p 141)
Affordability of water supply In PKR Min Max Mean Std deviation Average amount paid monthly to the water tankers 0 8000 398.9 708.2 Amount paid to Q-WASA (In a month number 0 700 100.6 140.5 including those who do not pay) Number of tanker loads bought per week 0 9 0.8 1.2 Number of tanker loads bought per month 0 450 19.5 48 Amount paid by consumers per load of water tanker 0 4500 178.9 285.5
Note It must be noted that the results are based on interviews, and if some figures appear to be inconsistent there is the possibility that some respondents had not understood the question or were making a wild guess. Pl see Bar charts in Appendices p.134-137 for different presentation of above table. 4.3.5 Analysis of Water Cost Payments for Various Socioeconomic Groups
Water costs paid by various socioeconomic groups have been in this section. Socioeconomic groups have been grouped under various categories like gender, education, employment and resident type. This analysis has been carried out using SPSS software Table 4.4 shows that male-headed households pay less for water expenses than female- headed households. This indicates that females feel more responsible and are more aware of water issues. Above all, women pay more to have access to water because they do not want to carry water from long distances. Education level, however, seems to have less influence ϳϴ
on water consumption and its expenses. Graduates consume more water and have greater water expenses than those with high school level education. This also means that educated members are able to afford higher payments than less educated ones. This seems to be because they are less conscious of the need for water conservation, and that they can afford to pay more. These results confirm that the least educated consumers or non-educated consumers are in greater need of resolving water issues because of their lower level of consumption and ability to pay.
Government employees who earn less also use less water and have lower water expenses. But the results show that laborers, although in a low income category, consume more and have higher water expenses. This could be because of lack of awareness of water issues. An interesting dimension is that unemployed consumers consume more water and spend more on water expenses than employed or less employed consumers. Together this implies that low income households have to spend a larger share of their meager income on water, which points to inequity in water charges in terms of their low income and low capacity to pay, but is a high burden imposed on them in terms of water expenses, a basic necessity.
Rental residents consume and spend less on water expenses – perhaps because they cannot afford to pay more than their rent. The results show that home owners, having a better economic status, consume more and spend more on water expenses than rental residents.
Shack residents are the poorest among all resident types and are paying the highest price for collecting water for their daily needs, which can be seen in time cost value.
Note; It must be noted that the results are based on interviews, and if some figures appear to be inconsistent there is the possibility that some respondents had not understood the question or were making a wild guess.
It must be noted that terms in the table 4.4 are explained at the end of the table.
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Table 4.4 Water cost for various socioeconomic groups Gender Male water consumption Expenses N Min Max Mean Std deviation Timecostmonth 66 225 1800 630.68 298.54 Tankercost 104 150 4500 956.25 629.75 PaidQ-WASA 132 60 500 281.84 55.92 Totalcost 279 0 5000 638.98 576.32 Gender is the code allocated to 279 1 1.00 males Gender Female water consumption expenses N Min Max Mean STD DEVIATION Timecostmonth 140 225 2700 773.03 382.83 Tankercost 102 6 8000 1156.49 929.31 PaidQ-WASA 63 6 700 275.79 89.48 Totalcost 265 0 8900 919.10 981.34 Gender 265 2 2.00 is the code allocated to 265 females
Table 4 continued Education Graduates N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 6 450 900 675 246.47 Tankercost 4 450 2200 1075 829.16 PaidQ-WASA 3 270 300 290 17.32
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Totalcost 10 270 2650 922 720.31 Education 10 0 .00 is the code of identification allocated to graduate consumers. Note Amounts in table 4.4: are in Pak rupees and per house hold. Education High school consumers N Min Max Mean S Timecostmonth 25 225 900 630 251.56 Tankercost 31 300 2400 1014.5 585.83 PaidQ-WASA 26 6 300 266.08 77.92 Totalcost 73 0 2850 741.34 674.55 Education 73 1 1.00 ¾ ¾ is the code of identification allocated to high school educated consumers Education Primary School consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 58 225 1800 760.34 374.19 Tankercost 54 150 8000 1058.3 1065.75 Table 4.4: continued PaidQ-WASA 59 97 300 279.86 45.67 Totalcost 161 0 8900 731.44 932.74 Education 161 4 4.00 .000 Valid N 161 (list wise) is the code of identification allocated to primary school educated consumers
Education N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation
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Non-educated consumers Timecostmonth 115 225 2700 731.73 384.95 Tankercost 111 6 4500 1087.89 711.35 PaidQ-WASA 104 10 700 286.75 71.85 Totalcost 293 0 5000 801.11 783.35
is the code of identification allocated to non educated consumers Employment Government job consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 10 450 900 720 232.38 Tankercost 19 250 2000 857.89 504.49 PaidQ-WASA 54 123 300 282.68 46.63 Totalcost 79 0 2150 490.69 431.91 Profession 79 0 .00 ¾ is the code of identification allocated to Government job holders in profession of consumers. Employment Labor consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 7 450 900 771.42 219.58 Tankercost 11 400 1200 895.45 316.59 PaidQ-WASA 4 300 300 300 0 Totalcost 4 300 300 300 0 Is the code of identification allocated to Labourer in profession of consumers. 4.4 continued Resident Type Rental resident consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation
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Timecostmonth 31 225 1800 711.29 318.71 Tankercost 43 6 2400 929.34 575.47 PaidQ-WASA 137 6 300 289.91 35.85 Totalcost 187 0 3000 544.02 529.29 Residing Type 187 0 .00 .00 Rental resident consumers is the code of identification allocated to rental resident consumers in residence type. Resident Type owned resident consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 172 225 2700 729.94 373.713 Tankercost 161 200 8000 1098.75 844.19 PaidQ-WASA 59 6 700 256.93 108.94 Totalcost 353 0 8900 899.74 906.49 Residing Type 353 2 2.00 .000
is the code of identification allocated to home owner consumers in residence type. Resident Type shack resident consumers N Min Max Mean Std. Deviation Timecostmonth 3 450 900 750 259.81 Tankercost 0 0 0 0 0 PaidQ-WASA 0 0 0 0 0 Totalcost 3 450 900 750 259.88 Residing Type 3 3 3 3.00 shack resident consumers is the code of identification allocated to shack resident consumers in residence type.
