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The Representation and Political Incorporation of Visible Minority Members of Provincial Parliament

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The Representation and Political Incorporation of Visible Minority Members of Provincial Parliament Hibah Sidat The Representation and Political Incorporation of Visible Minority Members of Provincial Parliament Hibah Sidat Intern, 2012-2013 Ontario Legislature Internship Programme (OLIP) Room 1303, Whitney Block 99 Wellesley Street West Queen’s Park Toronto, Ontario Phone: 416.988.8577 Email: [email protected] www.olipinterns.ca This paper is a draft and is not for attribution or distribution Paper presented at the 2013 Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Victoria, British Columbia, Thursday June 6th, 2013. 1 Hibah Sidat The Representation and Political Incorporation of Visible Minority Members of Provincial Parliament Abstract Using qualitative interviews conducted with MPPs of Ontario's 40th provincial parliament as well as one former MPP from the 33rd provincial parliament, this paper explores the representation and political incorporation of visible minority Members of Provincial Parliament at the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. This paper first explores representation using a descriptive representative model whereby it is assessed how closely the Legislative Assembly of Ontario numerically mirrors Ontario's visible minority population. Secondly, this paper explores the culture at Queen's Park and assesses to what extent it is conducive to the fullness of the experiences of visible minority MPPs. This paper investigates the perceived barriers that visible minority MPPs face in their roles as Members at the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. By analyzing the collected, this study finds that considerable but not overwhelming barriers currently exist for visible minority MPPs at the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. Introduction Canada has long carried out racial exclusion in immigrant selection, through its policy of preferred countries of origin (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.1217). Until the 1960s, Canadian immigration policy was designed to develop the country as a white settler society, and virtually all immigrants came from Britain, the United States, and Europe (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.1217). However, since the 1960s, particularly with a more open immigration policy under the Trudeau government, fewer than 20% of immigrants have come from these places (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.1217). Today, Ontario is an increasingly diverse province with a striking 22.82% of Ontarians being identified as visible minorities (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.4). For a more focused understanding of Ontario's demographic shifts, it is important to consider the enormous change in Toronto's demographics, particularly over the second half of the 20th century. Toronto has become one of the world's most immigrant, multiracial, and multicultural cities. Among the city's two and a half million residents, half are immigrants and more than four in 10 are visible minorities (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.1218). I begin this investigation from my own standpoint, reflecting on my own experiences as a young racialized woman interning at Queen's Park, and taking in the relatively homogenous cultural and socio-political landscape deeply rooted in nineteenth century traditions of British parliamentarianism. In seeking to understand the experiences of Members who may not share this cultural history, I am specifically exploring the experiences of visible minority Members of Provincial Parliament 2 Hibah Sidat at Queen’s Park. I propose to engage in a two-part analysis. First of all, I will engage in a descriptive representative study as a comparison of how closely the visible minority make-up of the Ontario Legislature mirrors that of Ontario. Through qualitative interviews, I will also engage in a small-scale exploration of the perceptions, sentiments, and experiences of visible minority MPPs in their respective roles at the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in exploring any barriers to effective political integration, representation, and incorporation. The Contentious Nature of Measuring Race: Use of the Term 'Visible Minority' The term visible minority is a distinctly Canadian invention and the official terminology in Canadian law to identify non-Caucasians and non-whites (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.2). According to Canada's Employment Equity Act (first introduced in 1986 but later amended in 1995), visible minorities refer to “all persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race and non-white in colour,” (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.2). The collection of data by the government to classify individuals by their race has had a long and somewhat controversial history in Canada. Given the contested – often ambiguous and hybrid – nature of the term visible minority, some researchers have disputed the methods or purposes of classifying race on the