Assessing the New Abe Administration in Japan
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Nishimura | Chasing the Conservative Dream Research Chasing the Conservative Dream: Why Shinzo Abe Failed to Revise the Constitution of Japan Rintaro Nishimura This paper examines the role of domestic actors in shaping Japan’s constitutional debate during Shinzo Abe’s time as prime minister. Based on a holistic analysis of the prevailing literature and the role of the public, leadership, and other political actors, this study finds that Abe was unable to garner enough support from the public or fellow lawmakers to push his version of proposed revisions to the Constitution of Japan. The paper identifies the wide spectrum of views that exist on the issue and how revising the constitution is viewed as a challenge against prevailing norms. Public opinion remains opposed to revision and the inability of lawmakers to build consensus on what to amend stymies the process further. Abe seems to have had a grasp on the political climate, opting to pursue constitutional revision largely for electoral purposes. Introduction Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced his decision to step down in August 2020.1 Japan’s longest-serving prime minister left behind a mixed legacy defined by electoral and foreign policy achievements, as well as a period of economic stagnation and string of political scandals.2 But what best defines Abe’s political career will undoubtedly be his desire, and ultimate failure, to revise the seventy-four-year-old Constitution of Japan (COJ). Although Abe’s failure to amend the COJ is often attributed to institutional hurdles, this paper argues that varying interests among domestic actors—from public resistance to militarism, to the prime minister’s agenda, and lawmakers’ scattered inter- ests regarding what exactly to amend—ultimately determined the fate of his political 1 Eric Johnston and Satoshi Sugiyama, “Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability,” Japan Times, August 28, 2020, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/08/28/national/politics-di- plomacy/shinzo-abe-resign/. -
JAPAN: the Silence Defeated Suga, As Eyes Turn Now to Kono
Asia | September 3, 2021 JAPAN: The silence defeated Suga, as eyes turn now to Kono ● Strategic silence from Abe and Aso undermined Yoshihide Suga, but the prime minister’s own gambits hastened his departure. ● Taro Kono is set to enter the race as the favorite, and Kishida may now be joined by Ishiba and other candidates. ● The LDP’s prospects for the general election will now improve, as will the likelihood of another stimulus package The dominos all fell quickly at the end. Perhaps the chief factor in Yoshihide Suga’s decision to step down from his positions as party president and prime minister was the ongoing silence of two of the kingmakers, his boss of eight years and former PM Shinzo Abe, and his current deputy PM and Finance Minister Taro Aso. Their lack of public support created the space for doubts to fester in Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) circles about whether the factionally-unaligned premier would secure the votes to repeat his unlikely victory of 12 months ago. Suga also hastened his own departure with two consequential gambits this week – first floating the idea of a snap September election that resulted in blowback from jittery party colleagues, then presenting several prominent names with a back-me-or-I’ll-sack-myself ultimatum with his plan to reshuffle top posts only weeks before the party vote. Environment Minister Junichiro Koizumi and others ultimately seem to have concluded that Suga’s offers of promotion were akin to being given front-row deck chairs on the Titanic. The leadership race opens The incumbent’s withdrawal leaves the field open in the party leadership race. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Issues for Congress
Order Code RL33436 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Updated October 5, 2006 Emma Chanlett-Avery (Coordinator) Analyst in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Mark E. Manyin Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division William H. Cooper Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Summary The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the “hardline” U.S. position in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea’s nuclear program. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. -
North Korea Challenges for the US-Japan Alliance