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4.3.5.1 Details of variables used in calculations offered in Table 4.4
4.3.5.2 Timecostmonth
Number of hours spent in fetching water for daily water needs in the questionnaire data was multiplied by 30 days for the month then divided by 10 hours for a working day . This product was multiplied by daily prevailing labour wages in the area, namely PKR300 per day. This value is then called ‘timecostmonth’ and is the opportunity cost calculated for the time spent in fetching water for daily needs.
4.3.5.3 Tankercost
The price paid for a single full tanker load to water vendors by all the respondents in the survey data is called ‘tankercost’.
4.3.5.4 PaidQ-WASA
The price paid per month to Q-WASA by consumers in the survey data is called ‘paidQ- WASA’.
4.3.5.5 Totalcost
Totalcost in table 4.4 is actually a weighted cost of the three items tcostmonth, tankercost and paid Q-WASA (weighted by the number of respondents), not just the sum.
4.3.6 Economic Analysis of Water Supply from Water Vendors
As shown in Figure 9A, Appendix A, the majority (98%) of water vendors get their water supply from private tube wells or bores, and as shown in Figures 4.7- 4.10, vendors pay between Rs 151–200 to fill their tanker. They then sell that tanker water at the higher price of PKR500 or more in some areas. By local standards this is a high rate of profit and indicates the attraction of the growing water tanker business in Quetta. Most of the water ϴϰ
tankers have over 3000 litres capacity. While the majority of the respondents believe that there are between 350–400 water tankers in Quetta, the researcher was able to interview approximately 540 water vendors but the exact number of water vendors in Quetta is still unknown. Nevertheless, this data reveals a situation of a water crisis in Quetta and how private markets are responding to bridge the gap in service, based on a simple economic principle of ability and willingness to pay. Economics of water supply/returns from water selling figures 4.7-4.10
Figure 4.7 Amount paid by vendors for water to fill tank (PKR)
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Figure 4.8 Capacity of water tanker (litres)
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Figure 4.9 How many tanker loads sold per day (No.)
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Figure 4.10 Total number of water tankers assumed to be in Quetta (No.) By all 545 interviewees
4.4 Operation and maintenance costs and revenue generated
Table 4.6 and figure 4.11 shows that while the revenue generated by Q-WASA from supplying water has remained almost the same ( Pak rupees means PKR about PKR40 million) over the eight-year timeframe, the shortfall in payment for water supply has increased from approximately PKR60 million to over PKR300 million over this period. ϴϴ
Furthermore, water payments received are directed to the provincial government rather than directly to Q-WASA (Director of Revenue Q-WASA, 2009, pers. comm 20 Feb). During this period, the Q-WASA number of tubewells supplying water to Quetta also doubled. Q- WASA is operating at a loss and is currently dependent on aid.
From 2001 to 2008 the O&M expenditure and revenue are presented in Table 4.6. These are Q-WASA owned tube wells.
Note Scope of the study covers the total cost to Q-WASA of supplying water from all sources.
Table 4.6 Income and O&M Expenditure of Q-WASA
Year 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 No. of tube 100 100 151 176 176 185 211 232 wells Income (Million 39.72 38.66 39.85 40.12 40.32 40.53 40.44 37.43 PKR) Expenditure 96.29 130.14 164.18 204.89 172.36 216.33 296.27 314.95 (Million PKR) Domestic water 125 125 125 125 125 125 125 125 Rate (per month) Shortfall 56.57 91.47 124.3 164.8 132 175.80 255.83 277.53 (Million PKR)
Source: Revenue Director of Q-WASA (2009)
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Revenue & Expenditure Situation
400
300
200
100
0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 -100 Amount in million Rs. -200
-300
-400 Y E A R S Revenue O&M Expenditure Shortfall
Figure 4.11 Year-wise Growth of Revenue and Expenditure Situation of Q-WASA
4.5 Summary of Results
From the data analysis, the following facts emerge:
• Currently many younger consumers, whether they are educated or uneducated, employed or unemployed are paying for water that does not fulfill their daily needs. • Consumers are paying a much higher price for water to water tankers for their daily needs than is paid to Q-WASA because of their belief that Q-WASA is an unreliable source of water supply (often providing water for only five hours per week).
