ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 36 Miroslava Martina Eds. Reviewers: Hlinčíková Sekulová Assoc. Prof. PhDr. Alexandra Bitušíková, PhD (Department of Social Studies and Ethnology, Globe Faculty of Arts, Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, Slovakia) Mgr. Ing. Miloslav Bahna, PhD (Institute of Sociology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia) in Motion ❷

Authors: © Rafael Ahlskog, Martina Bolečeková, Martina Chrančoková, Zsolt Gál, Miroslava Hlinčíková, Pär Nyman, Barbora Olejárová, Mădălina Rogoz, Martina Sekulová, Michal Smrek, Gabriel Weibl, 2019

Language Proofs © Mgr. Judita Takáčová

Graphic Design and Layout © Matúš Hnát

All rights reserved. Short sections of the text not exceeding two paragraphs, may be quoted in the original language without explicit permission, provided that the source is acknowledged. Opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone.

© Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava 2019

Publishing house: Marenčin PT, spol. s r. o. Printed by Finidr, s. r. o., Český Těšín

ISBN 978-80-970975-9-2 (hardback) ISBN 978-80-973372-0-9 (PDF) DOI 10.31577/2019.9788097337209

This Volume is an Output of the EU Interreg Danube Transnational Programme 2014–2020 project Danube Region Information Platform for Economic Integration of Migrants (DRIM, Multiple No. DTP 1-1-183-4.1), co-funded by European Funds ERDF, IPA and ENI. Shades of Migration: Regional Perspectives CONTRIBUTORS CONtenT

� Rafael Ahlskog � Barbora Olejárová 6 Foreword 82 ❺ The Tacit Knowledge of Slovak Department of Government, Uppsala Ministry of Defence of the Slovak Miroslava Hlinčíková Migrants University, Uppsala, Sweden Republic, Bratislava, Martina Sekulová Martina Chrančoková Slovak Republic � Martina Bolečeková 8 Executive Summary 100 ❻ Fiscal Balance of Immigration Matej Bel University, Faculty of Political � Mădălina Rogoz in the Light of the EU's Refugee Sciences and International Relations, International Centre for Migration 14 ❶ Editorial: The Challenges of the Crisis Banská Bystrica, Slovak Republic Policy Development, Vienna, Changing Reality Zsolt Gál Austria Miroslava Hlinčíková � Martina Chrančoková and Martina Sekulová 126 ❼ Risk, Uncertainty and the Role Centre of Social and Psychological � Martina Sekulová of Serendipity in International Sciences, Bratislava, Slovak Republic Institute of Ethnology and Social 24 ❷ Securitization of Migration in the Student Mobility Anthropology, Slovak Academy Slovak Republic Gabriel Weibl � Zsolt Gál of Sciences, Bratislava, Martina Bolečeková Department of Politology, Faculty of Slovak Republic and Barbora Olejárová 146 About the Authors Art, Comenius University, Bratislava, Slovak Republic � Michal Smrek 46 ❸ The Fiscal Effects of EU Migration Department of Government, to Slovakia � Miroslava Hlinčíková Uppsala University, Uppsala, Rafael Ahlskog, Pär Nyman Institute of Ethnology and Social Sweden and Michal Smrek Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovak Republic � Gabriel Weibl 62 ❹ Meeting the Care Needs in Sending Institute for Forecasting, Centre of Countries as a Result of Care mobility: � Pär Nyman Social and Psychological Sciences, Examples from Romania and Slovakia Department of Government, Uppsala Slovak Academy of Sciences, Mădălina Rogoz University, Uppsala, Sweden Bratislava, Slovak Republic and Martina Sekulová 6 foreword foreword 7

