PERSONAL AND REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS Sanda Rîpeanu Reinheimer, Liliane Tasmowski, Andra Vasilescu, Ion Giurgea

1. Introduction 2. Grammatical Features and Paradigm 2.1. The feature composition of personal pronouns 2.2. The forms 3. Syntactic differences between strong and clitic forms 4. Strong Pronouns 5. The Grammatical Functions of Clitic Pronouns 5.1 Common Grammatical Functions of Clitic and Strong Pronouns 5.2. Grammatical functions restricted to clitics 5.3. The Clitic Doubling of Strong Pronouns 5.4. Pronominal clitics vs. Inflection 5.5. Overt and null subject pronouns 6. The Structure of Clitic Clusters 6.1. Linear orders inside the verbal cluster 6.2. Constraints on the verbal host 6.3. Pronominal Clitic Clusters 6.3.1. The Order of Co-occurring Dative and Accusative Clitics 6.3.2. Ethical Datives Co-occurring with Other Pronominal Clitics 7. Clitic Allomorphs 7.1. The Forms 7.2. The Selection of Allomorphs 7.3. The Clitic o 7.4. Verb allomorphs 8. The Semantics of Personal Pronouns (Ion Giurgea) 8.1. Co-reference 8.2.The bound variable interpretation 8.3. The interpretation of Gender 8.4. Pronouns of laziness 8.5. Genderless pronouns 8.6. Pragmatic uses (Andra Vasilescu)

1. Introduction

Personal pronouns form a closed class of elements that send to referents via grammatical features (person, number, gender). 1 st and 2 nd person singular pronouns ( eu ‘I’ and tu ‘you’) function as deictic elements that can be defined as respectively referring to the speaker and hearer. The 1 st person plural noi ‘we’ designates the speaker’s group (which may also include the hearer – what is called the inclusive reading – or not – the exclusive reading), and 2nd person plural voi ‘you’ designates a group including the hearer and excluding the speaker. Third person singular and plural pronouns ( el/ea ‘he/she’, ei/ele ‘they m./f.’) can function either as anaphoric elements (taking reference from another DP in the text, which will be referred to as the antecedent ) or as deictic elements. Reflexive pronouns are formally distinguished from personal pronouns only in the 3 rd person.

1 2. Grammatical Features and Paradigm 2.1. The feature composition of personal pronouns

Person features are complex features, which can be decomposed into ±Participant, ±Speaker and ±group. The ±Participant feature identifies the referent of the pro-form as participating or not to the dialogue. Among the pronouns marked as [+Participant] we may further distinguish between those pronouns that refer to the Speaker (or the group of the Speaker), which are marked here as [+Speaker] and those that refer to the Hearer (or his group), excluding the speaker, marked here as [-Speaker]. Each of the two classes of pronouns thus separated, namely [+Participant,+Speaker] and [+Participant,-Speaker], can be further distinguished by the Number feature, which in this case is interpreted as [Group] – hence we label it [Group]. By combining these features we obtain Persons 1 and 2 singular, characterized as [+Participant,+Speaker,-group] and [+Participant,-Speaker,-group], respectively. The +group counterparts of these pronouns correspond to Persons 1 and 2 plural. Number (singular/plural) and gender (masculine/feminine, see Table 1) oppositions characterize 3 rd person pronouns only. The following diagram summarizes the feature composition of the Romanian personal pronouns:

The personal pronoun

[+Participant] [-Participant](Person 3)

[+Speaker] [-Speaker] [singular] [plural] (Person 1) (Person 2)

[-group] [+group] [-group] [+group] [masc] [fem] [masc] [fem] (sg.) (pl.) (sg.) (pl.) eu noi tu voi el ea ei ele

The 3 rd person pronominal forms have masculine/feminine gender features, which correspond either to the gender features of their nominal antecedent, or to the sex (male/female) of their referent. The 3 rd person is also the only person to have special reflexive forms. These forms do not show any gender or number opposition, so we analyze them as [+anaph +3 rd ]. For the other persons the forms of the personal pronouns may also function as reflexive (indicating co-reference inside a minimal domain and as voice markers for inchoatives and middles). We consider therefore that +Participant pronouns are unmarked for the anaph feature .

The class of so-called ‘neuter’ nouns trigger masculine agreement in the singular, and feminine agreement in the plural; accordingly, pronouns with a “neuter” nominal antecedent are masculine in the singular and feminine in the plural:

(i) a. Am pus creionul i pe mas ă. Nu-li găsesc acum

2 Have.1SG put pencil-the.MSG on table. Not CL .3 MSG .ACC find.1SG now ‘I put the pencil on the table. I cannot find it now’

b. Am pus creioanele i pe mas ă. Nu le i, găsesc acum have.1 SG put pencils-the.FPL on table. Not CL .3 FPL .ACC find.1SG now ‘I put the pencils on the table. I cannot find them now’

Romanian does not have a special form for reference to the content of a proposition/a state of affairs. Sometimes the feminine accusative weak pronoun o is used with this meaning (see (118)-(121)), but the most common forms that fulfill this function belong to the demonstrative paradigm ( asta, aia, see Chapter 3):

(i) a. Am spus -o! have.1SG said-CL .3 FSG .ACC ‘I said it’ b. O s -o fac cu siguran Ńă will SUBJ -CL .3 FSG .ACC do with surety ‘I’ll surely do it’

No personal pronoun (clitic or strong) can stand for a predicate in Romanian (compare French, where le can function as an AdjP substitute):

(ii) sunt fericit ă/ *o sunt am happy/* CL .3 FSG .ACC am I am happy/*I am it (cf. Fr. Je suis heureuse/Je le suis)

The reflexive clitic appears not only as a pronoun wtih a reflexive interpretation, but also as a non-pronominal marker of a verbal form that has various interpretations, e.g., inchoative, middle, passive. These non-pronominal uses of SE will be examined in the second Volume.

2.2. The forms Romanian personal pronouns have two series of forms – strong/non-clitic forms and weak/ clitic forms – which differ regarding their phonologic, morphologic, syntactic and semantic- pragmatic behaviour. Romanian personal pronouns are presented in the table below: 1

STRONG FORMS CLITIC FORMS N Ac D G A (G)D 1sg eu mine mie - m( ă) [î]mi 2sg tu tine Ńie - te [î] Ńi 1pl noi noi nou ă - ne ne, ni 2pl voi voi vou ă - v( ă) v( ă), vi 3 M. el el lui lui [î]l [î]i sg F. ea ea ei ei o [î]i 3pl M. ei ei lor lor [î]i le, li F ele ele lor lor le le, li 3 Reflexive sine sie, sie i - se [î] i Table 1. The forms of personal and reflexive pronouns

The alternative forms of clitics indicated by brackets are allomorphs, which will be discussed in section 7. The forms of personal pronouns of persons 1 and 2 lack Genitive forms, with the exception of clitic forms, in the singular (which are for the most part archaic, see 3 below). These morphological gaps are filled by possessive adjectives. On the alternation between

1 For the use of certain Nominative pronouns as Vocatives, see Chapter *+*. Reflexive pronouns, which are included in Table 1 for completeness, will be presented in Section *+* of this chapter.

3 possessive adjectives (for Persons 1, 2) and genitive-marked possessive pronouns (for Person 3 sg. and pl.), see Chapter 5, section 5.

As can be seen from Table 1, the paradigm of pronouns has some instances of syncretism for both strong and clitic forms: (i) the genitive forms of 3 rd pers. sg. and pl. are homonymous with the dative forms of 3 rd pers. sg. and pl., on a par with the genitive and dative forms of nouns ; (ii) the 3 rd plural dative and genitive have identical feminine and masculine forms. In the paradigm of strong pronouns, 3 rd person pronouns have identical strong forms for the nominative and the accusative. In the clitic paradigm, there are some instances of homonymy: (î)i is both 3 rd person singular dative and 3 rd person plural masculine accusative; le is 3 rd person plural feminine accusative and also an allomorph of the 3 rd plural dative; ne, v ă are 1st /2 nd person plural accusative and allomorphs of the 1st /2nd plural person dative.

There are no nominative clitics. Rich agreement suffixes on the finite verb play the role of weak/clitic forms for nominative pronouns, see section 5.5.

3. Syntactic differences between strong and clitic forms Strong pronouns can appear in all positions where DPs can appear, namely as subjects, complements of verbs, prepositions, adjectives, adverbs, nouns or interjections:

(1) a venit Gheorghe/el has come Gheorghe/he ‘Gheorghe/He came’ (2) a. l- am văzut pe Gheorghe/pe el CL .3MSG .ACC have.1SG seen DOM Gheorghe/ DOM him ‘I saw Gheorghe/him’ b. i- am dat lui Gheorghe/lui CL .3SG .DAT have.1 SG given DAT Gheorghe/him.DAT ‘I gave to Gheorghe/him’ c. acordate studen Ńilor/ lor awarded students-the. DAT /them.DAT ‘awarded to the students/to them’ d. de adus copiilor/ lor of bring.SUP kids-the. DAT /them.DAT ‘to bring to the kids/to them’ (3) a. a venit cu so Ńia/ cu mine has come with wife-the /with me ‘he came with his wife/with me’ b. mul Ńumit ă ei thanks her.DAT ‘thanks to her’ c. în fa Ńa ei in face-the her.GEN ‘in front of her’ (4) a. tr ăsăturile specifice limbii române/ ei traits-the specific language-the.DAT Romanian/3FSG .DAT ‘the traits specific to the Romanian language/to it’ b. asemenea invita Ńilor/ nou ă similar guests-the.DAT /us.DAT ‘similar to the guests/to us’ (5) casa tat ălui/ lui house-the father-the. GEN /his.GEN ‘the father’s/his house’ (6) bravo câ tig ătorilor/ lor bravo winners-the.DAT /them.DAT ‘bravo to the winners/to them.’

4

Like DPs, strong pronouns can appear as the only overt material of an utterance, for instance in elliptical answers to questions :

(7) a. Cine a citit cartea? - Profesoara/ Ea who has read book-the teacher-the/she.NOM ‘Who read the book? – The teacher/She did’ b. Cui i- ai dat cartea ? – Profesoarei/ Ei whom.DAT CL .3SG .DAT have.2SG given book-the teacher-the.FSG .DAT / her.DAT ‘To whom did you give the book? To the teacher/To her.’

Like DPs, they can be left dislocated :

(8) Băiatului/ lui, nu vreau să -i scriu boy-the.DAT /him.DAT not want.1SG SUBJ -CL .3SG .ACC write.1 SG ‘As for the boy/him, I don’t want to write him.’

Clitic pronouns can appear in none of the syntactic environments listed above. The distinctive property of clitics is that they do not occupy a free-standing syntactic position, but instead they must attach to another element, generally the inflected verb (but also to nouns and adjectives marked with the definite article). The resulting constituent is not phrasal (in other words, the verb and the clitic do not form a VP) but instead has the status of a Head (X° element), which occupies a V-position.

The fact that clitics are not free-standing elements is supported by the following observations: (i) Clitics do not have a word accent. Note however that the word accent must be distinguished from contrastive stress, which is used with the purpose of correcting a previous assertion. The syllabic allomorphs of clitics can receive a contrastive accent of correction, which is also found on unstressed syllables inside a word (see (9)b):

(9) a. Am zis ÎMI place, nu ÎI place ‘I said I like , not HE likes’ b. Am zis intenSIOnal, nu inten łIOnal ‘I said intensional, not intentional’

(ii) Clitics have a fixed position with respect to the host, from which they cannot be separated except, in well defined circonstances, by other clitics (see sections 6-7 for the order inside clitic clusters and the distinction between syntactic and phonetic hosts):

(10) mă (*deja) vede me.CL .ACC already sees ‘he already sees me’

(iii) They cannot be coordinated or modified:

(11) a. *ne i vă vede us.CL .ACC and you.CL .ACC sees b. a luat (*doar) -o has taken only CL .3FSG .ACC c. îl (*, care mi- a zis că vine,) a tept him. CL .ACC who me.CL .DAT -has said that comes wait.1 d. *numai ÎL iube te

5 only him.CL .ACC loves

(iv) They cannot form a complete utterance on their own (in elliptical answers):

(12) Pe cine a văzut? /– * Îl DOM whom has seen him.CL .ACC ‘Whom did he see?/ – Him.’