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• A significant number of consumers are mostly dependent on private groundwater supply or private water tankers at higher rates. A significant number rely on community water pipes. • Consumers, whether educated or not, and employed or not, seem to be well aware of the need for regulation, which would improve the likelihood of their uptake of Q-WASA supply. • While half of the consumers do not leave their water taps open at all times, indicating that they know the exact timing of water supply, just as many leave their taps open constantly, demonstrating that the water supply is generally not reliable. • The majority of respondents are willing to be educated on water conservation. • Most of the consumers are of the view that mullahs in the mosques and women at home could create awareness about water issues, with only a few in favor of the media playing a role in educating the people about water issues. • Female respondents are paying more than males; undoubtedly they do this to avoid the extra financial burden of obtaining water for the daily routine. As mostly women are dealing with water availability, therefore it seems that females are more aware than males about water issues.
In conclusion, in Quetta City, Q-WASA is responsible largely for the provision of water supply and water related services. However, the limitations associated with an unplanned water supply network, especially for new refugee and rural immigrant settlements, which were not planned effectively by the Quetta Development Authority, and the shortage of water has resulted in motivating private sector tankers to provide water for domestic use. These tankers provide a reliable source of water supply to the residents of Quetta costing between PKR 250 and PKR400 per tanker depending on the location. An average family requires 2–4 tankers costing PKR500–1600 per month in addition to the intermittent Q- WASA water supply. The question to be addressed is, why water users are not willing to pay very nominal water charges, as only 50% of the users who have a legal connection pay. ϵϭ
At the same time there are also uncounted water users who have an illegal connection who cannot be billed (Akbar and Shahid, 2007).
4.6 Available options for Q-WASA
Safe drinking water is a basic need. In Quetta, however, Q-WASA is unable to adequately finance the provision of drinking water because the prices charged are not sufficient to cover the costs.
The opinion survey showed consumers are frequently not willing to pay water bills because of the poor water supply, and they recognise the need for more water regulation.
The Q-WASA water supply system is dependent on an inadequate as well as unreliable revenue stream. At present this revenue stream is at risk because the price charged is higher than most households are either willing or able to pay. Even if a better, newer system is put in place, householders may choose not to use the new water system because of its current poor reputation. Since the water charges by Q-WASA are not based on an adequate pricing or recovery mechanism, the following options are recommended for consideration. Both Q-WASA and the water users should be prepared for charges based on volume of water used (and have expressed their willingness if supply was reliable). This option depends on the use of water metering, which should be investigated as soon as possible. A major concern in the sustainable use of water is how far the monthly bill charged is currently well below the cost recovery level; this needs to be addressed.
• Evidently recovery of costs in water pricing is allowed in Islam. The question arises as to what a fair tariff is. According to Islam a fair tariff is one that generates equity across society. • To tackle the present problem of non-payment of monthly water bills the issues of efficiency in water supply, cost recovery to finance the expenses, and equity to increase the recovery rates must all be considered.
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• If Q-WASA is to supply to all the urban areas of Quetta, and to charge maintenance costs to all urban residents in such areas, the problem will arise that many of the population would be unable to pay monthly bills based on cost recovery. To deal with this, Q-WASA customers should be supplied with a base water allowance of 20 litres per capita per day free of charge of any maintenance or supply cost. In Nepal, for example, 25 litres per person per day are provided free of charge (Pattanayak et al. 2005) . Those who pay the bills should be provided with more water and those who do not pay bills should not be provided more than the fixed quota. • There should be different tariffs for water services according to the financial status of the water consumers of Quetta. • Respondents having some kind of employment should be charged for water services. • Respondents able to pay their electricity bills may also be charged for water services as this is a clear indication that they can afford the small fee for water services as compared to greater charges for electricity. • The poor and unemployed may be excused until they are able to pay their water expenses. The government should contribute on their behalf. • Q-WASA is facing financial problems and needs to be funded by organizations such as UNDP (United Nations Development Program), ADB (Asian Development Bank), etc., as there is great potential of return from any investment in Q-WASA once water supply services are made reliable and people start contributing to the public water supply.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1. Conclusions
The data of water supply is limited and therefore it is difficult to assess the current state of water supply in Quetta. Therefore, a field study was conducted in Quetta City during 2008 to assess the current situation and to articulate the possible options for improvement. The key conclusions drawn from the study as well as the empirical evidence illustrated in the study are summarized as follows:
The data indicated that around PKR. 85 million per annum are billed for the connection holders of Q-WASA (almost half of this is paid by the connection holders), whereas a four- fold of this revenue is paid by the connection holders to the private water tanker operators i.e. PKR 328 million per annum. The trends of the sample data are extended to the total population of Quetta City. The households of Quetta City (including both the connection holders and non-holders) paid around PKR 2740 million per annum to the private water supply vendors, which is estimated by extrapolating the sample data to the assumed population of 1,500,000. If actual population differs, then these numbers need to be adjusted proportionally. Note for extrapolating household payments-to tanker rates from survey= total, then for city total/545*population (1.5).