Migration is an important component This book follows up on the earlier was to enhance the capacity of public professionalism during the process of contemporary societies. Along with volume Globe in Motion. Patterns of institutions for promoting migrants' of proofreading, and especially for his the growing extent of migration and its International Migration: Similarities economic integration, which was creative and smooth cooperation. diversity across the globe, the need to and Differences (Divinský & Zachar understood as fair access to employ- understand the phenomena and the Podolinská, Eds., 2018), published at ment, work and skills enhancement. Last, but not least, we would like to subsequent importance of the scientific the end of 2018. All of the papers were DRIM aimed to achieve its objectives express our special thanks to all the examination of migration increases collected at the same time, however, through improved information sharing authors for their creativity and invaluable too. The publication Globe in Motion 2. due their extent and diversity, we chose by public institutions in response to contributions, flexible communication Multiple Shades of Migration: Regional to publish them as a separate volume the needs of migrants. and professional cooperation without Perspectives reacts to the changing with a narrowed thematic focus. All which this volume would not exist. realities and presents the contemporary of the papers in the second volume We would like to thank the Institute scientific enquiry on migration from have been collected in 2018 by Boris of Ethnology and Social Anthropology � Miroslava Hlinčíková and several interdisciplinary perspectives Divinský; the editorial comments and of the Slovak Academy of Sciences Martina Sekulová, June 2019, in the field of public policy, political, reviews were prepared in spring 2019 for providing institutional support Bratislava social and psychological sciences, by Martina Sekulová and Miroslava and room for intensive international social anthropology and economy. The Hlinčíková and two external reviewers. cooperation. book focuses mainly on the Central and Eastern European region and Slovakia The publication Globe in Motion 2. We would like to thank the reviewers in particular, and offers readers the Multiple Shades of Migration: Regional of the volume, Alexandra Bitušíková academic perspectives of scientists Perspectives has been published as and Miloslav Bahna, for their valuable and experts from different disciplines the outcome of a project supported by comments and suggestions on how to and institutional backgrounds. the European Union within the Interreg improve all the papers. Our thank goes Although the overall target of the book scheme DRIM – Danube Region to Boris Divinský who collected the is narrowed regionally, the papers Information Platform for Economic contributions published in this volume provide a regional focus in a wider Integration of Migrants. The DRIM and to Tatiana Zachar Podolinská for international context in addition to project was implemented by a consor- final proofreading of this volume. the Slovak perspective. The aim of the tium of eighteen organisations from book is to enrich the discussion on the nine countries – the eight Danube Our special thank goes to Matúš Hnát complexity of migration and reinforce Compass countries as well as Bosnia for the graphic design and layout of constructive thinking about it. and Herzegovina. DRIM's objective this publication, for his patience and Executive Summary