Strong pronouns differ from clitics insofar as they are free-standing forms, which occupy a syntactic position that is independent from the position of the verb, hence the various possibilities illustrated in examples (1)-(8) at the beginning of this section. They can carry a word accent, can be coordinated and modified, can form a complete utterance:

(13) a. Ne spune mie i Ńie us.CL .DAT tells me.DAT and you.DAT ‘He is telling me and you’ b. Ne spune doar nou ă us.CL .DAT says only us.DAT ‘He is telling only us’ c. El, care nu crede he.NOM who not believes ‘He, who doesn’t believe’ d. Cui îi scrii? Ei. whom. DAT CL .3SG .DAT write.2 SG her. DAT ‘To whom are you writing? To her.’

In short, clitics never occupy the same syntactic position as strong forms: they are X 0 elements (heads) that attach to another X 0 element, while strong pronouns are free-standing constituents which have the distribution of DPs. In Romanian, clitics are canonically hosted by the inflected verb. Marginally (mostly archaic; the symbol ‘!’ notates the marked character of this type of clitic), they may also attach to nouns or adjectives bearing the definite article and to genitive-taking prepositions. When hosted by nouns or prepositions, the clitic is Genitive (see (14)a and (14)b, respectively, and chapter 5). The only case where the clitic is still used in present-day language is with the adjective propriu ‘own’ (see (14)c):

(14) a. împotriva vie Ńii / ! împotriva-i against life-the.GEN /against-CL .3 FSG .GEN b. sufletul omului /! sufletu-mi soul-the man-the. GEN /soul-the-CL .1 SG .GEN c. propria-mi mam ă own-the-CL .1SG .GEN mother

Some interjections allow Accusative clitics:

(15) a. iat ă-l lo - CL .3SG .ACC ‘There he is’ b. uite-l look -CL .3SG .ACC ‘There he is.’

6 4. Strong Pronouns In the preceding section we have shown that strong personal pronouns – as opposed to pronominal clitics – have the distribution of DPs. In this section we will show that they nevertheless resemble clitics and differ from DPs insofar as they are minimal elements, which contain only features such as Person, Number and Gender, but have no internal structure; in other words, they contain no sub-constituents. Because strong pronouns have no internal structure, they cannot be preceded by any determiner, nor by any of the elements that inside DPs occupy the position between determiners and nouns:

(16) a. acest copil /* acest el this child/* this he b. doi copii/*doi ei two children/*two them

These impossibilities indicate that determiners, as well as prenominal elements, are of necessity DP-internal, and as such they are incompatible with personal pronouns, which cannot combine with any DP-internal constituents. The only elements that can precede personal pronouns are those that precede determiners, e.g., focal particles and intensifiers :

(17) focal particles ( chiar, doar, i, tot, nici ) : a. chiar el/b ăiatul cel mare al vecinului/Ion even he/boy-the the old ART neighbour-the.GEN /John ‘even he/even the neighbour’s elder son/even John’ b. doar el/acest b ăiat/Ion ‘only he/this boy/John c. i el /bietul copil/Ion also he/poor-the child/John ‘he too/the poor child/John too’

(18) intensifiers ( însu i): însu i el / băiatul cel mare al vecinului/Ion himself he/boy-the the old ART neighbour-the.GEN /John ‘he himself/the neighbour’s elder son himself/John himself’

Postnominal constituents can be either DP-internal or DP-external. The examples below show that the former are incompatible with personal pronouns :

(19) a. b ǎiatul meu vs. *el meu boy-the my *he my ‘my son’ vs * ‘my he’ b. b ǎiatul vecinului vs. *el vecinului boy-the neighbour-the.GEN he neighbour-the.GEN ‘the neighbour’s son’ vs * ‘the neighbour’s he’ c. b ǎiatul brunet vs. *el brunet boy-the brown he brown ‘the brown (haired) boy’ vs * ‘the brown (haired) he’ d. b ǎiatul de pe banc ǎ vs. *el de pe banc ǎ boy-the of 2 on bench he of on bench ‘the boy on the bench vs *he on the bench’

2 For this use of de in Romanian see chapter 7 (Adnominal Prepositional Phrases).

7

Note that the meanings of these impossible configurations can be expressed by using special elements that are called ‘(genitival/adjectival) articles’ in the Romanian grammatical tradition:

(20) a. al meu ART .MSG my ‘mine’ b. al vecinului ART .MSG neighbour-the. MSG .GEN ‘the neighbour’s’ c. cel brunet the.MSG brown ‘the brown one’ d. cel de pe banc ă the.MSG of on bench ‘the one on the bench’

As explained in detail in Chapter 3, section 1.3, these forms can be analyzed as fused D+N heads or as Ds followed by a null N. Either way, such elements are not pro-DPs, but instead involve an N-constituent, which explains why they may combine with DP-internal arguments or modifiers. st nd rd Singular 1 and 2 person pronouns and 3 person pronouns are also incompatible with a class of modifiers which are allowed by proper nouns without a determiner: restrictive relative clauses, cel +adjective/PP, al +genitive, de-PPs. Interestingly, these modifiers may appear with plural 1 st and 2nd person pronouns:

(21) a. voi ai lui Vadim you ART .MPL GEN Vadim ‘you, Vadim’s supporters/people’ b. Gheorghe al Mariei Gheorghe ART .MSG Mary.GEN ‘Gheorghe, Maria’s husband/son’ c. *ei ai lui Vadim they ART .MPL GEN Vadim d.*el al Mariei he ART .MSG Maria.GEN e. *eu al Ioanei I ART .MSG Johanna. GEN

(22) a. Gheorghe de la mare Gheorghe of at sea ‘Gheorghe from the seaside’ b. *el de la mare ‘he of at sea’ (23) a. noi care am fost acolo we who have.1PL been there ‘we who were there’ b. Gheorghe care lucreaz ă în fabric ă Gheorghe who works in factory ‘The Gheorghe who works in the factory’ c. *el care a fost acolo/care lucreaz ă în fabric ă he who has been there/who works in factory d. *eu care am fost acolo I who have been there

8 (24) a. noi cei de tep Ńi we the.MPL smart ‘we the smart ones’ b. * el cel de tept he the.MSG smart

nd
The 2 person singular pronoun may take a de-PP only when used as a vocative:

(i) a. Tu de-acolo, ie i la tabl ă! you of-there go to blackboard ‘You over there, go to the blackboard’ b. *Te prefer pe tine de-acolo. you. CL .ACC prefer DOM you.ACC of-there ‘I prefer you over there.’

The fact that these modifiers can combine with the plural 1 st and 2nd person pronouns, and also with proper nouns without a determiner, which do not allow postnominal adjectives (see chapter 11 – Proper Nouns), suggests that they belong to a higher layer of modification, being perhaps DP-adjuncts, and the reason why they are incompatible with certain pronouns is probably that they express restrictive modification. This hypothesis leads us to the conclusion st nd that singular 1 and 2 person pronouns cannot allow restrictive modification of any sort. This follows directly from their meaning – the speaker and the addressee are unique, no predicate can be used to pick a sub-set or an individual from a larger set. Compare plural 1 st and 2nd person pronouns, which denote groups: here the restrictive modifier specifies the composition of the group containing the speaker/addressee. For 3 rd person pronouns, the explanation is less straightforward: note that the forms cel and al illustrated in (20) may be used to convey what supposedly would be the meaning of the impossible structure Pronoun + Modifier:

(25) a. cel care a fost acolo lucreaz ă în fabric ă the.MSG who has been there works in factory ‘the one who was there works in a factory’ b. (cei/ ăia) ai lui Vadim the.MPL /those ART .MPL GEN Vadim ‘the ones/those of Vadim’s’

If forms such as al and cel indeed dominate a N-constituent as stated above, they present a configuration that allows restrictive modification. Compare personal pronouns, which are pro- DP constituents, and as such cannot be used with NP-level modification. Let’s assume that restrictive modification must be expressed by NP-level modification wherever possible. Since for the 3 rd person, NP-level modification is allowed due to the existence of forms of the type cel and al , DP-adjunction to personal pronouns is excluded. DP-adjuncts may function as restrictive modifiers only in those contexts in which NP-internal modification is impossible: with plural 1 st and 2nd person pronouns and with proper nouns without a determiner (see examples 21-24).

9 The only elements with which all strong pronouns are compatible are truly DP- external elements (non-restrictive) 3:

- intensifiers ( însu i, singur, unul ):

(26) a. b ăiatul cel mare al vecinului/ Ion /el însu i boy-the the old ART neighbour-the.GEN /John /he himself ‘the neighbour’s elder son /John /he himself’ b. Ion/el singur tie ce gânde te John/he alone knows what thinks ‘Only John/he knows what’s on his mind’ c. Ion/el unul 4 John/he one-the ‘As for him /John.’

- non-restrictive relative clauses:

(27) băiatul cel mare al vecinului/ Ion/el, care a f ăcut atâta pentru noi boy-the the old ART neighbour-the.GEN /John/he, who has done many for us ‘the neighbour’s elder son/John/he, who did so much for us’

- appositive DPs (for pronouns of Person 4-5):

(28) noi/voi femeile iubim /iubi Ńi natura we/you women-the love.1PL /love.2PL nature-the ‘we/you women love nature’

That the example in (28) is built with an appositive DP is indicated by the fact that the definite article is obligatory. Compare languages such as English, French or Italian, which allow a bare noun, e.g., we linguists, nous linguistes, noi Italiani . Note that pronouns cannot function as appositions:

(29) *Femeile noi iubim natura women-the we love nature-the

Pronouns can also be modified by postposed cardinals and the universals to Ńi, tot ‘all, the whole’ and amândoi ‘both’:

(30) a. au plecat ei doi have left they two ‘these two left’

3 Adjectives following the pronoun or proper name in the examples below are not modifiers of the DP, but predicates of a small-clause (whose subject probably is a PRO co-indexed with the pronoun; see Second Volume, the chapter on Small Clauses): (i) aici este Maria/ea mireas ă here is Mary/she bride ‘this is Mary/she, as a bride’ (ii) aici este Ion/el mic here is John/he little.MSG ‘this is John/he, as a little boy ’ 4 The emphatic particle unul generally combines with 1st person singular, although 2nd and 3 rd person singular pronouns are not excluded: eu unul/tu unul/el unul (I one-the/you. SG one-the/he one-the – as for me/as for you/as for him ).

10 b. au plecat ei to Ńi have left they all ‘they all left’

With DPs, this kind of modification is excluded with cardinals, and exceptional with universals (in the normal order, the universal appears before the determiner and the cardinal in between the determiner and the noun):

(31) a. * au plecat oamenii de tep Ńi doi have left men-the smart two a’. au plecat cei doi oameni de tep Ńi have left the two people smart ‘the two smart people left’ b. ? au plecat fetele mele toate have left daughters-the my all ‘my daughters all left’ b’. au plecat toate fetele mele have left all daughters-the my ‘all my daughters left’

5. The Grammatical Functions of Clitic Pronouns 5.1 Common Grammatical Functions of Clitic and Strong Pronouns Although they never occupy the same position as DPs and strong pronouns (see above), clitics can realize the same grammatical functions as DPs and strong pronominal forms: the direct and indirect objects of verbs and verbal interjections , the dative complement of adjectives, the adnominal genitive and the genitive complement of prepositions (see 3 above on the restrictions on the use of genitive clitics):

(32) Iubesc via Ńa/O iubesc love life-the/ CL .3 FSG .ACC love ‘I love life/I love it’ (33) Acord încredere guvernului / Îi acord încredere give trust government-the. DAT /CL .3MSG .DAT give trust ‘I trust the government’ (34) Iat ă marea /Iat -o look sea-the / look-CL .3 FSG .ACC ‘Here is the sea/‘here it is’ (35) copil drag/copilul îmi este drag child dear/child-the me.CL .DAT is dear ‘dear child’/the child is dear to me’ (36) sufletul omului / sufletu -mi soul-the man-the. GEN /soul-the me.CL .GEN ‘the man’s soul’/‘my soul’ (37) în jurul copacului / în juru -i around tree-the. GEN /around CL .3 MSG .GEN ‘around the tree/around it’

To this we may add the function of dative adjuncts (benefactor or possessor). Note however that in this case a DP must be doubled by a clitic:

(38) I- am spart un vas unei prietene / I- am spart un vas CL .3SGF .DAT have.1SG broken a dish a.DAT friend(FEM )/ CL .3SG .DAT have.1SG broken a dish ‘I broke a dish to a friend/I broke one of her dishes’

11

The clitic may realize these functions only when the verb, noun or adjective qualifies as an appropriate host, and it does conflict with another clitic belonging to the same clitic cluster (see 6.3). The conditions which a verb must fulfill in order to be able to host clitics will be presented in 6.2 below. As for nouns and adjectives, the condition is that they bear the suffixal definite article.