5.1.1 Money Flows
One of the most startling results of the survey was the financial flows for Quetta water. Information provided by Q-WASA (Q-WASA 2009) shows that for the last eight years (2001–2008) revenue collected by Q-WASA has been almost constant at about PKR 40.0 ϵϰ
million per annum, whereas the expenditure by Q-WASA has risen from 15 to 20% per annum from PKR 100 million in 2001 to PKR 315 million in 2008, requiring large external subsidies to the Q-WASA. The survey data revealed that the population of Quetta spent about PKR 2740 million per annum purchasing water from private vendors (tanker operators and tube well/pump owners). In turn, the water tanker operators spent about PKR 125 million per annum for the purchase of water, which they deliver to the residents, mainly from the private tube well owners. Therefore the population of Quetta City contributes a total (to Q-WASA and water vendors) of about PKR 3000 million per annum to retail suppliers of water, representing almost PKR 2000 per capita per annum, or PKR 18000 per annum per household, since the average size of household is 9. This represents around 3% of average annual income of per capita based on the GDP (US$ 1027 or PKR 72000 per capita per annum for Pakistan in 2008 as per study findings), a proportion that is many times higher than would occur in the cities of the developed countries. It is quite obvious that the money spent by the households is quite sufficient to pay as tariff for the well developed and effective water supply schemes delivering water to the households of Quetta City. The actual tariff or price paid by the household to the public and private sectors water supply vendors is enough for any water supply company to recover repayment of capital cost in five years. In addition there would be huge savings on the cost of imported fuel for the private water tankers and very large savings to the national budget in terms of reduced damage to the city infrastructure, air pollution and population safety with the removal of the 350 heavy vehicles, which currently move on the roads daily. Employment in various categories can be generated by Q-WASA by strengthening the existing water supply services. However, there may be loss of drivers and operators of 350 water tankers. The reasons for the current, unsatisfactory situation are varied partly also because the infrastructure is old and inadequate, and there have been no funds to upgrade it.
Once water delivery becomes unreliable, for whatever reasons, a vicious cycle sets in, with people unwilling to pay for an inadequate service of a basic necessity. Furthermore, since
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there is no proper mechanism for collecting unpaid bills, it is all too easy to avoid such payments, while the water tanker operators demand their payment on the spot. In this regard, it is quite apparent that responses to the survey were not entirely honest. Of the 233 households which had a Q-WASA connection, 193 claimed to make monthly payments to Q-WASA. If this was in fact the case, the Q-WASA annual income would be more than stated by Baber and Ahmad 2007. The presumption that 35% of interviewees, the Q-WASA annual revenue from residents alone should be about PKR 85 million. The responses to direct questions about the payment of water fee were likely to be exaggerated.
5.1.2 Volume of Water Supplied
The study findings revealed that Q-WASA and private water tanker operators supply water of about 22 million litres per day to the city residents as per study findings. This is about 140 litres per household per day, or an average of about 15 litres per capita per day considering average household size of 9. In addition, the private wells and tube wells provide water but the amount is not known. Pereira et al. 2009 indicated that individuals can survive on minimal water supply of 10 litres per day. This minimal daily water supply to the city residents suggests that considerable volumes of water are provided from the electric and diesel powered tube wells, which consume higher energy as lowering of water level has reached to a point where mining of groundwater is extremely high. There is hardly any effort made to measure abstractions of groundwater from private wells and tube wells, but the amount is higher than the total water supplied by Q-WASA and the private water tanker operators (Revenue Director of Q-WASA 2009, Pers. Comm., 15th Feb)
5.1.3 Unit Cost of Water
Q-WASA data indicates that all the households with a piped connection pay the fixed fee of PKR 125/month (Q-WASA 2009). This water fee is a fraction of the O&M of the Q-WASA to maintain the water supply network and results in deterioration of the water supply ϵϲ
network and services to the residents. The unit cost of water delivered by Q-WASA is about PKR 0.03/litre. This figure was obtained by dividing the monthly charge of PKR 125/month for an amount of 150 litres/day per household, but in practice the water fee is not linked with the volume of water delivered rather it is a flat rate. The respondents claim to pay up to PKR 500/month to Q-WASA, with a mean value of PKR 285/month for the 193 who claim to actually pay the monthly charge, out of the 233 (or 43% of survey respondents) who have an authorized connection. Presumably the difference between the mean value of PKR 285 per month actually paid, and the PKR 125 received by Q-WASA is taken up as rent seeking amounting to PKR 44 million per annum. Most of the households without having piped water connection, and about 15% of those with reticulated water, purchase water from private water tanker operators to whom they pay between PKR 0.1 to 0.3 per litre, which is 4 to 10 times the rate paid for the reticulated water. The rate of charge for water supplied by neighbours and operators of small tube wells/wells is unknown. It probably ranges from next to nothing for small volumes to PKR 0.3 per litre in some cases. Private water tanker operators were asked how much they pay for their water. It seems they pay about PKR 340,000 for about 10.6 million litres per day, or a little over PKR 0.03 per litre, about the same rate as charged by Q-WASA to households.
5.1.4 Household Water Storage
Delivery of water by private water tanker operators means that households are almost certain to have a large storage tank on their premises. The household water tank has to be large enough to at least store full load of private water tanker, in addition to the water supply from the Q-WASA. Around 38% of respondents do not have a storage tank, 6% of respondents were unaware of household storage facilities, and the remaining 56% of households had storage tanks of up to 18000 litres capacity, with a mean size of 6300 litres. Construction and maintenance of water storage tanks of this large capacity require
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considerable capital investment and continued O&M costs in terms of pumping and storing water in overhead tanks.
5.1.5 Attitudes to Water Charges
Most of the respondents are of the opinion that water should be supplied without any charge. Of course this is a common attitude worldwide, particularly among the poorly educated households, where the common attitude is that “water is free from nature”. It is also interesting to note that over (40%, figure 4A page 119) of Quetta City residents consider that an increase in water prices could lead in improving the reliability of water supplies. Most of the households who have a Q-WASA connection think that they should not have to pay for piped water because the supply is unreliable (40%, figure 4.5 page 68) as they cannot afford to pay the charges of water from the private vendors (35%, figure 4.5 page 68). A few of the respondents cited that poor water quality is the major reason for not paying the water fee. It is also interesting that most of the respondents were interested to seek information on water conservation measures (89%) and thought that this information and training could best be delivered to their households by the women and the local religious leaders. Less than 30% of the respondents thought that the media or educational institutions could have effective influence on the attitude of the household for water use.