8 10 Executive Summary Executive Summary 11

01 HLINČÍKOVÁ, Miroslava interactions, brings about many benefits 03 AHLSKOG, Rafael and NYMAN, 04 ROGOZ, Mădălina and SEKULOVÁ, Martina and disadvantages to all aggrieved sub- Pär and SMREK, Michal and SEKULOVÁ, Martina Editorial: The Challenges of the jects. Interestingly, the same impact of The Fiscal Effects of EU Meeting the Care Needs in Changing Reality migration can be perceived in a different Migration to Slovakia Sending Countries as a Result way depending on the point of view of of Care Mobility: Examples from Migration has become one of the most sig- the subject (person or institution) who Almost since the inception of the Romania and Slovakia nificant social processes globally and the evaluates; and we should not forget that European Union, free internal movement issues related to migration, integration or migration processes are very complex of people has been one of the corner- Unmet care needs – the tension be- accommodation of migrants in host socie- and it is not easy, sometimes even not stones of European integration. The tween demand and supply – is one ties are the focus of agendas of public in- possible, to separate one single effect of right to move, live and work freely in any of the most important challenges of stitutions, non-governmental organisations migration from all others. In the text, the Member State is a widely used right. This contemporary modern societies. The or policies. Notwithstanding, due to the authors look closely on the migration-se- type of migration has implications for main differentiating aspect of care acceleration of societal, demographic, eco- curity nexus mainly from the security public finances in the countries people work mobility compared to other types nomic, developmental and environmental studies perspective. move to. Yet, surprisingly little is known of labour mobility relates to its nature changes, migration will most likely increase about these fiscal effects. as a female-dominated area. As the continuously and so will also its diversity. With an aim to determine which types cultural framework of care attributes of migration pose (real or perceived) The authors present in their contribution main caring responsibilities to women, Introductory paper of two editors de- security risks (in general, and in calculations and discuss the fiscal effects care mobility directly affects family care scribes the main aim of the book: to offer Slovakia), the authors analyse the of EU immigrants in Slovakia. Two differ- capacities in countries of origin.­ Within the findings of contemporary scientific reflection on current immigration flows ent types of EU immigrant categories are this framework, even though women enquiries which react to contemporary in the official strategic documents compared: those who were born in anoth- eventually become breadwinners, they challenges such as ‘migration crisis’, in- on the Slovak security policy and the er EU Member State, and those who are remain responsible for family care in creasing diversity, the effects of migration reactions of state representatives to citizens of another EU Member State. They their respective countries of origin. and new forms of migration or mobility. migration. They subsequently compare came to the conclusion that the fiscal It aims at shedding light on the recent the data with public perceptions. They effects of EU immigration in Slovakia are The paper is based on the qualitative developments in relation to migration compare three sectors: the field of roughly zero. It means that EU immigrants research by two authors, Mădălina and mobility in the European context and transnational organised crime, terror- in Slovakia are neither net fiscal costs Rogoz a Martina Sekulova. Through its respective effects on the migration ism, and internal criminal activities nor contributors. The comparison with the example of Romanian and studies. At the same time, it endeavours related to migration; and demonstrate similar neighbouring economies such as Slovak caregivers working abroad – to bridge the chapters published in this the potential and real security threats the Czech Republic and Hungary, how­ particularly in Austria and Italy – this volume mainly with a regional focus on posed by migrants. In order to make ever, gives a hint for the unused potential paper analyses the linkages between Central and Eastern Europe, including its a relevant conclusion on mutual fiscal benefits that Slovakia could derive strategies to address the care needs recent migration developments and con- correlations between migration and from EU immigration. EU immigrants to in mobile workers' families residing temporary contexts, complexities, natural security, the authors analysed the par- Slovakia end up in lower paid labour mar- in sending countries, care workers' and regional specifics, as well as contem- ticular security areas as defined by the kets compared to native Slovaks, while the mobility patterns and relevant public porary theories and research findings. Copenhagen School of Thoughts, and opposite is true about Hungary and Czech policies in their respective countries distinguished between legal and irregu­ Republic. Slovakia thus appears to attract of origin. In addition, the contribution 02 BOLEČEKOVÁ, Martina lar migrants. They also analysed the mainly low-skilled EU migration. There is describes the unmet care needs within and OLEJÁROVÁ, Barbora ways of preventing the securitisation no inherent reason why Slovakia could families which result particularly from The Securitisation of Migration of the topic in the public discourse and not attract the type of European labour care worker's mobility in specific in the Slovak Republic its misuse by the media and extreme that would provide fiscal benefits and commuting patterns. The authors chose political groups and, on the other hand, therefore give more room for investments the example of Romanian and Slovak Migration, like any other process in- how to get prepared for the potential in public services (or tax cuts), which its care workers, since their mobility to volving human beings and their social security threats. neighbours appear to do successfully. Austria, and to a certain extent to 12 Executive Summary Executive Summary 13

Italy, represents specific patterns of in Slovakia, the greatest risk is the The author identifies in the text the to the decisions of individuals to study transnational care circulation. brain drain. People who stay abroad most important factors influencing abroad. This paper aims to identify those currently represent Slovakia's the fiscal effects of immigration in the instances of serendipity that contributed The text demonstrates that care-workers' human capital. Thanks to extensive context of the refugee crisis in the to the decisions of international mobility is influenced by the needs of migration, this Slovak human capital European Union. It offers interesting students to study abroad, and sought families in the sending countries, as well is voluntarily lost. However, from the conclusions regarding the factors influ- to trace serendipity throughout the as by care-related systems in countries of general life perspective, knowledge encing the fiscal effects of immigration entire mobility cycle, including their origin. It suggests that the reorganisation transfer should be seen positively. and the specific characteristics of experiences in the host country and of family care is, in addition to cultural This knowledge gets transferred refugee populations in connection with return home. The methodological values and social norms, influenced by from place to place through people these factors. He challenges the view approach relies predominantly on the the availability and affordability of in- (brain circulation). In this regard, the on migration as a solution to the ageing grounded theory of enquiry, induced stitutional care services, particularly for worldwide human capital becomes population in Europe in case it is not with the few available references and childcare and elderly care. richer. followed by other political actions. definitions of serendipity.