North Korea Challenges for the US-Japan Alliance Yuki Tatsumi Editor March 2011 North Korea Challenge for the US–Japan Alliance Yuki Tatsumi Editor March 2011 Copyright © 2010 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 978-0-9845211-7-3 Cover and book design/layout by Shawn Woodley All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from the Stimson Center. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW, 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 Fax: 202.238.9604 www.stimson.org Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms ............................................................................................. iv Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi Preface ............................................................................................................................... vii Ellen Laipson, President and CEO of the Stimson Center Introduction ..........................................................................................................................1 Alan D. Romberg and Yoshihide Soeya Chapter 1: America’s “North Korea Problem” and US–Japan Relations ............................8 Balbina Y. Hwang Chapter 2: North Korea Problems and US–Japan Relations: A View from Japan .............26 Yasuhiro Izumikawa Chapter 3: Japan–US Cooperation on North Korea: Regional Perspectives .....................44 Katsuhisa Furukawa Chapter 4: Regional Factors: -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
JPC-SED Celebrates Its 50Th Anniversary
JPC-SED celebrates its 50th anniversary The Japan Productivity Center for Socio-Economic Development (JPC-SED) commemorated its 50th anniversary with a grand ceremony at the Hotel Okura, Tokyo, 1 March 2005, which was graced by such dignitaries as Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Shoichi Nakagawa, Japan Business Federation Chairman Hiroshi Okuda, and Japanese Trade Union Confederation Chairman Kiyoshi Sasamori. Also featured were a special video- taped message from Singapore Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew and a commemorative speech by renowned architect Tadao Ando. The ceremony concluded with JPC-SED President Yasuo Sawama presenting a commemorative declaration on “Towards a Society Based on Mutual Trust and Vitality” (see box for full text). PC-SED Chairman Jiro Ushio, in his opening address, said that over the last 50 years the JPC-SED had tried its best to help the Japanese economy J remain competitive through productivity enhancement in a harmonious environment. However, the economy is now facing enormous challenges from increasing globalization, rapid emergence of information technology, and an aging society. To meet the challenges, productivity improvement in intellec- tual, social, resource, and environmental capital is necessary. This could only be achieved though the creation of trust in the nation. The JPC-SED is keen to play its part to help the nation meet the challenges. Prime Minister Koizumi, in congratulating the JPC-SED on its 50th anniver- sary, said that enhancing productivity continues to be of vital importance and there is no end to productivity improvement just as there is no end to reform. He pointed out that the JPC-SED has been playing an important role in revital- izing the Japanese economy. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
JCIE's Annual Report
JAPAN CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE 2001–2003 Annual Report GLOBAL THINKNET CIVILNET POLITICAL EXCHANGE PROGRAM TABLE OF CONTENTS President’s Message 2 CivilNet 23 JCIE Activities 5 Promoting Civil Society and Philanthropy 25 The Role of Philanthropy in Postwar U.S.-Japan Global ThinkNet 7 Relations 25 Study and Dialogue Projects 9 GrantCraft—Japanese Video Project 25 APAP Forums and Seminars 9 International Survey Project—The Civil Society Global ThinkNet Conference, Tokyo 10 Sector and NGO Activities in Asia and Europe 26 Intellectual Dialogue on Building Survey on the Status of Exchange Programs Asia’s Tomorrow 10 between the U.S. and Japan 26 A Gender Agenda: Asia-Europe Dialogue 11 Seminar Series with Civil Society Leaders 26 Russia-Japan Policy Dialogue 12 Study Mission on American Philanthropy 27 Cooperation with the Asia Pacific Philanthropy Policy-Oriented Research 13 Consortium (APPC) 27 Vision of Asia Pacific in the 21st Century 13 Facilitating Philanthropic Programs of Asia Pacific and the Global Order Overseas Foundations and Corporations 29 After September 11 13 Levi Strauss Foundation Advised Fund of JCIE 29 The Rise of China and the Changing East Asian Order 14 “Positive Lives Asia” Photo Exhibition Tour 31 Asia Pacific Security Outlook 14 Goldman Sachs Global Leaders Program 31 Force, Intervention, and Sovereignty 15 Lucent Global Science Scholars Program 32 New Perspectives on U.S.-Japan Relations 15 Civil Society and Grassroots-Level Governance for a New Century: Japanese Exchanges 33 Challenges, American Experience 16 A50 Caravan 33 The Future of Governance and the Role Asia Pacific Leadership Program in Tokyo 33 of Politicians 17 Grassroots Network 34 The Transformation of Japanese Communities Miyazaki Prefecture Commemorative and the Emerging Local Agenda 18 Symposiums on Internationalization 34 The Intellectual Infrastructure for East Asian Community-Building 18 Political Exchange Program 35 Support and Cooperation for Research and U.S.-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program 37 Dialogue 19 U.S. -