5.1.6 Availability of Water
The findings of the survey indicated clear that for many of those with a piped water connection, the water from the pipe network does not meet the household’s needs. Respondents also indicated that in the week before their interview water had been available at their Q-WASA connection tap between 6 minutes to 5 hours per day. The average duration of water supply was 1.25 hours per day. The majority had water available from 15 minutes to 1 hour per day. However, most of the households, even those with large storage tanks, claimed to have water available in their house for an average of 4.2 hours per day,
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suggesting that in most cases water from private water tankers is only purchased when the storage tank is empty because most of the respondents are interested to get the maximum possible water supply from Q-WASA primarily of low cost.
5.1.7 Physical Labour Needed for Water Collection
Respondents were asked about the amount of physical labour expended to obtain their household water supply. Around 62% of the households (340 households out of sample of 545) do not have any requirement for carrying water to their homes from a common water supply point. Presumably, these households receive water through pipeline from Q-WASA, by private water tanker operator or from the neighbour through unauthorized pipeline. Around 38% of the households (205) are collecting water manually. Each household spend on an average about 49 person minutes per day. Extrapolating this number to the city population indicates that 5000 to 8000 person days are required to collect water from a community water supply point. This is a significant amount of physical labour required daily which amounts to around PKR 1.5 to 2.4 million daily considering the prevailing labour rate of PKR 300 per person per day. Currently, this job is being undertaken by the women and children.
In summary, it is apparent from the study findings that the residents of Quetta have a very restricted water supply. The water supply is so short that it can only permit day to day bare minimal essential requirement at the household level. The supply of water from Q-WASA of 15 litres per person per day means almost all water will be used for the essentials of life – drinking and food preparation - and that very little is available for personal hygiene and clothes washing. The lifestyles observed in the city suggest that much more water is actually available. Presumably the private electric and diesel operated tube wells/wells contribute large volumes of water to the city’s overall daily supply.
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The water supply authority (Q-WASA) seems to be incapable of providing the city’s water needs, primarily because it is chronically underfunded. While Q-WASA delivers perhaps 25% of the city retail supply, it receives less than 2% of payments made by households for meeting their water requirement including the private vendors. Residents are paying large amounts to the private vendors because water supply from them is timely and assured. Considerable political effort is needed to redress this situation. The current rate of household spending on water supplies is enough to construct, operate and maintain. An effective water supply network can provide reliable and assured water supply to the households and the water supply utility can also repay all the investment cost if the water pricing is aimed to re cover the capital and O&M costs. At least the water pricing should be aimed to recover all the O&M cost. For Q-WASA to be in a position to supply water to all the households in the city, the support of public-sector funding institutions is essential. The private sector institutions may be encouraged to provide services for the O&M of the water supply systems. Metering is essential for enforcing discipline for regulating the un- authorized connections and to recover water fee.
5.2. The Way Forward
5.2.1 Options for Improving Water Pricing and Cost Recovery
The options of water pricing for the water supply provided by the Q-WASA can be evaluated by a statement of objectives, the formulation of possible solutions and by evaluating technical, economic and social feasibility of possible options. Currently, the water fee is designed to provide water to the households of Quetta City at subsidized rates, as the water fee is hardly recover a part of the O&M cost, Until the target is to recover all the O&M cost in a period of 5 years and recovering a part of the investment cost in next 5 years. A stepwise approach is needed because there is hardly any culture of payment for services from the public sector.
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5.2.2 Water Supply and Managing the Demand
The acute problem of water scarcity in Quetta City needs a different approach, involving management of both the water supply and water demand with emphasis on the latter, as water table is lowering at a rate of 1-3 m per annum and there is severe mining of groundwater. The present policy is based on the facts that Quetta will continue to grow and it is assumed that drilling deeper wells into the aquifer and arranging inter basin water transfers may meet the ever increasing water requirements. It is feared that by doing so the water supply will not keep pace with the demand (IUCN and GoB 2000) and the long term sustainability of the system may be seriously compromised. The Balochistan Small Scale Irrigation Project (BSSIP) under the auspices of World Bank formulated an Action Plan for Groundwater Management in Quetta Valley clearly illustrates that recharge is not possible in a short duration. Therefore, the only option available is to manage the demand especially in agriculture sub-sector of water use so that provision of water supply for domestic purposes is ensured. BSSIP is planning to implement the Action Plan in the Quetta Valley with the support of all the partners (WB 2008).
Water is the most important basic human needs, and the most widely supplied and used by the public utility worldwide. Governments are responsible as general principle providing this basic service as a public good. However, water supply expansion through the tapping of new resources has its natural limits. There is a need for support from the public-sector in checking the influx of population from the rural area to Quetta city as the water is already scarce in the city. Experts are of the opinion that water supply by the public utility will be receiving future investments from the public sector, as domestic water supply is considered as a right than an economic good.. Other measure proposed is that the government of Balochistan may initiate a long term planning process for the development of new satellites around Quetta City with all civic amenities so that influx of migration from rural areas to Quetta City in future can be taken care.