5.2. Grammatical functions restricted to clitics Clitic forms have some specific functions, which are not found with DPs or strong pronouns. In some of these cases, strong pronouns cannot appear by themselves, and they cannot be clitic-doubled either:

(i) “Ethical Dative” (with persons 1-2 singular), showing speaker’s or hearer’s emotional involvement (no English equivalent) :

(39) a. Pe unde -mi umbli ? Over where-me.CL .DAT wander Where are you wondering? b. i Ńi -l lu ă o dat ă de grumaz! And CL .2SG .DAT him.CL .ACC grabbed once by neck! ‘And all of a sudden, he grabbed him by his neck!’

(ii) Reflexive markers, for inherent reflexive verbs, inchoatives and reflexive passives and impersonals (only the 3 rd persons have special reflexive forms, see section 2 above; for persons 1-2 and 4-5, the pronominal forms are also used as reflexives):

(40) a. Ne juc ăm /*Ne juc ăm pe noi (inherent reflexive) CL .1PL .ACC play.1 PL CL .1PL .ACC play.1PL DOM us ‘We are playing’ b. Omul s-a îngr ă at /*Omul s-a îngr ă at pe sine (inchoative SE) man-the REFL .CL .ACC -has fatten man-the REFL .CL .ACC -has fatten DOM himself ‘The man got fat’ c. S-au adus prizonierii (passive SE) REFL .CL .ACC -have brought prisoners-the ‘The prisoners were brought’ d. Se doarme bine aici (impersonal SE) REFL .CL .ACC sleeps well here ‘One can sleep well here’

(iii) In some idiomatic constructions:

(41) a. a luat-o la s ănătoasa has taken-CL .3FSG .ACC at healthy-the. FEM ‘He beat it ’ b. i d ă-i i lupt ă and give. IMPER -CL .3SG .DAT and fight.IMPER ‘He kept fighting’

5.3. The Clitic Doubling of Strong Pronouns Accusative and Dative clitics may co-occur with a DP or a strong pronoun realizing the same function. This phenomenon, which is currently referred to as ‘clitic doubling’, shows different properties depending on whether the doubled element is a DP containing a noun (see the chapter dedicated to Clitic doubling in the second volume) or a strong pronoun. Here we will

12 concentrate on the doubling of strong pronouns, which is obligatory, provided that the environment offers a host for the clitic (for configurations which do not provide such a host, see section 6.2.).

(42) a. (Le -) am dat cadouri multora/ copiilor them. CL .DAT have.1 SG given presents many.DAT /children.DAT ‘I gave presents to many people/the children’ b. *( Le -) am dat cadouri lor them. CL .DAT have.1 SG given presents them.DAT ‘I gave presents to them’ c. *( Le -) am dat cadouri lui i Monic ăi Them.CL .DAT have.1 SG given presents him.DAT and Monica.DAT ‘I gave presents to him and Monica.’

In all those contexts in which the clitic is possible, a strong pronoun can be used provided that it is doubled by the clitic. Note that clitic-doubling occurs only in the verbal domain. Compare strong Genitive pronouns, which cannot be doubled by Genitive clitics:

(43) a. * împotriva-i lui against -CL .3MSG .GEN he.GEN b. * inima-i lui heart-the-CL .3MSG .GEN he.GEN

Some of the conditions which trigger the use of a strong form alongside the clitic are formal: a strong form has to be used in order to allow modification, contrastive stress, coordination, topicalization, all of which cannot be realized by the clitic, see 3.1. above.

(44) a. îl vreau pe EL CL .3MSG .ACC want.1 SG DOM him ‘I want HIM’ b. Pe el îl tiu de mult DOM him CL .3MSG .ACC know.1 SG for long ‘I have known him for a long time’ c. îl CUNOSC pe el (postverbal topic) CL .3MSG .ACC know.1 SG DOM him ‘I KNOW him’ d. îi atept pe el i pe Maria CL .3MPL .ACC wait.1 SG DOM him and DOM Maria ‘I wait for him and Mary’ e. îl cred numai pe el CL .3MSG .ACC believe.1SG only DOM him ‘I believe only him’

Besides these constraints, strong forms may appear for purely semantic reasons: when the pronoun is deictically used, or when it has a contrastive meaning (the referent is contrasted with other referents) without carrying contrastive stress:

(45) a. întreab ă-l pe el ask. IMPER -him.CL .ACC DOM him ‘ask him over there’ (with a gesture) (deictic) b. întreab ă-l pe el, dac ă pe mine nu m ă crezi (contrastive meaning) ask. IMPER -him.CL .ACC DOM him if DOM me.ACC not me. CL .ACC believe.2SG ‘ask him, if you don’t believe me’

13 In all these cases, strong forms normally refer to humans. Exceptionally, when a strong form must be used because of modification or coordination, it can refer to a non-human entity:

(46) Nu sunt tulbur ătoare aceste analogii ? Nu v ă vine să lăsa Ńi totul balt ă pentru not are thrilling these analogies not you. CL .DAT comes SUBJ let.2PL everything puddle for a le studia doar pe ele ? (Ex. Internet) to CL .3 FPL .ACC study. INF only DOM them( F) ‘Aren’t these analogies thrilling? Don’t you feel like dropping everything in order to study only them?’

5.4. Pronominal clitics vs. Inflection Several facts support the hypothesis that Romanian clitics are inflectional elements: (i) they are functional categories that incorporate grammatical features (person, number, gender, case) (see 1. above). This is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition: see strong pronouns, which cannot be said to be inflectional elements, although they are mere bundles of features; (ii) their position with respect to the verb is fixed, rule governed (see 5. above); they appear in a cluster of X 0 elements containing verbal inflectional elements, occupying a position where no DP can appear; in this they resemble inflectional heads (for instance, clitic auxiliaries); (iii) clitics share the syntactic behaviour of inflectional elements: like inflectional morphemes, clitics are repeated on each host, even in coordination: 5

(47) a. le cump ăr i ??(le) citesc cu pl ăcere them.CL .ACC buy.1SG and them.CL .ACC read.1SG with pleasure ‘I buy them and read them with pleasure’ b. v ăzându-i i auzindu -i /*v ăzându-i i see.GER -them.CL .ACC and hear. GER -them.CL .ACC /see. GER -them. CL .3 MPL .ACC and auzind /*văzând i auzindu -i hear. GER /see. GER and hear. GER -them. CL .ACC ‘seeing them and hearing them/seeing them and hearing/seeing and hearing them’.

(iv) The clitic doubling of direct/indirect objects (see 5.3.-5.4. above) is parallel to verb – subject agreement (See Chapter *+* on Agreement). Nevertheless, there are several differences between inflectional elements and clitics: (i) Generally, all members of a lexical category take the specific inflectional morphemes of the class (almost all nouns take singular – plural morphemes; all verbs take tense – mood – person – number morphemes) while clitics occur under specific syntactic and discourse circumstances. Although direct and indirect object clitic doubling can be compared to verb- subject agreement, verb-subject agreement is general, while object doubling is lexically, semantically, morphologically and syntactically restricted. (ii) A given inflectional morpheme has a fixed position relative to the verb (see note 29 for very few exceptions), i.e., a particular morpheme is either a suffix (e.g., person or tense

5 Exceptions are possible when two (or more) semantically related verbs are coordinated, and treated as a complex action. In this case only the first pre-verbal clitic is obligatory, while others can be deleted ; deletion is not possibile with post-verbal clitics (which are more tightly connected to the verb, i.e., no element can be inserted between the verb and the clitic – see 5.1. ) : (i) le citesc i (le) recitesc tot timpul CL .3FPL .ACC read.1SG and ( CL .3FPL .ACC ) re-read.1SG all time-the ‘I’m reading them all the time, again and again’ (ii) *citind i recitindu -le tot timpul *read. GER and re-read. GER -CL .3 FPL .ACC all time-the

14 inflectional morphemes on verbs) or a prefix (e.g., derivational morphemes such as re-, des -, etc.). This is not the case with clitics: as is clear from Table 2 in the following section, the two positions labeled Clitic Pronoun 1 and Clitic Pronoun 2 can be occupied by the same clitic(s), depending on the morphosyntactic (and phonological, for the clitic o) properties of the other elements that attach to the verb. (iii) Inflectional elements cannot be separated from the verb, while some clitic adverbials can intervene between a pre-posed clitic and its verbal host (see 5.1. ).

5.5. Overt and null subject pronouns The syntactic and semantic conditions that regulate the use of strong DO and IO forms are similar to those that govern the use of pronominal subjects (which in Romanian have only strong, non-clitic forms). Romanian is a pro-drop language: nominative pronominal subjects that are anaphorically or deictically retrievable may be dropped. This possibility is correlated with the fact that the verbal inflection carries the person and number (but not gender) features of the subject: lucrez (lit. work.1SG , “I work”); lucrezi (lit. work.2SG , “you work”); lucreaz ă (lit. 6 work.3SG /PL , “he/she/it works, they work”) ; lucr ăm (lit. work.1PL , “we work”); lucra Ńi (lit. work.2PL “you work”). If we analyze subject-drop as an instance of pro (null subject) licensed by rich inflection, we can consider the null subject as a kind of weak form akin to clitics. We can also consider that the rich inflection is the correspondent of a clitic form. Either way, the alternation between null/implicit subjects and overt pronominal subjects resembles the alternation between object clitics and strong object pronouns. It should however be observed that the use of overt subjects is less restricted than the use of strong objects, a situation which is probably related to the fact that the verbal inflection does not mark gender (see (49)). Like strong pronouns in objects positions, overt subjects must be used in order to allow coordination, modification, topicalization, contrastive stress, and for deixis and contrastive meaning (when the referent is contrasted with other entities without being a contrastive focus, see ex. (48)f-g):

(48) a. El i tat ăl lui vin mâine he and father-the his come.3 PL tomorrow ‘He and his father come tomorrow’ b. Numai/chiar i eu vin only/even I come.1 ‘Only I will come/Even I will come’ c. eu VIN ‘I COME’ d. EU vin ‘I come’ e. El o s ă vin ă ‘he, over there, will come’ (deictic, with a gesture) f. Are dreptate, cred eu Has right, think.1SG I ‘He is right, I think’ g. Ion mi-a spus c ă Maria nu vine mîine. Eu cred c ă va veni . Ion ME .CL .DAT -has told that Maria not comes tomorrow I believe that will.3SG come ‘Ion told me that Maria would not come tomorrow. I think she will come.’

6 The pronominal subject is dropped even if the verbal forms do not show any gender or number distinctions : (el/ea, ei/ele) lucreaz ă.

15 The overt realization of subject pronouns is also meant to avoid gender ambiguities (since inflection does not show gender distinctions):

(49) B ăiatul i fata se Ńineau de mân ă. Ea întoarce capul. boy-the and girl-the REFL hold. IMPERF of hand she turns head-the ‘The boy and the girl were holding their hands. She turned her head.’

Overt subjects may also be used when the entity they refer to is not (yet) a discourse theme:

(50) Vom vorbi ast ăzi despre Enescu. El a fost un mare compozitor. will.1PL speak today about Enescu he has been a great composer ‘Today we will talk about Enescu. He was a great composer.’

In this case, Romanian allows pronominal subjects to refer to non-human referents:

(51) a. Când e ti b ătrân, surâzi când te gânde ti la via Ńă i la tot ce î Ńi when are.2 SG old smile.2 SG when REFL think.2SG to life and to everything what you. CL .DAT ofer ă ea . offers she ‘When you are old, you smile thinking about life and everything it has to offer you.’ b. M ă uitam la fotografia aceea îng ălbenit ă,de i ea nu îmi mai spunea nimic acum. REFL look. IMPERF .1SG at photo-the that yellow although she not me. DAT more told nothing now ‘I was looking at that yellow photo, although it was not telling me anything anymore.’

By being used as a subject, the entity which is not a discourse theme may become one (in which case we speak of topic shifting), but this is not necessary (see for instace (51)a). Pronominal subjects may also appear in imperatives:

(52) a. Vreau să citesc un roman, alege -mi tu unul frumos. Want.1SG SUBJ read.1SG a novel choose.IMPER -me.CL .DAT you one nice ‘I want to read a novel, please choose a nice one for me!’ b. Acum tu du-te i te culc ă, eu r ămân. now you go.IMPER - REFL and REFL sleep.IMPER I stay ‘Now go and sleep, I will stay.’

Overt subject pronouns of Persons 3 and 6 may double definite subject DPs, sharing the gender and number features of the subject DP. There are two types of this sort of doubling: (i) verb – doubling nominative pronoun – DP subject. The pronoun is unstressed and it immediately follows the verb.