05 CHRANČOKOVÁ, Martina 06 GÁL, Zsolt 07 WEIBL, Gabriel The Tacit Knowledge of Slovak The Fiscal Balance of Immigration Risk, Uncertainty and the Role Migrants in the Light of the EU's Refugee of Serendipity in International Crisis Student Mobility The contribution discusses different types of knowledge gained from Population ageing in high-income coun- The role of serendipity that triggers migration experience among various tries has been an ongoing issue for dec- mobility measures is a scarcely re- types of migrants – those who are ades now and all projections predict that searched topic and often overlooked in migrants and living abroad, mainly it is going to continue in the future. When the studies of mobility and migration. students and economic migrants, and looking for measures to mitigate the age- However, serendipity considered as a those who have returned after previ- ing-related fiscal burden, efforts to improve good luck, fortuitous events or chance, ous migration. The goal is to explain the demographic situation itself are logi- played a role in the mobility event the multiple divisions of knowledge cally given priority. In theory, this might be of many international students. This with a focus on tacit knowledge and achieved through increased fertility and/ contribution represents an in-depth how it relates to the actual knowledge or immigration. Immigration could be part empirical study on the interplay of of Slovak respondents. The author of the solution to the fiscal problems of serendipity in mobility and migration focused on the tacit knowledge ageing societies, but at the same time, part among students who studied at three that Slovak migrants gained by liv- of the problem. Immigration can contribute different international locations (the ing abroad. At the same time, this to the alleviation of the ageing-related fis- UK, the Czech Republic and New knowledge became an integral part cal burden only when its fiscal balance is Zealand). While serendipity is broadly of their identities. The main aim of positive, i.e. if immigrants pay more to the understood as an unplanned occasion, this paper is to capture and describe public budgets than they receive. it may occur in the time pre-departure the experiences and skills of Slovak planning and the preparation period of respondents. There are two main aims in this contribution. a particular mobility or migration. First, to identify the most important factors The economic, social and financial influencing the fiscal effects of immigration The author identifies instances of politics of European countries by reviewing the existing empirical literature. serendipity within the study trajectories should support brain transfer and Secondly, by considering these factors to of students and events which led to circulation. Although migration itself emphasise the possible fiscal effects of the them and assesses the likelihood of reduces the rate of unemployment recent refugee flows to the European Union. serendipity triggering or contributing ❶ Editorial: 15 The Challenges of the Changing Reality

Miroslava Hlinčíková and 14 Martina Sekulová 16 Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová 17