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5.2.3 Changes Needed in Water Governance
In order to satisfy growing needs of the consumers of domestic water, a revised strategy is needed to improve water governance. The revised strategy must be aimed to build capacity and capability of the Q-WASA in provision of reliable and adequate water supply to the households and ensure effective implementation to control un-authorized connections and recovery of water fee to meet the total O&M cost in the first phase followed by second phase with recovering part of the investment cost based on the capacity of the households. For effective implementation of the revised strategy there is a need to make “water as business for everyone” through involvement of civil society in creating awareness for water conservation and demand management. The poor segments of the society especially those who collects water from community points may be given some benefit using sliding scale of water tariff, so that the water users who consume more water should pay higher water tariffs.
Developments and water conservation are not opponents but partners that must form a strategic alliance to create a sustainable water world for the agency and the consumers. The strategy is not a prescription but intended to assist in bringing about a change in behaviour towards water use. It reflects the vision of the agency and the consumers. The agency will have to interpret and adopt the local needs, abilities and opportunities. The consumer should share both the benefits and cost of the water use and conservation. This ethic implies sharing water resources by the consumers who are poor and who are affluent as well as with the future generations. The intent should be to use the water efficiently, without compromising the sustainability of the future generations. It is a matter of both ethics and equity to establish sustainable management of water resources for the Quetta residents, checking rapid population growth and responding the changing life style focusing particularly on avoiding the misuse of water.
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The participation of the consumer is essential for establishing gross root level sustainable water management and conservation (Babar and Ahmad 2007) this will help to make payment of monthly water bills by the consumers. The agency should work for establishing the formation of credit management groups for its consumers. Under this scheme Credit Management Centre is opened in a bank. This will pay the water bill of a consumer and the consumer will pay back the bill money to the Credit Centre. It is a vision that bill payment will become easy for low and middle income groups. Government can help those unable to afford the bill payment through partnership with the banks or other financial institutions.
The Q-WASA must now change its approach with the new vision. It is hoped that this strategy and vision will help the agency to create harmony in supplying water to the consumers. The consumer leadership needs to be established which shall work as a bridge for solving the problems between the agency and the consumers. The agency shall needs to be persuade the consumers not paying the bills to make regular payment of monthly bills to improve O&M cost recovery and ultimately the agency’s financial position.
5.3 Recommendations
Initiate awareness campaigns for the economic and social value of water through active involvement of the civil society and institutions at all levels by making “water as business for everyone”. . The purpose is to create a sense of responsibility among the members of the civil society for conserving the limited water resources in the province, which is at premium. This will help to conserve the water to avoid inter-generational issues. Establish groundwater monitoring systems under both the alluvial and hard rock aquifers so that programmes related to demand water management and conservation of groundwater resources can be effectively introduced. The collected data should be analysed and findings and database must be put on the Web so that it can be accessed by all the members of the civil society. ϭϬϯ
Introduction of a base allowance of water before charges began, and charging different tariffs depending on the ability of the consumer to pay (financial status, unemployment, inability of the poor to pay, comparisons with electricity charging) would contribute significantly. Enforce regulatory measures for the collection of monthly water bills and control unauthorized connections of water supply to maintain reliability and adequacy of water to the consumer. Such regulations having the force of law are important and should also consider where consumers find it difficult to avoid payments of water charges. A Policing system would result in a better effect when along with the Q-WASA magistrates can allow imposing of fines on the spot during the inspections which find any kind of violation. For all these measures a political will is already there as all those living in Quetta are under threat of being without water. The number of authorized connections is almost same as that of the number of un-authorized connections. Thus only 50% water users are billed and out of this only half of the water users pay the bill (Q-WASA 2009, Private Com 25 Feb.) Generate political will is also required to support and to provide financial, administrative and implementing policy to the water agency to maintain water utility by further strengthening of the pipeline network and supply of water to the consumers. Ensure that management of water supply system is effective and due emphasis is placed on O&M to effectively run the water utility along with further development of water utility. In the past emphasis has been placed on development rather than management. Install meters for measurement of the amount of water supplied and used by the consumers. This will develop discipline both on the agency and the consumers. Water supply management is in fact water measurement. Without measurement reliability, adequacy and efficiency of the pipeline network cannot be maintained. This will also help to identify the water losses within the pipe network and also identify the unauthorized connections, which are almost equal to the authorized connections.