(53) a. Vine el i tata i, n- ai grij ă ! Comes he father, not have.IMPER worry! ‘I’m warning you, dad will come soon!’ b. Bate el i Ivan i la poart ă cât [ce] poate (…), dar au prins ei j acum dracii j la

Knocks he Ivan at gate how can.3SG but have.3PL caught they now devils-the at minte (Creang ă) mind ‘Ivan knocks at the gate as hard as he can, but the devils have learned the trick.’

This construction is used to convey illocutionary forces such as threat, warning, promise, advice, concession, or to show the narrator’s involvement in the story or the surprise when confronted with an unexpected flow of events.

16 (ii)With the focal particle i: DP subject – verb – i – doubling nominative pronoun:

(54) a. Studen Ńii i au i ei i drepturile lor!

Students-the have.3 PL also they rights-the their ‘Students too have their own rights!’

b. Copiii j se joac ă i ei j pe unde pot.

Children-the REFL play.3PL also they on where can.3PL ‘Children play where they can find a place to.’

6. The Structure of Clitic Clusters 6.1. Linear orders inside the verbal cluster Let us now examine the complex constituent formed by a verb and one or more clitics, which will be referred to as the ‘verbal cluster’ below. Let us repeat that this constituent is not phrasal (in other words, the verb and the clitic do not form a VP) but instead has the status of a Head (X° element), which occupies a V-position. Besides pronominal clitics, the verbal cluster may also contain other clitics: (i) adverbial clitics ( i, tot , cam , mai , prea ); (ii) mood and tense clitics: am, ai, a, am, a Ńi, au (past tense), voi, vei, va, vom, ve Ńi, vor (future), a, ai, ar, am, a Ńi, ar (conditional), oi, oi, o, om, o Ńi, or (presumptive) , uninflected fi (fi is an invariable perfect auxiliary that is generally followed by a past participle and enters the periphrastic forms of perfect subjunctives, perfect conditionals, perfect infinitivals and perfect presumptives; in presumptives, fi can also be followed by a gerund, yielding a continuous present interpretation); (iii) the mood- complementizer particles să and a7 for the subjunctive and the infinitive, respectively; (iv) the negative adverbial clitic nu (note however that nu , unlike the other elements mentioned here can also appear as a free-standing element and bear stress, e.g., -Ai în Ńeles? -Nu! “Did you understand?” “No!”). The following table describes the relative order of clitic elements within the verbal cluster. The table illustrates the combinations of the 3sg. clitics îl (masc.) (representative for all other clitics) and o (fem.) (the position of which is special in certain auxiliary configurations) with the verb cânta ‘sing’ in the 1 st person (except for the imperative) and the clitic adverb mai “again, still, (any) more, (any) longer” :

7 In the table the abbreviations stand for: PRES- present; PC – perfect compound; IMP – imperfect; SP – simple perfect; PQP – “Plus que parfait”; FUT – future; PF – perfect; SBJ – subjunctive; COND – conditional; IMPER. – imperative; INF. – infinitive; PART. – participle; SUP. – supine; GER. – gerund, PRS – “presumptive”: a mood used for epistemic possibility.

17

MOOD NEGA CLITIC TENSE /MOOD ADV fi PF V CLITIC EXAMPLES MORPHEME TION PRONOUN 1 AUXILIARY PRONOUN 2 ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. - (ADV ) - cânt PRES - (nu)-(î)l (mai) cânt ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. (ADV ) - cântam IMPF - (nu)- (î)l(mai) cântam ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. (ADV ) - cântai PS - (nu)- (î)l (mai) cântai ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. (ADV ) - cântasem PLQPF - (nu)-(î)l (mai) cântasem ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. voi FUT (ADV ) - cânta - (nu -(î)l voi (mai) cânta ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. voi FUT (ADV ) fi cântat - (nu)-(î)l voi (mai) fi cântat ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. oi PRS (ADV ) - cânta ! o (nu) l-oi (mai) cânta [−−−o] (n-) oi (mai) cânta-o ∅ (NEG) clitic pron. oi PRS (ADV ) fi cântat/-înd ! o (nu) l-oi (mai) fi cântat [except for o] (n-) oi (mai) fi cântat-o ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. aCOND (ADV ) cânta ! o (nu) l-a (mai) cânta [except for o] (n-) a (mai) cânta-o ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. aCOND (ADV ) fi cântat ! o (nu) l-a (mai) fi cântat [except for o] (n-) a (mai) fi cântat-o ∅ (NEG ) clitic pron. am PC (ADV ) cântat ! o (nu) l-am (mai) cântat [except for o] (n-) am (mai) cântat-o A (NEG ) clitic pron. - (ADV ) fi cântat INF - a (nu)-l (mai) fi cântat Să (NEG ) clitic pron. (ADV ) fi cântat SBJ - să (nu)-l (mai) fi cântat A (NEG ) clitic pron. (ADV ) - cânta INF - a (nu)-l (mai) cânta Să (NEG ) clitic (ADV ) - cânt SBJ - să (nu)-l (mai) cânta Ńi - NEG clitic - cânta IMPER - nu-l (mai) cânta ADV - NEG clitic ( ) cânta ŃiIMPER nu-l (mai) cânta Ńi

- - - - cânta ŃiIMPER clitic (mai) cânta Ńi-l - NEG cântând GER pron. (nemai)cântându-l clitic pron. Table 2.The structure of verbal clusters

This Table shows that the order of clitic elements inside the verbal cluster is not random, but instead resembles the order of free-standing functional constituents such as Comp(lementizers), Mood V. Regarding pronominal clitics, Table 2 shows that they may appear in two positions, labelled CLITIC PRONOUN 1 and CLITIC PRONOUN 2. The first of these positions, which is occupied by most Romanian clitics (including reflexive clitics), is the 3 rd slot of the verbal cluster, which is separated from the (lexical) verb by adverbial clitics and auxiliary clitics. st CLITIC PRONOUN 2, which is the 1 slot to the right of the verb, is the position where clitics appear in more restricted contexts: (i) for all clitics, this is their position in affirmative imperatives and gerunds; (ii) for the feminine accusative singular clitic o, this is its position in those clusters that contain an auxiliary beginning with a vowel: am v ăzut-o, a vedea-o, *o am văzut, *o a vedea. The postverbal position of the clitic o must at least partially be due to some phonetic constraint which prohibits the adjacency of two vowels: * o oi, *o a , *o am . Note however that this phonetic prohibition is not absolute, since sequences of this type are allowed (viz. obligatory) whenever the verb following the clitic is not an auxiliary: o am cu mine ‘[I] her have with me’ (see below 7.2.-7.3.). Because of its very special properties (and its dependence on phonetic factors), the postverbal position of o has been marked by ! in the table. If the verb is preceded by the future auxiliary voi , the clitic o stays preferentially before voi ( o voi vedea ‘..’) but it may optionally follow the main verb (? voi vedea-o ‘..’).

Apart from the regular să subjunctive, for the 3 rd person, spoken Romanian allows a less frequently used subjunctive, “the subjunctive without să”. The function of this subjunctive form is close to the function of the English 3 rd person imperative ( let him…, let it…, let them ) or to the English subjunctive ( may you… ). In this morpho-syntactic context, the pronominal clitic is in the postverbal position, which is clearly correlated with the absence of să.

18 (i) a. arz ă-l focul burn.3 SG .SUBJ -him. CL fire-the ‘let fire burn him’ b. zic ă-le tell.3 SG .SUBJ -them.CL .DAT ‘let him tell them’

The indicative past and optative auxiliaries ( am, ai, a, etc. and a , ai, ar , etc.) and the future auxiliary (voi, vei, va , etc.) can display auxiliary –verb inversion, in which case the clitic pronoun occupies the position between the verb and the auxiliary, keeping its position relative to the auxiliary.

(ii) a. l-a cânta > cânta-l-a – ‘I would sing it’; b. v-am dat > datu-v-am – ‘I have given you.’

These structures are archaic. Rarely, with a few verbs, reflexive clitic – verb inversion is possible with simple tenses also: mi se pare > pare-(mi-)se (“it seems (to me)”) ; se zice > zice-se ( “they say”). The inversion emphasizes the dubitative meaning of the structure.

Apart from the verbal forms in Table 2 , two more future forms are available in Romanian, called periphrastic future forms: (i) am (1SG ), ai (2SG ), are (3SG )8+ subjunctive; (ii) o (uninflected) + subjunctive:

(55) am să lucrez/ ai să lucrezi/ are să lucreze have.1SG SUBJ work.1SG /have.2SG SUBJ work.2SG / has SUBJ work.3SG .SUBJ ‘I’ll work/you’ll work/he’ll work’ (56) o să lucrez /o să lucrezi /o s ă lucreze / o s ă lucr ăm/ will SUBJ work.1SG /will SUBJ work.2SG / will SUBJ work.3SG .SUBJ /will SUBJ work.1PL / o s ă lucra Ńi /o s ă lucreze will SUBJ work.2PL /will SUBJ work.3PL .SUBJ ‘I’ll work/you’ll work/he’ll work/we’ll work/you’ll work/they’ll work.’

In these structures, the auxiliary belongs to the same verbal cluster as the subjunctive, as shown by several syntactic tests, which indicate a strong internal cohesion (comparable to that of periphrastic forms built with an infinitival or a past participle) and the lack of autonomy of the subjunctive that enters into the structure: a lexical subject cannot intervene between the auxiliary and the subjunctive ( *are Maria s ă vin ă ‘has Mary SUBJ come.3SG .SUBJ ’, *o Maria să vin ă ‘FUT Mary SUBJ come.3SG .SUBJ ’); the insertion of a negative clitic in front of the subjunctive is blocked (* Maria are s ă nu vin ă ‘Mary has SUBJ not come.3SG .SUBJ ’, * Maria o să nu vin ă ‘Mary FUT SUBJ not come.3SG .SUBJ ’); in this construction the negation must precede the auxiliary. The positions of pronominal and non-pronominal clitics in periphrastic future structures nevertheless show that the syntactic host of clitics is the lexical verb (in the subjunctive) rather than the auxiliary:

(NEG) am/ai/are să clitic (ADV) Vfin (nu) am s ă-l (mai) cânt (NEG) o să clitic (ADV) Vfin (nu) o s ă-l (mai) cânt Table 3. The structure of verbal clusters within periphrastic future forms

6.2. Constraints on the verbal host In the verbal domain, clitics may attach to (i) a finite verb, (ii) a finite auxiliary, (iii) a non- finite verb introduced by the infinitival particle a or (iv) a verb bearing the gerund inflection

8 The paradigm of this periphrastic future form is incomplete, being available only for persons 1, 2, 3sg.

19 -nd . Verbs which do not satisfy these conditions, e.g., participles or supines, cannot host clitics. In all these contexts, only a strong pronominal form can be used:

(57) a. cărŃile date nou ă books-the given us.DAT ‘the books given to us’ a’. *c ărŃile date-ne/ ne- date book-the given-us. CL .DAT /us.CL .DAT -given b. de trimis lor toate informa Ńiile of sent. SUP them.DAT all informations-the ‘to send them all the pieces of information’ b’.*de trimis-îi toate informa Ńiile /* de-i trimis toate informa Ńiile of sent. SUP -him. CL .DAT all informations-the/of-him. CL .DAT sent all informations-the

The attachment of clitics to infinitivals lacking the particle a is subject to syntactic constraints. We must indeed distinguish between infinitivals that are complements of the modal a putea ‘can, may’ (58)a and infinitival embedded interrogatives (58)b-c. The former do not allow clitics, whereas the latter allow them:

(58) a. *Pot îl vedea. can.1SG CL .3MSG .ACC see. INF b. N-am cu cine -l lăsa not-have.1SG with whom-CL .3MSG .ACC leave. INF “There’s nobody I can leave it with” c. N-am cui i -l da not-have.1SG whom.DAT CL .3MSG .DAT - CL .3MSG .ACC give. INF “There’s nobody I can give it to”

The difference between participles, supines and infinitival VP-complements embedded under a putea on the one hand, and a-infinitivals, gerunds and infinitival interrogatives on the other hand indicate that cliticization is not sensitive to the morphological distinction between finite and non-finite moods, but rather to some syntactic distinction that is only loosely correlated with (non-)finiteness. (see Chapter *+* in volume 2). There are two contexts which allow for a clitic to be hosted by a verb or verbal complex that is higher than the non-finite verb or adjective of which the clitic is an argument: the verb a putea ‘can’ combining with a bare infinitive, i.e., not preceded by the particle a9 (see (59)a) and copular verbs. In this latter case, the clitic may be the argument of a participle (see (59)b), or of an adjective (see (59)c-d). Due to the nature of copular constructions, only dative clitics appear in this context (adjectives and passive participles do not take accusative complements):

(59) a. îl pot (deja) vedea CL .3SGM .ACC can.1SG already see.INF ‘I can already see him’ b. mi- a fost încredin Ńat ă din gre eal ă me. CL .DAT -has been entrusted by mistake ‘She has been entrusted to me by mistake’ c. îi este drag ă /îi este superioar ă

9 The verb a putea can also be built with the subjunctive (as all other raising and control verbs in Romanian, see Chapter *+* in volume 2). In this case, the clitic attaches to the subjunctive: (i) nu pot s ă -l v ăd not can.1 SUBJ -him.CL .ACC see.1

20 CL .3SG .DAT is dear.FSG /CL .3SG .DAT is superior.MSG ‘She is dear to him/her /She is superior to him/her’ d.i- a devenit indispensabil ă CL .3SG .DAT -has become indispensable.FSG ‘It became indispensable to him/her.’