INTRODUCTION Grzymala-Kazlowska & Phillimore, 2018; and theoretically grasp the specific The attention of scientific research Steve Vertovec, 2007). In order to capture features of circular migration contrary has been drawn to the phenomenon of The main aim of the book has been to migration in a constantly changing reality, to the earlier paradigms and concepts double and/or multiple belonging, trans- present the findings of contemporary it is necessary to reconceptualise the rooted in the permanent settlement of national links and the ties of migrants scientific enquiries mainly from the Cen- approaches towards migration and new migrants in new countries, as well as the in social spaces across the borders, tral and Eastern European region which methodologies (Arrango, 2000; Grzyma- processes of their integration into the referred to as transnationalism (Levitt & react to contemporary challenges such la-Kazlowska & Phillimore, 2018). new society. ‘European citizens, old and Glick Schiller, 2004; Vertovec, 2009). as ‘migration crisis’, increasing diversity, new, can move freely against a wider, Scholars have elaborated a large number the effects of migration and new forms of This introduction aims at shedding light transnational horizon that encourages of related conceptualisations such as migration or mobility. Migration has be- on the recent developments in relation to temporary and circular migration trends, diaspora, transnational social fields come one of the most significant social migration and mobility in the European and demands neither long-term settle- (Levitt & Glick Schiller, 2004), trans­ processes globally and the issues related context and its respective effects on ment nor naturalisation in the country of national family practises (Zechner, 2008), to migration, integration or accommoda- the migration studies. At the same time, work’ (Favell, 2008, p. 706). Circularity, transnationalising inequalities (Amelina, tion of migrants in host societies are the it endeavours to bridge the chapters temporary migration and mobility move- 2017) or transnational habitus (Nedelcu, focus of agendas of public institutions, published in this volume mainly with a ments including free movement within 2012; Zechner, 2017). Within this context, non-governmental organisations or regional focus on Central and Eastern the EU and across EU borders repre- processes related to population ageing, policies. Notwithstanding, due to the Europe, including its recent migration de- sented a new challenge (Triandafyllidou, welfare state restructuring, changing acceleration of societal, demographic, velopments and contemporary contexts, 2013). The freedom for circulation made policies in the field of long-term care, economic, developmental and environ- complexities, natural and regional spe- borders less important, especially for increasing care deficits in families or mental changes, migration will most like- cifics, as well as contemporary theories those with a stable legal status in the EU global and regional inequalities have led ly increase continuously and so will also and research findings. and those coming from visa-free coun- to an emergence of feminised migratory its diversity. International migration has tries (Morokvasic, 2013). People have streams, either in the form of circulatory multiple social, cultural, economic, politi­ 1. NEW FACE OF MOBILITY AND started to increasingly cross the borders cross-border mobilities or longer-span cal and ethical dimensions, which raises MIGRATION IN EUROPE and participate in mobility and migration migration across the national borders, questions that need to be rethought in in order to improve their social, political and not exceptionally even continents. In order to understand the full complexity In recent years, migration flows have and economic conditions or acquire new order to grasp these processes, scholars of the phenomena. With a narrowed been changing fast – this is especially skills and knowledge. developed concepts such as the trans­ focus on migration among the diverse due to the acceleration of societal and nationalisation of care practises or global actors, the importance of scientific en- environmental changes, as well as civil In a close interconnection, there is a care chains, which critically contribute to quiry in the area increases and scholars and transnational conflicts – to name a need to look beyond the framework of understanding the changing nature of mi- must cope with the changing nature and few. We may use Adrian Favell's meta- national states and abandon a static gration (Hochschild, 2000; Yeates, 2012). extent of migration and mobility flows. phor that migration has gained a ‘New view on migration as a one-way move­ Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Face’ (Favell, 2008). A decade ago, in ment from one location to another. (chapter 03) discuss in their contribution While the proportion of migrants within the European context, the academic Migration commonly has more directions, the circular mobility of caregivers from the global population has remained stable enquiry touched upon the understanding it is open-ended or flexible and, on the Romania and Slovakia, in which they over the last decade, the total number of of migration associated with the last contrary, less likely definitive, permanent focus on the role of the care regime in migrating people constantly increases. Mi- EU enlargement processes.1 Scholarly or unidirectional. ‘International circuits sending countries and the need for care grants held a 2.8% share with 155 million debates have attempted to empirically of migration are no longer bi-polar and in their families in mobility pattern. The people globally in 2000 and attained 3.3% most of them develop as multi-local paper demonstrates that transnational with 244 million people in 2015 (UN DESA, 1 In May 2004, ten countries joined the EU (Cyprus, transnational networks of movement… short-term mobility is influenced by 2017, p. 13). Even more relevant is that Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Such networks, once established, serve family care needs in countries of origin, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia); in January recent scientific examination shows that 2007, it was Bulgaria and Romania; and finally, in as facilitators of new waves of migration, which in turn are influenced by the for- migration is becoming more diverse with July 2013, Croatia, read more at: https://ec.europa. of return, again moving on and re-return- mal/informal organisation of elderly and eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/policy/from-6-to- new emerging complexities (Crul, 2016; 28-members_en (accessed on 10 April 2019). ing’ (Conway & Potter, 2009, p. 1). child-care services in these countries. 18 Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová 19