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H 2008 An improved multicriterion analysis approach to avoid subjectivity in irrigation water allocation decisions, PhD Doctorate, University of New South Wales, Sydney ϭϭϭ Appendix (A) The Questionnaires and following tables Name of Respondent: ______ Code No of questionnaire: ______ Signature/thump impression: ______ ϭϭϮ Questionnaire for the Conduct of Survey on Quetta Water Supply Research Study APPENDIX A THE QUESTINNAIRE Code No of questionnaire: ______1______ Date of Survey: ______ Duration of questionnaire: ______ Age Group (a) 20-30, (b)31-40, (c)41-50, (d)51-60, (e)61 or over Male: (a) Female: (b) Education: (a) Illiterate (b) Primary (c) High School (d) University Profession: ______ Residing type (a) Owned (b) Rental (c) Shacks ϭϭϯ Important Questions 1-How many hours a day do you expect to get, Q-WASA water from your tap in present water shortage period? (a)______ 2-Do you think water should be delivered free of cost? (a) Yes (b) No 3- From which source do you get water for yourself? (a) Groundwater (b) Water tanker (c) Q-WASA (d) Neighbour (e) Stand pipe Other ______ Water Access Part 1, 4-Do you have Q-WASA water supply connected to your house? (a) Yes (b) No If No go to Q6, 5-How many hours a day you got water at your tap last week? (a)______ 6-How many people in your family bring water manually for household needs? (a)______(b) None ϭϭϰ 7-How long does it takes each one of them to complete all the daily water collection needs of your house hold? (a) ______(b) None Code No of questionnaire: ______ Water Pricing part 2, 8-How much did you pay on average last month for your household to water tankers? (a) Pak Rs.______ 9 Are you satisfied with the current level of services of Q-WASA? (a) Yes (b) No 10-How much did you pay on average last month for water for your household to Q WASA? (a) Pak Rs.______ 11-Should water prices be increased to encourage people to use less water? (a) Yes (b) No (c) Don’t know 12-Do you think that current water pricing is fair? (a) Yes (b) No 13-Do you think it is fair to pay for a water connection by Q WASA at your house? (a) Yes (b) No ϭϭϱ 14-Do you think it is fair to have to pay for water from a tanker? (a) Yes (b) No If No then please answer the question Q15, 15-What prevent us paying water bills? (a) Religion (b) Poor water supply/reliability (c) Poor water Quality (d) Cannot afford (e) I do not want to pay (f) Other______ 16-How many times do you buy private water per week? (a) ______(b) None 17 How much do you pay each time? (a) ______(b) None Water Conservation part 3, 18-Do you leave taps open all the time, ready to catch water when it is available? (a) Yes (b) No 19-Do you have a storage tank in your house that is filled from (a) Q-WASA supply (b) From water tanker (c) Stand pipe (d) Neighbour (e) Groundwater (f) None? 20) - What is the capacity of your water storage tank? (a) Litres ______ϭϭϲ 21-Does the storage tank fulfil all your daily water needs? (a) Yes (b) No 22-Would you like to be educated on how much water you can conserve? (a) Yes (b) No 23 How can water issues can be brought to people’s attention? (a) By women at home (b) By Mullah’s at mosque (c) By both (d) By Education institutions (e) Media (f) It is not possible (g) It is not needed Water Use part4, 24-How many persons (including all children and servants) live in your house? ______ Code No of questionnaire: ______ 25-Do you boil before drinking the water you receive from Q-WASA? (a) Yes (b) No 26-Do you boil before drinking the water you receive from private sources? (a) Yes (b) No ϭϭϳ 27-Where does the water go when you dispose it at home? (a) Sewerage (b) Open ditch (c) Drop it where you are (d) Used it for growing Vegetables 28- Do you think additional water regulations (other than existing billing) will reduce water usage and wastage in Quetta? (a) Yes (b) No (c) Don’t know Questionnaire for water vendors 29-Where do you get water from? (a)Groundwater private bores (b) Groundwater public bores (c) Q-WASA stand pipe (d) Q- WASA house supply (e) other______ 30-How much do you pay for that water? Pak Rs/tank______(b) Nil 31-What is the capacity of your water tanker? (a)Litres______ 32-How many water tankers do you sell per day? (a)______ 33-Estimate the number of water tankers there are in Quetta? (a) ______ϭϭϴ Questionnaire for the Conduct of Survey on Quetta Water Supply Research Study Study Objectives: The overall objective of the study is to collect and analysis secondary and primary data related to cost recovery, reliability of water supply and equitable distribution of water to the consumers in Quetta urban areas and suggest measures for an integrated approach to improve the water supply services. Survey Purpose: This survey is part of research project to collect information about the demand for improvement in the water supply service to your household. Moreover, through this survey it could be possible to gather information about Quetta Pakistan’s people attitudes and experiences about water pricing, access, conservation and usage of Quetta Valley water. Background: The current water supply system and the rising demand for water in Quetta, Pakistan could severely affect the development of the city. That is why a person native from Quetta and scientists from the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia decided to conduct a research project that analyses the demand for freshwater and ideas for conservation of the water. ϭϭϵ Confidentiality: The information that you provide in this survey is strictly confidential. The survey is conducted by the researcher and would maintain confidentiality of all the information shared by you. The researcher would submit the findings of this research to the University of New South Wales as partial fulfilment of ME degree at the University. All the Questionnaires will be coded for the purpose of analysis and findings will be presented based on the analysis of the overall data and not the opinion of the individuals. Benefits: With your participation it will be possible to gather information about the benefits generated by improving water supply system and by the conservation of available water sources. This information would be very useful to promote the realization of project that increase the water supply for the city and that guarantee the conservation of available water resources. Risks: The researcher does not anticipate