Pronominal clitics also attach to auxiliaries other than the passive fi ‘be’ (see the elements that appear in Table 2 under Tense/Mood Auxiliary). But these auxiliaries are themselves clitics, belonging to the same verbal cluster as the lexical verb (from which they can be separated only by other clitic elements).

Coordinated verbal clusters need special mention. In principle, clitics must be repeated before each of the conjuncts (see (47) above). However, for certain pairs of verbs with related meanings, if the clitic cluster contains an auxiliary, it is possible (although somewhat marginal) to drop the whole cluster before the second conjunct:

(60) a.i- am văzut i auzit CL .3PL .ACC -have.1SG seen and heard ‘I saw and heard them’ b. înainte de a-l citi i în Ńelege before of to-CL .3 MSG .ACC read.INF and understand.INF ‘before reading and understanding it’

It is completely impossible to drop only part of the clitic cluster:

(61) a. l-am citit i*(-l) voi în Ńelege CL .3 MSG .ACC -have.1SG read and CL .3 MSG .ACC will.1 SG understand ‘I read it and I will understand it’ b. i-am văzut i *(i-) am auzit CL .3PL .ACC -have.1 SG seen and CL .3PL .ACC have.1SG heard

6.3. Pronominal Clitic Clusters 6.3.1. The Order of Co-occurring Dative and Accusative Clitics Regardless of their position relative to the verb (pre- or post-posed), clitic pronouns form a syntactic unit inside which the order of clitics is fixed, and no insertion is allowed. The unmarked order of clitics is Dative pronominal (or reflexive) clitic + Accusative pronominal (or reflexive) clitic.

(62) a. mi -l dă me. CL .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC gives ‘(S)he is giving it to me’ b. i l- am adus CL .3SG .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC have.1SG brought ‘I brought it to him’ c. ni le prezint ă us.CL .DAT CL .3FPL .ACC introduces ‘(S)he is introducing them to us’ d. i l- a luat CL .REFL .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC has.3SG taken ‘(S)he took it for himself’ e. li se pare them.CL .DAT CL .REFL . ACC seem ‘It seems to them.’

21

Clusters made up of two clitics marked with the same morphological case (two datives or two accusatives) are excluded. In the special case of ditransitive verbs, only the [+human] NP can be substituted by a clitic, not the [-human] NP:

(63) a. Ion îl înva Ńă pe Petre o poezie John CL .3MSG .ACC teaches DOM Peter a poem ‘John is teaching Peter a poem’ b. Ion îl înva Ńă o poezie John CL .3MSG .ACC teaches a poem ‘John is teaching him a poem’ c. *Ion o înva Ńă pe Petre John CL .3 FSG .ACC teaches DOM Peter d. *Ion o îl înva Ńă /*Ion l - o înva Ńă John CL .3 FSG .ACC CL .3MSG .ACC teaches/John CL .3MSG .ACC -CL .3 FSG .ACC teaches

6.3.2. Ethical Datives Co-occurring with Other Pronominal Clitics Ethical Dative clitics (see 5.2. above) are an exception to the rule above: they can co-occur with indirect object dative clitics, and are placed in front of the indirect object dative; two ethical datives (ethical dative person 1 and ethical dative person 2) can co-occur within the same clitic cluster, in the following order: Ethical Dative(1st sg) > Ethical Dative(2 nd sg) > Dative clitic (indirect object) :

(64) a. Mi -i aduce împ ăratului merele me. CL .DAT CL .3SG .DAT brings emperor-the apples-the b. łi -i aduce împ ăratului merele you.CL .DAT CL .3SG .DAT brings emperor-the.DAT apples-the c. Mi Ńi -i aduce împ ăratului merele me.CL .DAT you.CL .DAT CL .3SG .DAT brings emperor-the.DAT apples-the ‘He brings the apples to the king.’

Ethical dative(s) can co-occur with direct object accusative clitics as well, in the following st nd order: Ethical Dative (1 sg) > Ethical Dative (2 sg) > Accusative clitic (direct object):

(65) a. Mi -l arunc ă vr ăjitoarea peste apte codri! me. CL .DAT CL .3MSG .ACC threw.3SG witch-the over seven woods b. łi -l arunc ă vr ăjitoarea peste apte codri! you. CL .DAT CL .3MSG .ACC threw.3SG witch-the over seven woods c. Mi Ńi -l arunc ă vr ăjitoarea peste apte codri! me. CL .DAT you. CL .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC threw.3SG witch-the over seven woods ‘The witch threw it over seven woods.’

In clitic clusters containing an ethical dative, direct object accusative clitics are in complementary distribution with indirect object dative clitics, i.e., a clitic cluster containing ethical dative clitics, indirect object dative clitics and direct object accusative clitics is not allowed.

6.3.3. Person Constraints The following person constraints occur in Dative – Accusative clitic clusters:

(i) Two clitics marked for the same person except the 3 rd or two reflexive clitics cannot co-occur in the same clitic cluster:

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(66) a. *mi mă arat ă me. CL .DAT me.CL .ACC shows b. *Ńi vă arat ă CL .2SG .DAT CL .2PL .ACC shows c. *ni mă arat ă we. CL .DAT me. CL .ACC shows d. *vi te arat ă CL .2PL .DAT CL .2SG .ACC shows e. *i se arat ă CL .REFL .DAT CL .REFL .ACC shows

(ii) Accusative clitics for persons 1sg., 1pl., 2pl. cannot co-occur with referential dative clitics:

(67) a.*Ńi mă recomand ă CL .2SG .DAT me. CL .ACC recommends b. *Ńi ne recomand ă CL .2SG .DAT us. CL .ACC recommends c. *mi vă recomand ă me. CL .DAT CL .2PL .ACC recommends d. *i vă recomand ă CL .3SG .DAT CL .2PL .ACC recommends

To avoid such clusters, datives show up as strong pronouns, placed after the verb:

(68) a. vă recomand ă mie CL .2PL .ACC recommends me.DAT ‘(s)he recommends you to me’ b.mă recomand ă Ńie me. CL .ACC recommends you( SG ).DAT ‘(s)he recommends me to you’ c. ne recomand ă Ńie us. CL .ACC recommends you(SG ).DAT ‘(s)he recommends us to you’ d.vă recomand ă lui/ ei CL .2PL .ACC reccommends him. DAT /her.DAT ‘(s)he recommends us to him/her’

Accusative referential clitics for persons 2sg. and 3 can co-occur with referential dative clitics provided that they do not violate rule (i):

(69) a. mi te prezint ă me. CL .DAT CL .2SG .ACC introduces ‘he is recommending me to you’ b. ni te recomand ă us. CL .DAT CL .2SG .ACC recommends ‘he is recommending you to us’

The table below presents all possible Dative - Accusative clitic clusters:

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Acc mă te ne vă l o i le se Dat mi - + - - + + + + + Ńi - - - - + + + + + ne/ni - + - - + + + + + v( ă)/vi - - - - + + + + + i - + - - + + + + + le/li - + - - + + + + + i - + - - + + + + - Table 4. Dative – accusative clitic clusters

7. Clitic Allomorphs 7.1. The Forms Sandhi phenomena affect pronominal clitics in specific morpho-phonologic contexts producing a large number of clitic allomorphs. The selection of allomorphs is determined by three factors: a) the phonetic context in which the clitic occurs (specifically, the final sound of the preceding word and the initial sound of the next word); b) the position of the clitic relative to other elements of the verbal cluster (other clitics, auxiliaries, the lexical verb); c) the register (formal/informal, colloquial).

Clitic allomorphs are presented in the table bellow:

DATIVE ACCUSATIVE SYLLABIC ASYLLABIC SYLLABIC ASYLLABIC Inside Outside Clitic Pre- Post- Pre- Post- Clitic Clusters nuclear nuclear nuclear nuclear Clusters

1sg. mi [mi] îmi [ îmi] mi [m }] mi [m i] mă [m ə] m [m] 2sg. Ńi [tsi] îŃi [ îts i] Ńi [ts }] Ńi [ts i] te [te] te [t é] 1pl. ni [ni] ne [ne] ne [n é] ne [ne] ne [n é] 2pl. vi [vi] vă [v ə] v [v] vă [v ə] v [v] 3sg. M i [i] îi [ îj] i [ }] i [ }] îl [ îl] l [l] l [l] 3sg. F i [i] îi [ îj] i [ }] i [ }] o [o] 3pl. M li [li] le [le] le [l é] îi [ î}] i [ }] i [ }] 3pl. F li [li] le [le] le [l é] le [le] le [l é] Reflexive i [shi] îi [ îsh i] i [sh }] i [sh i] se [se] s [s] Table 5. Pronominal clitic allomorphs 10

The table reads as follows: 1. Clitic allomorphs can be syllabic (i.e., they form a syllable all by themselves) or asyllabic (they need a phonetic host in order to form a syllable). We will call the use of an asyllabic form phonetic cliticisation , and the word which provides the syllabic nucleus phonetic host .

10 The phonetic notations in the table read as follows: 1. [i] = asyllabic post-consonantal i (cf. noun plural endings and verb inflections for the 2 nd person) 2. [é] = semi-vowel corresponding to e, that forms two frequent Romanian diphthongs [ éa] and [ éo]. 3. [}] = semi-vowel corresponding to i. 4. [∂] = central, mid-open vowel 5. [î] = central, closed vowel

24 2. Dative syllabic allomorphs have two distinct phonological structures, depending on the context in which they occur, i.e. inside or outside clitic clusters (the term “clitic cluster” is used to refer to a sequence of several pronominal clitics): outside clitic clusters, singular forms and the 3 rd person reflexive take an initial epenthetic î- that becomes the vocalic nucleus of the syllable. Inside clitic clusters, all syllabic forms end in the vowel i (which replaces the vowels e and ă of the (syllabic) 1 st and 2 nd plural). Epenthetic î- also occurs with Accusative clitics for the masculine 3 rd Person (both numbers). 3. Asyllabic allomorphs form a syllable with the initial/final vowel of the phonetic host; the vowel of the phonetic host is the nucleus of the newly formed syllable. Taking into account the position of the clitic relative to its phonetic host, asyllabic clitic allomorphs are: (i) prenuclear (they precede the phonetic host) and (ii) postnuclear (they follow the phonetic host). 4. Prenuclear allomorphs are either (i) consonants (e.g. m-, v-, l-) forming a syllable with the initial vowel of the host or (ii) biphonemic sequences with a final segment forming a diphthong with the vowel of the host (e.g. m}-, n é-). 5. Postnuclear allomorphs are either (i) consonants or semi-consonantal segments (e.g. -l, -}) or (ii) biphonemic sequences with a final asyllabic vocalic segment (e.g. -mi). Asyllabic allomorphs are signaled by a hyphen:

(70) a. Mi- a spus/ m- a vǎzut/ i- a spus /l- a vǎzut/ me.CL .DAT has told/me.CL .ACC has seen/ CL .3SGDAT has told/ CL .3MSG .ACC has seen/ ne- a spus/ ne- a v ăzut us.CL .DAT -has told/us.CL .ACC -has seen ‘she told me/he saw me/ he told him/her/ he saw him/he told us/he saw us’ b. a-l aduce /a -i da / a-i aminti to-CL .3MSG .ACC bring. INF /to-CL .3SG .DAT give. INF /to-REFL .DAT remember.INF ‘to bring it/to give him/to remember’

The hyphen also marks postverbal clitics, no matter if they are asyllabic or not:

(71) a. ia -mă take. IMPER .2 SG -me.CL .ACC ‘take me’ b. ia -l take. IMPER .2 SG -CL .3MSG .ACC ‘take it’

In this case the hyphen signals the cohesion between the verb and the clitic which can give rise to some changes in the phonologic shape of the verb (see 6.4. above).