grounds that race is a social construct and not an essentialistic feature of human beings that can be reliably measured in order to draw meaningful conclusions (2007, Mays, p.202). It is this inherent complexity of measuring race which makes a term like 'visible minority' a problematic one. Some researchers have argued that a literal reading of the term implies that only those individuals who are not Caucasian are 'visible' and that visible minorities necessarily constitute a reductive minority (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.2). Both of these assumptions are untrue. Moreover, some Canadian municipalities consist of minority white populations. For example, within the Greater Toronto Area, visible minorities constitute the majority of the population in Markham (64%) and Brampton (57% (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.2). In 2006, almost half – 47 per cent – of Toronto’s population was non-white, up more than 10 per cent from 2001, and more than 30 per cent from 1996 (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.2). Another drawback of the term is its imposing effect on people of colour, according to the United Nations which has twice criticized Canada for this reason. In 2007, the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination deemed the term potentially discriminatory. In 2011, Canada was ordered to appear before this same committee, which produced a report stating, “It is being used at all levels of the Canadian society, homogenizing experiences of different ethnic groups. Its lack of precision may pose a barrier to effectively addressing the socio-economic gaps of different ethnic groups,” (2007, CBC News). 3 Hibah Sidat Another problem with the term is that is often lends itself to confusion. There is no singular way in which sub-groups can be drawn from the broader group 'visible minorities' (i.e. by nationality, by ethnicity, by continent, or by sub-continent). Further, certain individuals from sub-groups, such as Hispanics, may or may not fit into the visible minority category depending on their appearance and whether or not they appear to be white (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.3). Despite its complexities and contradictions, because the term remains deeply embedded in Canadian law, literature, and history, I will use the term visible minority to refer to non- Caucasians or non-whites, other than Aboriginals. Looking at the Numbers: Then and Now This study begins with a descriptive representative approach to examining visible minority representation at the Ontario Legislature. We begin by examining the composition of visible minority MPPs over each of the last fourteen parliamentary sessions, since the election of the first visible minority MPP in 1963 (Current MPPs, 2013): Visible Minorities elected to the Ontario Legislature 14 1963 - 1967 1967 - 1971 12 1971 - 1975 1975 - 1977 10 1977 - 1981 1981 - 1985 8 1985 - 1987 Number of Visible Minorities Elected 1987 - 1990 6 1990 - 1995 1995 - 1999 4 1999 - 2003 2003 - 2007 2 2007 - 2011 2011 - Present 0 Parliamentary Session 4 Hibah Sidat Visible Minorities elected to the Ontario Legislature 2011 - Present 2007 - 2011 100% 2003 - 2007 80% 1999 - 2003 Percentage 1995 - 1999 of 60% 1990 - 1995 Visible Minority MPPs 40% 1987 - 1990 1985 - 1987 20% 1981 - 1985 0% From this quantitative analysis, we see a substantive increase in visible minority representation in the House over the last 30 years. However, the presence of visible minority MPPs in the Legislature has always been drastically lower than that in broader Ontario (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.7). Currently, there are 107 seats in the Ontario Legislature and thirteen are held by visible minority members (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.8). This 12.15% of MPPs hardly compares to the 22.82% of Ontarians that are visible minorities (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.8). Focusing more specifically on the Greater Toronto Area where 40% of the population is visible minority, only 11% of GTA seats belong to visible minority MPPs (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.9). Ontario must double its visible minorities elected officials in order for provincial MPPs to mirror the province's racial profile (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.8). This is especially concerning when considering that, out of the three levels of government, provincial government has been found to be the most conducive to facilitating visible minority access to elected office (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.8). Looking more closely at the racial makeup of legislators at Queen's Park, South Asians are overrepresented at Queen's Park. South Asians hold six seats which accounts for roughly 17.83% of Members while they do not meet this proportion in broader Ontario. (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.9). Meanwhile, other major ethnic groups (Arabs, Filipinos, non-white Latin Americans, and Southeast Asians) have no representation whatsoever (Siemiatycki, 2011, p.9). 5 Hibah Sidat Moving beyond Descriptive Representation to Political Incorporation This paper
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