any direct risk for you by filling the questionnaire. The findings of this survey will be used to analyse the issues and identify the promising options for improvement. The purpose of the survey is not to identify investment projects it will identify the broader areas for improvements in the water supply system. There is no risk associated with this survey except the interviewee may get the feelings that some specific projects may be initiated, which is not the purpose of the survey. ϭϮϬ Use of information: This survey is part of the research on Quetta Pakistan at UNSW Sydney Australia. This research does not have any funding coming from the Quetta Pakistan, neither by any company or enterprise. The information you provide will help analyse the demand and preferences, people attitudes and experiences about water pricing, cost recovery, access to water and conservation measures for the improvements in the water supply system of Quetta Pakistan. If you have any questions or comments, please do not hesitate contacting the persons listed below Supervisor Dr. Ian Cordery School of Civil and Environmental Engineering Off: 0061 2 93855024 E-mail: Ian Cordery Supervisor Dr. Ashish Sharma School of Civil and Environmental Engineering Off: 0061 2 93855768 ϭϮϭ E-mail: [email protected] Kamran Asghar School of Civil and Environmental Engineering Off: 0061 2 93855776 E-mail: [email protected] Questionnaire Design: statement of objectives This survey aims to identify important issues affecting overall water supply reliability and is divided into five sections. individuals will be surveyed to collect data about their understanding of water issues and willingness to pay; their opinions about water pricing and their ideas for improving water services. The first section deals with household water access, cultural priorities and cultural expectations regarding water supply. The second section analyses water pricing and willingness to pay. The third section of the survey collects information on householders’ attitudes towards and knowledge of water conservation. The fourth section contains questions on awareness of water scarcity and opinions about the role of community in improving the situation. ϭϮϮ ϭϮϯ ϭϮϰ ϭϮϱ ϭϮϲ ϭϮϳ Figure 1A Appendix (A) ϭϮϴ Figure 2A Appendix (A) ϭϮϵ Figure 2B Appendix (A) ϭϯϬ Figure 3A Appendix (A) ϭϯϭ Figure 4A Appendix (A) ϭϯϮ Figure 5A Appendix (A) Note: In Figure 5A appendix (A) there are two questions which demand the reply in yes/no. ϭϯϯ Figure 6A Appendix (A) ϭϯϰ Figure 7A Appendix (A) ϭϯϱ Figure 8A Appendix (A) ϭϯϲ Figure 9A Appendix (A) ϭϯϳ Figure 10A Appendix (A) ϭϯϴ Figure 11A Appendix (A) ϭϯϵ Figure 12A Appendix (A) ϭϰϬ Figure 13A Appendix (A) ϭϰϭ Table 5.1 Appendix (A) Characteristics of survey participants in Quetta Gender Male Female Age Years 18- 25- 31- 36- 41- 46 18- 25- 31- 36- 41- 46 24 30 35 40 45 + 24 30 35 40 45 + Education None 11 14 6 10 3 9 19 14 9 5 3 4 Primary 7 9 2 6 1 3 12 5 4 3 4 2 Secondary 2 3 2 1 1 2 3 3 3 2 1 2 Graduate 1 2 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 No Response 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Employment Govt. 2 9 3 6 1 8 1 0 0 0 0 0 Company 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Self Employed 6 8 3 6 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 Labourer 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Unemployed 11 9 3 5 1 4 35 22 16 11 8 7 All numbers shown are percentages. Total number of participants 545 ϭϰϮ Table 5.2 A ppendix (A) Annual household payments for water in Pakistani rupees ($US1.0 = PKR70) Numbers obtained by extrapolating from survey sample to assumed population of 1,500,000. If actual population differs, these numbers need to be adjusted proportionally. PKR x 106 To Q-WASA for piped connections 85 To tankeroperators 328 To all private water suppliers 2740 Note The figure of PKR 85 million was generated based on assumption that around 35 % respondents pay Q-WASA monthly bills. There is no difference between water vendors and water suppliers. Both are different words for same people. Table 5.3 Appendix (A) Volumes of water supplied to households in Quetta. Source: Q-WASA (2009) and survey questionnaire Ml/day Q-WASA piped supply 11.3 Road tankers 10.6 Private wells (manual and powered pumps) unknown ϭϰϯ Table 5.4 Appendix (A) Water collection labour Number of households surveyed 545 Number of households where water collected externally 205 (38% of households) Number of people involved in water collection 478 (2.33 per household) Mean time per day spent in water collection per household 49 minutes ϭϰϰ Appendix (B) Letter of approval from ethics panel and commendation from various government departments ϭϰϱ ϭϰϲ ϭϰϳ ϭϰϴ ϭϰϵ Appendix (C) Survey data collection and responses by Government and army officials ϭϱϬ Letter of data information from Quetta Water Supply and Environment Improvement Project (QWSEIP) ϭϱϭ Letter of data information from Quetta Water And Sanitation Authority (Q-WASA) ϭϱϮ Public Health Engineering department Government of Balochistan ϭϱϯ Letter of data information from Garrison Army Service Quetta ϭϱϰ Clean drinking water for all project Government of Balochistan ϭϱϱ Appendix (D) Survey data entry verified by PhD students namely, Department of Brahui and conference publication Sanaullah Qaisar from School of Surveying and Spatial Information Systems University of New South Wales ϭϱϲ Faisal A. Khan from School of Surveying and Spatial Information Systems, University of New South Wales ϭϱϳ Khawaja Hamood ur Rehman from School of Electrical Engineering and Telecommunication University of New South Wales ϭϱϴ Adeel Razi from School of Electrical Engineering and Telecommunication University of New South Wales ϭϱϵ Najeeb Ahmad Memon from, School of Business Law and Taxation, University of New South Wales ϭϲϬ University of Balochistan Quetta Department of Brahui ϭϲϭ Cordery, I. and Asghar, K 2009, “Reasons for low access to water in expanding urban centres – the example of Quetta”, AWRA 2009 annual water resources conference Seattle, Washington, AWRA ϭϲϮ Appendix (E) Acronyms explained IUCN International Union for the Conservation of Nature GOB Government of Balochistan BWASA Balochistan water and sanitation authority Q-WASA Quetta water and sanitation authority KAREZES Ancient underground supply tunnels MCM Million cubic metres per day DIMRAC Drought Impact Mitigation and Recovery Assistance Component ϭϲϯ