7.2. The Selection of Allomorphs Depending on the position inside the verbal cluster, the selection of an asyllabic allomorph may be obligatory or optional. Obligatory selection of a prenuclear asyllabic allomorph (phonetic cliticisation) occurs in the following situations: (i) If the clitic precedes an auxiliary verb that starts with a vowel (in this case, the auxiliary is the phonetic host):

(72) a. Mi- a spus/ m- a vǎzut/ i- a spus /l- a v ǎzut/ me. CL .DAT has told/me.CL .ACC has seen/ CL .3SGDAT has told/ CL .3MSG .ACC has seen/ ne- a spus/ ne- a v ăzut us.CL .DAT -has told/us.CL .ACC -has seen

25 ‘he told me/he saw me/he told him/her/ he saw him/he told us/he saw us’ b. mi l- a dat/ vi le - a adus me. CL .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC -has given/you. CL .DAT CL .3 FPL .ACC -has brought ‘he gave it to me/he brought them to you’

(ii) If the clitic is a dative followed by the accusative clitic o:

(73) a. mi -o spune /i -o spune/ ne -o spune me. CL .DAT -CL .3 FSG .ACC tells/him. CL .DAT -CL .3 FSG .ACC tells/us. CL .DAT -CL .3 SGF .ACC tells ‘he tells it to me/he tells it to him/her /he tells it to us’ spune -mi -o /spune-i -o /spune-ne -o tell-me. CL .DAT -CL .3 FSG .ACC /tell-him. CL .DAT -CL .3FSG .ACC /tell -us. CL .DAT - CL .3 FSG .ACC ‘tell it to me/tell it to him/her/ tell it to us’

Obligatory selection of a postnuclear asyllabic allomorph occurs in the following situations: (iii) The clitic follows the lexical verb and is not inside a clitic cluster; in this case, the verb is the phonetic host:

(74) ia-l /ia-Ńi [iats i] /dă-i [d ə}] take. IMPER -CL .3 MSG .ACC take- CL .2SG .DAT give-CL .3 SG .DAT

(iv) The clitic is accusative and follows a dative clitic. In this case, if the clitic does not fall under rule (i) (does not precede an auxiliary starting in a vowel, cf. (72)b), the phonetic host is the dative clitic :

(75) a. mi-l d ă me. CL .DAT -CL .3 MSG .ACC gives ‘(s)he gives it to me’ b. dă-mi-l give. IMPER -me. CL .DAT - CL .3 MSG .ACC ‘give it to me’

If the conditions listed above are not fulfilled, phonetic cliticisation is optional: an asyllabic allomorph may be used if the clitic precedes or follows a vowel belonging to another word (this word serves then as phonetic host): (v) Prenuclear allomorphs (with the exception of the 3 rd person masculine singular l) may be used when the clitic precedes a lexical verb starting in a vowel (in which case the phonetic host is the verb):

(76) îi aduce/ i-aduce CL .3SG .DAT brings ‘(s)he brings him/her’

The use of the asyllabic allomorph l of 3 rd person masculine singular is marginal, confined to substandard varieties:

(77) ! l- aude/?? l- arde /?? l- are CL .3MSG .ACC hears/CL .3 MSG .ACC burns/CL .3MSG .ACC has ‘(s)he hears it’/‘(s)he burns it’/‘(s)he has it’

(vi) Postnuclear allomorphs may appear after: non-pronominal clitics (the negation nu , the subjunctive morpheme să, the infinitive morpheme a) and other words with a vocalic ending (nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, conjunctions) immediately preceding the clitic:

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(78) a. nu îmi place/ nu-mi place not me.CL .DAT likes ‘I don’t like’ b. sǎ îi dau / sǎ-i dau SUBJ CL .3SG .DAT give.1SG ‘to give him’ c. a îl vedea / a-l vedea to him. CL .ACC see. INF ‘to see him’ c. fata îi dă o carte / fata-i d ă o carte girl-the CL .3SG .DAT gives a book ‘the girl gives him/her a book’ d. care î Ńi place/ care-Ńi place ‘which CL .2SG .DAT like’ ‘the one you like’ e. aa î i spune/ aa-i spune ‘so CL .REFL .DAT tells’ ‘that’s the way he calls himself’

The use of the asyllabic allomorph is specific to the spoken language.The asyllabic allomorph may also attach to the ending -u of masculine definite singular, which is written -ul but in which the consonant -l is usually not pronounced:

(79) omul îl iart ă / omu’l iart ă man-the CL .3MSG .ACC forgives ‘the man forgives him’

(vii) When the conditions for optional cliticization are met both to the left and to the right of the clitic (vowel adjacency condition), left cliticization is preferred:

(80) nu îi aduce /nu-i aduce/nu i-aduce not CL .3SG .DAT brings ‘(s)he doesn’t bring him/her’

(viii) Clitics followed by another pronominal clitic cannot undergo optional phonetic cliticisation:

(81) a. nu i l- a dat /*nu-i l-a dat not CL .3SG .DAT CL .3 MSG .ACC -has given ‘(s)he didn’t give to him’ b. să mi se spun ă /*s ă-mi se spun ă SUBJ me. CL .DAT REFL .ACC tell.3 SG .SUBJ ‘to have been told’

Besides the selection of asyllabic allomorphs, which is always dependent on the phonetic environment, there is, as can be seen in Table 5, an instance of allomorphy which is only dependent on the syntactic environment: (ix) In clitic clusters, when followed by clitics other than accusative o, special syllabic dative allomorphs ending in -i occur:

(82) a. mi se spune me. CL .DAT CL .REFL .ACC tells

27 ‘I am told’ b. ni te prezint ǎ us. CL .DAT CL .2SG .ACC introduces ‘They introduce you to us’ c. i le cere CL .3SG .DAT CL .3 FPL .ACC asks ‘(s)he is asking him/her for them’ d. spunându-mi-se tell. GER -me.CL .DAT -CL .REFL .ACC ‘having been told’ e. prezentându-ni-te introduce. GER -us. CL .DAT - CL .2SG .ACC ‘introducing you to us’ f. cere -i -le ask. IMPER .2 SG .-CL .3 SG .DAT -CL .3 FPL .ACC ‘ask him/her for them’

The following generalizations emerge from the aforementioned rules: (i) the selection of a specific allomorph is obligatory in enclisis (for postverbal clitics), when the clitic is followed by another pronominal or auxiliary clitic or when it is preceded by another pronominal clitic; (ii) dative clitics have special forms in clitic clusters, and their shape is not affected by the preceding phonetic environment. The various allomorphs in Table 5 can be derived from a simpler list of underlying forms if we make the following assumptions: (i) clitic forms may be underlyingly assylabic or syllabic; (ii) epenthetic î- is added to asyllabic forms when the environment does not provide a phonetic host; (iii) a linking vowel -i- is added between two pronominal clitics if the second one begins with a consonant; this vowel replaces the vowel of the underlying form of the first clitic; (iv) syllabic forms may become asyllabic by apocope or diphthong formation only before another vowel. Based on (ii), it can be established that singular and 3 rd reflexive dative clitics are underlyingly asyllabic ( mi, Ńi, }, i), as well as the 3 rd masculine accusative (both numbers) ( l and }). Note that these are the only clitics which have postnuclear asyllabic allomorphs. The fact that the other clitics do not have postnuclear asyllabic allomorphs is explained by (iv), which restricts the formation of an asyllabic allomorph by apocope or diphthong formation to the prevocalic context. Assumption (iii) explains the dative allomorphs in -i-. The underlying forms of the clitics according to this analysis are presented in the table below:

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DATIVE ACCUSATIVE

1sg. mi mə 2sg. ts i te 1pl. ne ne 2pl. və və 3sg. M } l 3sg. F } o 3pl. M le } 3pl. F le le Table 6. Underlying clitic forms

To sum up, the fact that the very same forms which have allomorphs beginning with î- also have postnuclear asyllabic allomorphs gives strong support to the idea that some clitics are underlyingly asyllabic and others are underlyingly syllabic.

7.3. The Clitic o O (3 rd person singular, feminine, accusative) has a special status, compared to all the other pronominal clitics: it is always the vocalic centre of the syllable it forms alone or in combination with other phonetic segments; it has no allomorphs; it triggers phonetic changes at the end of the forms on which it cliticizes. Phonetic changes obligatorily occur if o is post-verbal and the verb ends in a vowel. This vowel is either apocopated or turned into a semivowel:

(83) a. cânt ă + o → cânt-o ‘sing it’ sing. IMPER .2SG b. terge + o → terge-o [ éo] ‘beat it’ wipe. IMPER .2SG c. trece Ńi + o → trece Ńi-o [}o] ‘pass it’ pass-IMPER .2PL

If o is preverbal, it may trigger the deletion or transformation into a semivowel of a preceding vowel of a different word:

(84) a. să o iau /s-o iau SUBJ CL .3 FSG .ACC take.1SG ‘to take it’ b. nu o tiu /n-o tiu not CL .3 FSG .ACC know.1 SG ‘I don’t know it’ c. pe care o vrei/ pe care-o vrei DOM which CL .3 FSG .ACC want.2SG ‘the one you want’

7.4. Verb allomorphs Beside the combination with the clitic o illustrated in the previous section (see (91) above), verbal forms may undergo other changes in combination with postverbal clitics. These changes are specific to certain paradigmatic forms: (i) The asyllabic i for the plural imperative becomes asyllabic:

(85) a. da Ńi [dats i]

29 give. IMPER .2 PL ‘Give!’ b. da Ńi -l [dátsil] give. IMPER .2 PL -CL .3 MSG .ACC ‘Give it!’ c. daŃi -ne [dátsine] give. IMPER .2 PL -us. CL .DAT ‘Give us!’

(ii) The gerund receives a syllabic -u- before clitics that start with a consonant or with a semivowel:

(86) a. văzând [v əzînd] see.GER b. văzîndu -i [v əzîndu }] see.GER -them. CL .ACC ‘seeing them’ c. văzându -mă [v əzîndum ə] see.GER -me. CL .ACC ‘seeing me’

(iii) 3d rd conjugation imperatives ending in -i change this vowel into -e:

(87) a.treci pass. IMPER .2 SG ‘pass’ b. trece-l pass. IMPER .2 SG .-CL .3 MSG .ACC ‘pass it’

8. The interpretation of personal and reflexive pronouns (Ion Giurgea) In this section we discuss the interpretation of personal and reflexive pronouns, concentrating on the types of relations between pronouns and their antecedents. As mentioned in the Introduction, pronouns are either deictic or anaphoric. Participant pronouns are deictic, sending to their referents via the Person feature (for the interpretation of this feature, see sections 1 and 2). 3 rd person pronouns may be anaphoric – taking reference by establishing an anaphoric relation with another DP in the text –, deictic – taking reference from an entity present in the communication situation – or evocative – referring to an entity present in the common background of the speaker and the hearer. The evocative use may be considered an instance of remote deixis.

8.1. Co-reference Pronouns may take reference from an expression present in the text, called the antecedent . Co-reference with an antecedent (called referential anaphora ) is found not only with personal pronouns, but with other definite phrases (demonstratives, definite DPs, pronominal adverbs). The relation between personal pronouns and their antecedents differs from the anaphoric relation found with the other definite DPs in several respects, which concern locality: (i) Personal pronouns may be c-commanded by their antecedent, other DPs cannot do so:

(88) a. Ion i crede c ă pro i va lua un premiu/că îl i vor numi director Ion believes that will.3SG win a prize that him. CL .AC will.3PL appoint manager ‘Ion believes he will win a prize/ they will appoint him manager’

30 b. * Ion i/*El i crede că Ion i va lua un premiu/că pe Ion i îl vor numi director Ion/ he believes that Ion will win a prize/ that DOM Ion him. CL .AC will.3PL appoint manager ‘Ion believes Ion will win a prize/ they will appoint Ion manager’ c. *Ion i/*El i crede că acesta i va lua un premiu/că pe acesta i îl vor numi Ion/ he believes that this-one will win a prize/that DOM this-one him. CL .AC will.3PL appoint director manager ‘Ion believes this one will win a prize/ they will appoint this one manager.’