An important fragment in the picture of as academia. Migration has become an and aspects of society such as employ- gration is not a solution to demographic contemporary European mobilities and agenda of highest importance on Euro- ment, social security, education etc. problems, but it may contribute to the migration is return migration (Conway & pean and national levels and changed As Crawley and Skleparis point out, the alleviation of their fiscal consequences. Potter, 2009; Vathi & King, 2017), may it the discourse and narrative of migration. migration crisis brought ‘categorical fet- In chapter 02, authors Pär Nyman, be due to the return of first-generation It was even a ‘turning point’ in the percep­ ishism’ since the refugee and economic Rafael Ahlskog and Michal Smrek in- migrants after their retirement, individ- tion of migration in Europe (Karasová & migrant categories are closely tied to vestigate the fiscal effects of migration ual migration projects or unsuccessful Baláž, 2018). the legitimacy of moving across borders on Slovakia and conclude that people migration. As time passes by along with and the entitlement to international residing in Slovakia, but born in another economic, political and social changes, The migration crisis challenged not protection (Crawley & Skleparis, 2018). EU Member State (or are alternatively or the reaching of goals or aims of the only the European asylum system, Immi­gration authorities recognise two citizens of another EU Member State), individual migration project,2 many public policies and solidarity, but also main categories of migrants: refugees pay roughly as much in taxes and social migrants and mobile commuters return academic migration studies – how to and economic migrants who have, security contributions as they receive in to their origin countries. Growing return study and understand migration, how to according to international definitions, benefits and other expenses. migration is related to economic develop- contextualise it and, last but not least, distinctive reasons for leaving their ment in the European region, and is also how to bring research findings closer to home country, different social situa- Migration has become increasingly due to other factors such as political people in order to influence the narrative. tions, positions and integration needs evaluated in economised contexts, not reasons, i.e. Brexit. The shape and face In the last few years, Europe has seen upon arrival to the receiving society. only in order to differentiate between of contemporary migration has affected nationalisation and populism tendencies Refugees are forced to flee in order to the categories of migrants, but also external factors as well, the most im- and the rising popularity of far-right save their lives, preserve freedoms due in the evaluative context – calculating portant among them being the so called parties; some countries turned their to conflict and human rights violations, whether migration brings more benefits ‘migration crisis’. Gabriel Weibl (chapter attention to securitisation and protection environmental catastrophes or poverty or expenses to the receiving society. 06) and Martina Chrančoková (chapter of their sovereignty instead of opening and a lack of life prospects (Bürkin, However, the economic considerations 04) focus in this volume on the migration themselves to migration and integration. Huddleston & Chindea, 2013). Inter- of migration have limits. As Joaquín and mobility of students and economic The discourse and the narrative on national institutions, such as the UN Arrango sums up, ‘almost everything can migrants, including returnees, and ex- refugees in Europe have changed across Refugee Agency, recommend that refu- be translated into costs and benefits, plore the gains from this experience. Europe with an increasing tendency to gees should be disentangled from legal even a value in monetary terms can perceive migrants as a security threat migrants in order to ensure their proper be attached to it, but the price of 2. POLITICAL AND POLICY or through the optic of economisation protection (Bürkin et al., 2013, p. 10). such effort may often be the practical CONTEXT – MIGRATION AS AN (Greussing & Boomgaarden, 2017). The In practise, the border line between irrelevance, which is close to tautology, AGENDA paper written by Barbora Olejárová and the categories might be blurred and of finding that people move to enhance Martina Bolečeková (chapter 01), which thus the dichotomy of forced/voluntary their well-being’ (Arrango, 2000, p. 286). Europe's ‘migration crisis’, which start- uses an example of Slovakia, focuses migration is also problematic within The shift in the perception of migration, ed in 2015, when more than one million on the processes of securitisation and beyond academia­ (Erdal & Oeppen, which was caused by a rising number of persons from the Middle East and North at the level of the national state and 2017). Debates on migration are related globally displaced persons, obscured the Africa crossed European borders with policy-driven implementation of the to the challenges of ageing European benefits of migration from debates and the aim of applying for international pro- securitisation measures as a response populations, demand for a skilled la- public reflections (UN DESA, 2017, p. 3). tection due to war conflicts and poverty to changing migration in Europe. At bour force, an effort to attract the ‘best (European Parliament, 2017), significantly the same time, the chapter critically brains’, but we also witness ‘brain drain’ Migrants represent a diverse group far challenged society as a whole, as well evaluates these developments, and loss of human capital – the depar- beyond the simple categorisation based particularly the context of Slovakia. ture of young and skilled people abroad on their ethnicity, nationality or legal sta- (Kuchyrczyk & Mesežnikov, 2018). Zsolt tus. Recent scientific debates in the field 2 For example, improved economic and social situation, skills and knowledge acquired through The legal status of migrants matters Gál (chapter 05) analyses the fiscal of migration studies increasingly seek the migration, improved conditions in the home significantly, since it determines their effects of migration on the receiving development of new concepts under the country, the needs of the family members left behind to name a few. rights and access to various services society. According to his analysis, mi- conditions of super-diversification. In the 20 Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová 21