Japan's Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for The
Order Code RS22951 September 16, 2008 Japan’s Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for the United States Mark E. Manyin and Emma Chanlett-Avery Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On September 1, 2008, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stunned observers by resigning his post, saying that a new leader might be able to avoid the “political vacuum” that he faced in office. Fukuda’s 11-month tenure was marked by low approval ratings, a sputtering economy, and virtual paralysis in policymaking, as the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used its control of the Upper House of Japan’s parliament (the Diet) to delay or halt most government proposals. On September 22, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will elect a new president, who will become Japan’s third prime minister in as many years. Ex-Foreign Minister Taro Aso, a popular figure known for his conservative foreign policy credentials and support for increased deficit spending, is widely expected to win. Many analysts expect that the new premier will dissolve the Lower House and call for parliamentary elections later in the fall. As a result, Japanese policymaking is likely to enter a period of disarray, which could negatively affect several items of interest to the United States, including the passage of budgets to support the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and the renewal of legislation that authorizes the deployment of Japanese navy vessels that are refueling ships supporting U.S.-led operations in Afghanistan. This report analyzes the factors behind and implications of Japan’s current political turmoil. -
The U.S.-Japan Alliance: Review of the Guidelines for Defense Cooperation by James J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 18 The U.S.-Japan Alliance: Review of the Guidelines for Defense Cooperation by James J. Przystup Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for Technology and National Security Policy. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combat- ant commanders; to support national strategic components of the aca- demic programs at NDU; and to provide outreach to other U.S. govern- mental agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel and Secretary of State John Kerry sign document with Japanese Defense officials to improve military and diplomatic relations with Japan, Tokyo, October 3, 2013 (DOD/Erin A. Kirk-Cuomo) The U.S.-Japan Alliance The U.S.-Japan Alliance: Review of the Guidelines for Defense Coopeation By James J. Przystup Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 18 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2015 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Flash Note 30/07/2018
Flash Note 30/07/2018 Alex Fusté @AlexFusteAlex [email protected] Japan - Hard times ahead for this equity market? Bank of Japan Asset Purchase program (bond’s purchases continue): The BOJ announced the third fixed-rate JGB purchase operation this month with a yield of 0.100% after benchmark 10-year yields reached 0.110% on Monday, the highest since February 2017. Institutional investors are focusing on the next developments as super-long JGBs with a 1% yield are seen as attractive. Asset Purchase program (Equity purchases under scrutiny): The BOJ will also consider reducing investments in ETFs tracking the Nikkei 225 Stock Average because its purchases are having strong stock market distortions and outsized impact on its companies. This may suggest that hard times for this market are glimpsed on the horizon. The BOJ also revised down inflation forecasts (for the July 30-31 meeting). According to a report, inflation forecasts for FY18 will be lowered to around 1.0% from 1.3% and FY19 will be cut to mid 1.5% from 1.8%. Given the 2% inflation target is unlikely to be reached, the central bank plans to maintain its massive monetary easing policy. Financial Market Japan benchmarks closed lower Monday with the Nikkei down 0.74% and Topix down 0.43%. Topix sectors were mixed; gains were led by rubber products and banks, while oil & coal and utilities posted biggest losses. The yen edged lower against the majors. JGBs in focus again as BOJ announced another fixed- rate purchase operation. Press noted trading activity remained subdued ahead of the BOJ meeting announcements tomorrow.