When the relation is local – the co-referring forms are in the same governing domain, or they are co-arguments – special forms are used for the 3rd person, the so-called reflexive pronouns (see section 2 above). The special reflexive forms are obligatory for clitics; as strong forms, besides the special reflexive forms, personal (non-reflexive) pronouns may also be used, often reinforced with the element însu i, îns ă i etc., forming what is called the ‘emphatic pronoun’:

(89) a. Ion i se i/* îl i iube te pe sine i/pe el i însu i Ion CL .REFL .ACC /him. CL .AC loves DOM himself /DOM him. ACC self b. Ion i se i iube te numai pe el i Ion CL .REFL .ACC loves only DOM him. ACC c. Maria i î ii/* îi i dedic ă o poezie (chiar ei i) Maria CL .REFL .DAT /her. CL .DAT dedicate a poem (even her. DAT )

The special reflexive forms (including the strong ones) are also obligatory when the antecedent is an arbitrary null pronoun/arbitrary implicit argument of a nominal:

(90) dragostea de sine love-the of himself

(ii) Personal pronouns may precede the antecedent provided that they are in the same sentence with it and not c-commanded by it 11 :

(91) a. Când l i- am văzut, Mircea i purta o p ălărie larg ă when him. CL .ACC-have.1 seen Mircea wore a hat large ‘When I saw him, Mircea was wearing a large hat’ b. *Când l- am văzut pe acesta i, Mircea i purta o p ălărie larg ă when him. CL .ACC-have.1 seen DOM this-one Mircea wore a hat large

Note that in such contexts the pronoun must have the weak (viz. null) form (whenever a weak form is available); compare (92)b, where a strong form must be used because weak forms cannot appear after prepositions:

(92) a. Când pro i/*el i e în secretariat, decanul i st ă tot timpul în picioare when he is in secretariate dean-the stays all time-the on foot ‘When he’s in the secretariate, the dean always stands’ b. Când m- am întalnit cu el, Ion era beat when REFL -have.1 SG meet with him Ion was drunk ‘When I met him, John was drunk’

11 If the term ‘antecedent’ is understood as literally meaning ‘preceding’, the co-referring DP would rather be called ‘subsequent’. However, the current use of calling the ‘anaphoric source’ ‘antecedent’ is well-founded: the pronoun can be interpreted only after the ‘antecedent’ has been interpreted, so we may speak of some sort of anteriority as far as interpretation is concerned.

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8.2 The bound variable interpretation The antecedent of the pronoun may be quantificational, in which case the translates as a variable bound by that quantifier. This is traditionally represented via co-indexing, although the relation is clearly different from co-reference, since in this case the pronoun is not referential (it does not pick out a certain entity in the world):

(93) a. [Nici un copil] i nu a venit cu tat ăl lui i no child not has come with father-the his ‘No child came with his father’ ¬∃x (child(x) ^ x came with x’s father) b. Am vorbit despre [fiecare copil] i cu p ărin Ńii lui i have spoken about every child with parents-the his ‘I talked about every child with his parents’

Other DPs may also function as bound variables, provided that their antecedent does not c- command them at surface structure (which is ruled out by the constraint described in (i) in the previous sub-section). In the logical representation, the operator must c-command the variable, but this representation may be obtained by covert raising:

(94) Mihai a vorbit cu [fiecare b ăiat] i despre p ărin Ńii băiatului i/acestuia i Mihai has spoken with every boy about parents-the boy-the. GEN /this-one. GEN ‘Mihai talked to every boy about the boy’s parents/this one’s parents.’

The bound variable reading is found not only with quantificational antecedents, but also with referential antecedents. Consider the following:

(95) Ion i nu mai vorbe te cu sora lui i i nici Victor. Ion not more speaks with sister-the his and neither Victor ‘Ion doesn’t speak with his sister any longer and neither does Victor’

This sentence has two interpretations, one in which Victor doesn’t speak any longer with Ion’s sister (called the strict reading) and one in which he doesn’t speak to his own sister (the sloppy reading). The strict reading can be explained by assuming that at Logical Form the ellipsis site is filled by copying the missing material:

(96) Ion i nu mai vorbe te cu sora lui i i nici Victor nu mai vorbe te cu sora lui i Ion not more speaks with sister-the his and neither Victor not more speaks with sister-the his ‘Ion doesn’t speak with his sister any longer and Victor too doesn’t speak with his sister any longer.’

But the sloppy interpretation cannot be read off this representation, because the index on the second lui is the same as the index on Ion . To derive the sloppy reading, we have to interpret the ellided predicate as “not speak with one’s (own) sister”, which is written as in (97), where the pronoun lui is interpreted as a bound variable:

(97) λx ( ¬ (speak-with (x, x’s sister)))

The sloppy reading may now be represented as in (98):

(98) Ion λx ( ¬ (speak-with (x, x’s sister))) and Victor λx (¬ (speak-with (x, x’s sister)))

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The possibility of these two readings – strict and sloppy – also appears when the antecedent is modified by focal particles such as only and even . Sentences containing these particles have as a part of their meaning (either as an entailment or as a presupposition) a proposition which contains a quantifier in the position of the DP to which the particle is attached. In this proposition, a pronoun co-indexed with the DP may be co-referential to this DP (the strict reading) or may be analyzed as a variable bound by the quantifier which replaces the DP (the sloppy reading):

(99) Numai Maria i sper ă c ă Liviu o i iube te only Maria hopes that Liviu her. CL .ACC loves ‘Only Maria hopes that Liviu loves her’ (i) Interpretation corresponding to the strict reading: ‘Maria hopes that Liviu loves her and and all the other women (except for Maria) don’t hope Liviu loves Maria’ … & ∀x (x in a contextually defined group) (¬(x hopes Liviu loves Maria)) Representation of the sentence: (ONLY Maria) λx (x hopes Liviu loves Maria) (ii) Interpretation corresponding to the sloppy reading: ‘All the other women (except for Maria) don’t hope Liviu loves them’ … & ∀x (x in a contextually defined group) (¬(x hopes Liviu loves x)) Representation of the sentence: (ONLY Maria) λx (x hopes Liviu loves x) (sloppy reading)

The bound variable reading is not limited to 3 rd person pronouns. Sentence (100), containing a 2 nd person pronoun, has a strict reading, in which the others don’t think that God sees the addressee, and a sloppy reading, in which the others don’t think that God sees themselves:

(100) Numai tu crezi că Dumnezeu te prive te only you believe that God you. CL .ACC looks

This shows that even for participant pronouns, the Person feature does not necessarily contribute direct reference. When the antecedent is modified by a focal particle, a participant pronoun, e.g., 2 nd person, may translate as a variable that gets bound by the quantifier that replaces the antecedent in the LF representation. There is evidence that the bound variable reading for participant pronouns requires an agreement relation between the antecedent and the pronoun. The evidence comes from relative sentences modifying the antecedent. In sentences of the type in (101), the bound variable reading is only possible if the verb inside the relative clause agrees with the participant pronoun antecedent (via subject-predicate agreement and pivot-relative pronoun agreement):

(101) a. pro 1sg Sunt singurul care am grij ă de copilul meu Bound variable reading possible am only-the which have.1 SG care of child-the my ‘I’m the only one who care(s) about my/his children’ b. pro 1sg Sunt singurul care are grij ă de copilul meu *Bound variable reading am only-the which has care of child-the my ‘I’m the only one who cares about my children.’

To conclude, the Participant feature is not referentially interpreted when an Agree relation is established between the co-indexed DPs.

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8.3 The interpretation of Gender The gender feature of pronouns may either reflect properties of the referent (masculine for male human beings, feminine for female human beings) or of the noun by which the antecedent was introduced in the discourse or which denotes the category to which a salient referent not previously mentioned can be subsumed (in the case of deixis). Let’s first examin deixis. When referring to animate entities (humans or animals with distinguishable sex), gender directly reflects a property of the referent (sex) ((102)a). But for inanimates and animals with non-distinguishable sex, gender is not directly interpretable in Romanian. In this case, the gender of the pronoun is the gender of the noun which would have been used to refer to that entity if a non-pronominal DP had been chosen:

(102) a. (pointing to a man): Mi se pare că îl cunosc me.CL .DAT REFL seems that him. CL .ACC know.1SG ‘It seems to me that I know him’ b. (pointing to a pear, Rom. par ă , feminine): Mănânc -o ! eat. IMPER .2 SG CL .3FSG .ACC ‘Eat it’ = M ănânc ă para ! eat.IMPER .2 SG pear-the( F) ‘Eat the pear!’

Romanian nouns have three gender classes: masculine, feminine and a third class usually called ‘neuter’, which triggers masculine agreement in the singular and feminine agreement in the plural. For referents which fall under a concept expressed by a neuter noun, the pronouns used are also masculine in the singular and feminine in the plural:

(103) a. (pointing to an apple, Rom. măr ‘neuter’ – hence, masculine in the singular) Mănânc ă -l ! eat. IMPER .2 SG CL .3 MSG .ACC b. (pointing to some apples, Rom. măr ‘neuter’ – hence, feminine in the plural) Mănânc ă -le ! eat. IMPER .2 SG CL .3 FPL .ACC

The absence of special neuter pronominal forms supports the idea that Romanian has only two values of the category Gender, Masculine and Feminine, and that a three-fold distinction is only found in nominal classes, which should be distinguished from Gender (see Introduction). In the contexts where pronouns distinguish strong and weak forms, strong forms are interpreted as animate, except for nominative overt subjects (see sections 5.3.-5.5. above). In the case of deixis, the condition is stronger: all strong forms, including subjects and objects of prepositions, must refer to humans:

(104) (pointing to a desk, Romanian birou ‘neuter’, i.e. masculine in the singular): a. # Scriu pe el write.1SG on 3MSG .ACC ‘I’m writing on it’ (‘on that desk’) b. (# El) a fost cump ărat anul trecut 3MSG .NOM has been bought year-the last ‘It has been bought last year’

For anaphoric pronouns (pronouns with an antecedent present in the discourse) gender

34 behaves likewise. But there is a further situation to consider besides those examined before: some nouns, although referring to humans, have a grammatical gender conflicting with the natural gender – for instance ordonan Ńă ‘orderly’, feminine, but normally applied to males. In this case the pronoun may have either the natural gender or the grammatical gender of the antecedent (see (106)). It has been observed that across languages when the distance between the antecedent and the pronoun increases, natural gender is preferred.

(105) Am adus sticla i. Am pus -oi pe mas ă. have.1SG brought bottle( F)-the have.1SG put-CL .3 FSG .ACC on table ‘I brought the bottle. I put it on the table’ (106) a. Ordonan Ńai a băut cu fra Ńii ei i/ lui i orderly-the has drunk with brothers-the her/his b. Întâi a intrat ordonan Ńai. Dup ă ea i/el i au intrat ceilal Ńi first has entered orderly-the after him/her have entered the-others ‘First, the orderly entered. After him the others entered’

Note that in the bound variable reading, grammatical gender is prefered or even obligatory:

(107) a. Nici o ordonan Ńă i n- a vorbit cu rudele ??lui i/ei i no orderly not -has spoken with relatives-the his/her No orderly spoke with his relatives’ b. Numai ordonan Ńai a vorbit cu fratele lui i ?? sloppy reading only orderly-the has spoken with brother-the his ‘Only the orderly talked to his brother’. c. Numai ordonan Ńai a vorbit cu fratele lui i ?? sloppy reading only orderly-the has spoken with brother-the her

This suggests that natural gender forces a referential reading. The use of grammatical gender in pronouns shows that their interpretation involves not only indices and reference to entities, but also a relation to a nominal expression (a nominal concept). This is a type of anaphoric relation different from co-reference and bound variable reading. This relation, which is also found in nominal ellipsis and pro-N (see chapter 3, section 1.3), may be called nominal anaphora . It is an instance of identity-of-sense anaphora , also encountered in verbal ellipsis and non-referential pro-forms such as the pro- adjective/pro-adverb aa ‘so’. Here are some examples of nominal ellipsis:

(108) a. Cau Ńi o ciocolat ă? Uite sunt acolo dou ă [ Ne] [Ne]= ciocolate look-for.2SG a chocolate( F) look are there two. F ‘Are you looking for a chocolate? Look, there are two over there’ b. (looking to some hats, Romanian pălărie – feminine) Am i eu una [ Ne] a a [Ne] = pălărie have.1 also I one.FSG like-that ‘I too have one like that’

In (108)b, we see that the ‘anaphoric source’ of noun ellipsis may be a salient concept in the extralinguistic context, so nominal pro-forms can be used in a sort of ‘deictic’ way (this type of anaphoric source has been called by some researchers pragmatic antecedent ). On the assumption that pronouns with conventional gender involve nominal ellipsis, the existence of pragmatic antecedents in nominal ellipsis explains the use of grammatical gender in deictic 3 rd person pronouns (see (102)-(103) above). We may consider that anaphoric personal pronouns, in the context [[D[NP]] i … Pron i, are interpreted as [THE[NP]] i. The index can be represented as an identity predicate λx.x=v(i)

35 (where v(i) is the value the variable assignment function v assigns to i), combining with the NP by predicate intersection and then combining with the iota operator (see chapter 3 part 2 Semantics of determiners for the semantics of the definite article). This rule also works for bound variable pronouns. We have seen that sometimes even definite DPs with overt nouns function as bound variables (see (94)), so we need a rule to interpret them as bound anyway.