migratory experience, gender, class, edu- legislation and policies that establish the public discourse and largely lacked a relations. In December 2018, the most cation, social capital or age also play an tools and facilitate integration. The main balanced dialogue. The fear of migrants numerous EU nationals were from the important role. Super-diversity calls for focus of this volume is regional; in ad- (especially Muslims) within the popula- Czech Republic (10,970), Hungary (8,503), recognition of factors beyond ethnicity dition to Central and Eastern European tion has been rising, despite the number Romania (7,420) and Poland (5,872); and the country of origin, which plays countries, Slovakia is in the centre of the of migrants living in Slovakia has re- third-country nationals were from the a major role in migrant settlement and authors' scientific examination. mained very low. Ukraine (24,913), Serbia (14,208), Russia social relations (Vertovec, 2007). The (4,698) and Vietnam (4,008) (Statistical perspective therefore offers an important 3. IS SLOVAKIA STILL MORE A It is important to note that the Slovak Overview 2018). This growth was mainly tool for better understanding and man- COUNTRY OF EMIGRATION? legislation and policies do not recognise due to economic needs as third-country agement of migrant accommodation (Crul, the term ‘migrant’ or ‘migrant population’. nationals have been increasingly hired 2016) of a diverse migration population. Since the accession of Slovakia to the Official documents or legislation, includ- by Slovak employers to fill the industry European Union in 2004, many Slovak ing statistics, utilise the term foreigner. needs. This can be observed also from Integration or accommodation of mi- citizens (including many young people According to the law, a foreigner is the point of view of the purpose of their grants in host societies is in the centre and people in their productive age) have anyone who is not a citizen of Slovakia. stay. The purpose of residence of most of policy makers and practitioners who left the country and begun to study However, the term migrant has wider third-country nationals is employment – currently work with different migrant or work abroad. Unfortunately, we do employability and allows for the tracking the number of people with this type of populations. As a concept, the integra- not have precise data on the number of the second generation of the migrant residence doubled from 7,272 in 2017 to tion or accommodation of migrants may of Slovaks living abroad (temporarily population as well. The term ‘recognised 15,387 in 2018 (Statistical Overview 2018; have diverse meanings, however, it most or permanently), but analysts estimate refugee’ includes persons with granted Zamestnávanie cudzincov…, 2018). commonly covers a slow and continuous that approximately 10 per cent of asylum or subsidiary protection. Asylum inclusion to a receiving society, to its Slovak citizens in their productive age is granted to a foreigner who is persecut- Compared to other EU countries, Slo- particular components, institutions, to are abroad (Karasová & Baláž, 2018; ed in his/her country of origin for diverse vakia has not been touched by the so- its ‘core’, and affects both the estab- Počet pracujúcich cudzincov…, 2019). reasons such as race, ethnicity, religion called refugee crisis of 2015 (Bargerová, lished community and the newcomers The total number of Slovaks migrating or political opinion (NIEM, 2017). 