8.4. Pronouns of laziness There are pronouns which are related to their antecedent only by nominal anaphora – they neither co-refer with their antecedent nor are they bound by it. So in their case we simply have [D[NP]]...Pron → [D[NP]]…[THE[NP]], without any index. These are called pronouns of laziness or paycheck-pronouns , after the example by which they have been introduced in the linguistic literature 12 . The name pronouns of laziness expresses the idea that these pronouns are only used in order not to repeat an NP rather than for pointing to the same referent. A typical example are pronouns whose antecedent contains a bound variable. In Romanian this variable typically appears as a possessive dative clitic, outside the DP:

(109) Ion i ii- a luat ma ina (lui i). Maria j ( ij-) a lăsat -o acas ă Ion CL .REFL .DAT -has taken car( F)-the his Maria CL .REFL .DAT -has let- CL .3 FSG .ACC home ‘John took his car. Mary left it home’

In (109) o in the second sentence refers to Maria’s car, not to Ion’s car. The pronoun is interpreted by retrieving the NP of its antecedent – ma in ă a lui x ‘x’s car’ –. In the first sentence x is a variable bound by Ion, in the second sentence it is bound by Maria. Another type of pronouns of laziness involves antecedents which are part of an idiom: although they are definite DPs, they do not refer. The pronoun is interpreted by recovering the NP of the antecedent:

(110) Iar i- a sărit Ńand ăra . Poate o să -mi sar ă pro i mie again CL .3SG .DAT -has bursted sliver-the maybe will SUBJ -me. CL .DAT burst also me. DAT ‘Ion flew off the handle again. Perhaps I’ll do too’.

Another case in which the pronoun does not have the same reference as the antecedent is when the antecedent is non-generic and the pronoun is used generically (in the following example, agreement on the verb and the predicative adjective shows that the pro subject is 3 rd person masculine plural, taking the gender of the antecedent and showing the plural of genericity):

(111) A: Am v ăzut un arpe . B: Vezi c ă pro pot fi periculo i have.1 seen a snake( M) see that can.3 PL be dangerous. MPL ‘A: I saw a snake. B: Take care, they may be dangerous’.

A similar situation appears in examples of the type in (120), where the personal pronoun is interpreted referentially – ‘the cows’ in a certain region where we know that cows must be present – whereas the antecedent is used non-referentially, only contributing the noun ‘cow’:

(112) N-am văzut nicio vac ă. Probabil Ńă ranii le băgaser ă în grajduri not-have.1SG seen no cow probably peasants-the CL .FPL .ACC had-put in stables ‘I didn’t see any cow. The peasants must have put them in stables’

12 The example, due to Karttunen (1966), is the following: (i) The man who gave his paycheque to his wife was wiser than the man who gave it to his mistress

36 Nominal anaphora may also be considered to be responsible for a type of non-referential pronouns called donkey pronouns. In this case pronouns appear in the nuclear scope of a quantificational operator and their antecedents are narrow scope indefinites that occur in the restrictive term of the operator. In this configuration, the pronoun is not C-commanded by the antecedent, and therefore it cannot be bound by it:

(113) a. Oricine scrie o carte vrea ca lumea s -o citeasc ă. whoever writes a book( F) wants that people SUBJ -CL .3FSG .ACC read.3 SG .SUBJ ‘Whoever writes a book wants people to read it’ b. Dac ă cineva g ăse te un bagaj pierdut , pro să -l aduc ă aici if somebody finds a luggage( NEUT ) lost SUBJ -CL .3MSG . ACC bring.3SG .SUBJ here ‘If somebody finds a lost luggage, he should bring it here’

The dependency of these pronouns on the quantificational operator may be represented using a situation variable inside the descriptive content of the pronoun:

(114) in all situations s in which some person finds a lost luggage, the unique person x in s should bring the unique lost luggage x in s

The possibility that definite descriptions have a variable interpretation, co-varying with a situation operator, even if they do not contain in their descriptive content an explicit variable, is proven by examples such as the following:

(i) Every time I took the bus to the University, the conductor was a woman.

In this example the definite DP “the conductor” does not refer to a single individual, but to an individual which may differ from a situation of taking the bus to another; the use of the definite article is justified by the fact that in all of these situations there is one and only one individual which satisfies the description “conductor”.

DPs with overt nouns too can be used as ‘ donkey anaphorae’, which gives support to the proposal of explaining donkey -pronouns by nominal anaphora:

(115) Când se întâlnesc o pisic ă i un câine , pisica în general fuge de câine when REFL meet.3PL a cat and a dog cat-the in general runs from dog-the ‘When a cat and a dog meet, usually the cat flees from the dog’

8.5. Genderless pronouns We have seen that gender in pronouns reflects the gender of the nominal antecedent (where ‘antecedent’ is understood in the broad sense, including ‘pragmatic antecedents’) except for humans and animals with distinguishable sex, where it can also reflect a property of the referent (the sex). There are however entities which are neither human nor fall under a nominal concept: this is the case with propositional contents or unidentified (uncathegorized) objects. In order to refer to entities of this type, neuter gender is used in those languages that have it. Romanian, which has only two values for the Gender feature (see above), uses some forms which are arguably genderless, as we have shown for the demonstrative asta, aia in chapter 3 (see section 1.7). Among personal pronouns, the null subject pro (which we treat here as a weak form of the nominative, see above) may be used both for a propositional content and for an unidentified perceptual object:

(116) A: [Zice [c ă va câ tiga alegerile] i]j B: Pro i/j e imposibil. says that will win elections-the is impossible ‘A: He says he will win the elections. B: It’s impossible’ (117) A: Ce e aia? B: Nu tiu ce o fi pro dar pro n-arat ă bine

37 what is that not know what may be but not-looks good ‘A: What’s that? B: I don’t know what it is but it doesn’t look good’

Reference to a propositional content may also be expressed by using the accusative feminine clitic:

(118) a. Nici nu-mi vine s-o spun not-even not-me. CL .DAT comes SUBJ -CL .3 FSG .ACC say.1SG ‘I don’t even feel like saying it’ b. Uite, am făcut-o look have.1SG did-CL .FSG .ACC ‘Look, I did it’ c. N-am crezut-o pân ă nu mi -a ar ătat fotografia not-have.1SG believed-CL .FSG .ACC until not me. CL .DAT -has shown photo-the ‘I didn’t believe it until (s)he showed me the photo’

Although possible, the use of a pronominal clitic resuming a proposition is more restricted in Romanian compared to western Romance languages. In many cases, Romanian uses instead either object drop or the neuter demonstrative:

(119) a. Je le souhaite/je l’ espère French I CL .3 MSG .ACC wish/I CL .3MCL .ACC-hope b. * O doresc/* O sper (with o standing for a proposition) Romanian CL .3FSG .ACC wish.1SG /CL .3FSG .ACC hope.1SG c. Sper (asta) hope.1SG this ‘I hope so’ d. Doresc asta wish.1SG this ‘I want this’ (120) a. Je l’ admets French I CL .3 MSG .ACC admit b. (??O) admit Romanian CL .3 FSG .ACC admit.1SG

If topicalized, the neuter demonstrative can be doubled by the feminine singular clitic (in the structure known as Clitic Left Dislocation, see second Volume 2):

(121) a. M- a concediat, asta nu-mi vine s- o cred me.CL .ACC -has fired this not-me.CL .DAT comes SUBJ -CL .3 FSG .ACC believe.1SG ‘(S)he fired me, I can’t believe it’ b. Te ajut, asta o fac pentru tine CL .2SG .ACC help.1SG this CL .3 FSG .ACC do.1 SG for you ‘I will help you, I’ll do that for you’

8.6. Special (pragmatic) interpretations of some pronominal forms (Andra Vasilescu) 8.6.1. Generic uses Contextually, 2 nd person singular pronouns, including null subjects, may take a generic reading:

(122) Pro nu po Ńi prevedea totul not can.2SG predict.INF everything ‘One cannot predict everything.’

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8.6.2. Person deviations : Person deviations can attach supplementary discourse values to personal pronouns: (i) solidarity plural: we for he

(123) (A lady speaking with her interlocutor about her puppy) (I. L Caragiale, Bubico ) Noi suntem b ăie Ńi bine crescu Ńi. Noi nu suntem mojici ca Bismark. we are boys well-educated we not are rude like Bismark ‘We behave ourselves. We are not rude like Bismark.’

(ii) inclusive plural, as positive politeness strategy: we for you

(124) Ast ăzi o să facem curat în cas ă (an instruction given to the housecleaner) today will SUBJ make.1PL clean in house ‘Today we will clean the house’

The 1st person plural instead of the 2 nd singular may also appear when addressing to children, as an empathetic use (see (iv) below).

(iii) speaker-agent dissociation (speech act: threaten; expressive) she for I, you for I:

(125) Te căptu ete ea , mătu a M ărioara . (I. Creang ă, Amintiri ) REFL .2 SG .ACC she aunt Mărioara

39 ‘She will teach you a good lesson, aunt Mary’ (says aunt Mary). (126) Apoi las ă -Ńi, băiete , satul cu tot farmecul frumuse Ńilor lui, then let. IMPER .2SG .-CL .2SG .DAT boy. VOC village-the with all charm-the beauties-the. GEN its i pas ă de te du în loc str ăin i a e dep ărtat, dac ă te las ă and care that CL .2SG .ACC go. IMPER .2 SG in place foreign and so remote if CL .2SG .ACC lets pârdalnica de inim ă. damned-the of heart ‘And now, boy, leave your native village with all the charm of its beauties and start for so remote foreign places, if your damned heart lets you do it’ (writes the narrator, a character in the story)

(iv) empathetic use (speaker – agent): I for you

(127) Eu sunt b ăie Ńel cuminte i mă sp ăl pe din Ńi în fiecare zi (a mother about her son) I am boy. DIM well-behaved a me. ACC .CL wash.1SG on teeth in every day ‘I am a good boy and I brush my teeth every day’

We for you when adressing to children:

(128) Ce facem, ne- am murd ărit? what do.1PL REFL -have.1PL dirtied ‘What are we doing, have we got dirty?’

(v) power distance plural: we for I :

(129) Noi , comisarul sec Ńiei 55, dup ă reclama Ńia părŃilor… (I. L. Caragiale, Opere ) we officer-the section-the. GEN 55 after complaint-the sides-the. GEN ‘We , the police officer of the 55 th Dept, having heard the complaints of the sides…’

(vi) modesty plural: we for I:

(130) Unde ai plecat, mo ule? – Mergem i noi la târg. (Slavici) where have.2 SG gone old-man. VOC go.1PL also we to fair ‘Where are you going, old man? – We are going to the fair’

(vii) the author’s plural: we for I:

(131) Vom discuta mai întâi structura (54)b, care selecteaz ă interpretarea non-specific ă, will.1PL discuss first structure-the which selects interpretation-the non-specific rezultând conform ipotezei noastre în urma aplic ării RQ resulting according hypothesis-the. DAT our in consequence application-the. GEN QR (Carmen Dobrovie Sorin, Sintaxa limbii române ) ‘We will first discuss structure (54)b, which has a non-specific interpretation, resulting, according to our hypothesis, from applying QR.’

(viii) collectivism plural: we for I (in collectivistic cultures, instead of assuming a point of view speakers prefer a plural form to evoke a group experience):

(132) –– Ce p ărere ave Ńi despre anun Ńata vizită la Bucure ti a pre edintelui what opinion have.2PL (POLITE ) about announced-the visit to Bucharest ART president-the.GEN Bush? Bush –– Suntem ferici Ńi c ă, dup ă atâ Ńia ani, americanii se uit ă i spre noi , are.1 PL glad that after many years Americans-the REFL look also towards us

40 spre Ńara noastr ă. towards country-the our ‘What do you think about president Bush’s announced visit to Bucharest?/ - We are glad that after so many years the Americans seem interested in us, in our country.’

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