2016). From the overall number, out of (Korac, 2003; Sekulová & Gyarfášová, within the EU grew almost three-fold in 58,811 applications since 1993, asylum 2009). The growing diversity of the the period of 2001–2013, from 100,000 Between December 2017 and December was granted only to 854 persons and migrant population presents challenges to 300,000 (Karasová & Baláž, 2018, 2018, the total number of foreigners in another 746 persons were granted sub- to practitioners as well, who manage p. 23). In 2018, migrants aged 25–34 ac- the country grew from 104,451 to 121,264 sidiary protection as another form of integration processes through policies. counted for one quarter of all migrants, (+16%), which makes up approximately international protection. For instance, in Even though the increasing diversity but the proportion of migrants aged 2.2% of the population (Statistical Over- 2018, 178 persons applied for asylum in and complexity of migration is a global 55+ grew to 14.4%. Although a relatively view 2018). According to police records, Slovakia, most often from Afghanistan, phenomenon, new local challenges arise high number of Slovak citizens have mi- the number of foreigners in Slovakia dou- Iraq, Yemen, Azerbaijan and Iran, but as global tensions are played out at grated for various reasons and with dif- bled in the course of six years. In 2018, only five of them were granted asylum local levels. Individual migration projects ferent motivations, Slovakia is no longer third-country nationals represented more (Statistical Overview 2018). or the integration process upon arrival exclusively a country of emigration. than half of the migrants – 65,381, while take place in a specific national context, the number of EU nationals reached 4. NO EXPERIENCE BUT… under regional conditions and on local Issues related to migration and integra- 5,883 people. Most third-country nation- levels. Political factors are also influen- tion were marginal in terms of public als had a temporary residence permit Even though the share of migrants in the tial, since governments strictly regulate interest or political focus. Since 2015 (48,316), 17,050 persons had a permanent Slovak society is rather low, the anti- the conditions of entry and entitlement and the arrival of refugees to Europe, residence­ permit, and 15 had a tolerated refu­gee rhetoric and rise of xenophobic of migrants to participate in society. this topic has become ‘an arena of sharp stay permit. The largest numbers of for- populists are present. According to a political contestation’ (Kucharczyk & eigners in Slovakia are from neighbouring study conducted by the Czech NGO Migration is closely linked to the process Mesežnikov, 2018, p. 9) and anti-migra- countries, and they are linked to Slovakia People in Need, ‘the hate-speech against of integration, with particular national tion rhetoric. It heavily emerged in the mostly through work, family and social immigrants has a cyclic nature – it is very 22 Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová Miroslava Hlinčíková and Martina Sekulová 23

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Martina Bolečeková and 24 Barbora Olejárová 26 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 27

INTRODUCTION The foreign-born population (people been changing continuously over the protection are much lower in Slovakia born outside the Slovak Republic who last decades from an almost exclusively compared to other EU Member States.4 Migration, like any other process in- acquired Slovak citizenship later by na­ emigration country to a transit country volving human beings and their social turalisation or other secondary forms of or final destination for migrants. This is Regardless of the proportional repre­ interactions, brings about many benefits obtaining citizenship) will not be taken caused – among other things – mainly by sentation of voluntary – mostly regular and disadvantages to all aggrieved sub- into consideration regarding the short Slovakia's membership in the European labour migrants5 and forced migrants in jects. Interestingly, the same impact of history of the state (established in 1993); Union (EU). the total number of foreigners in Slova- migration can be perceived in a different a strict naturalisation policy of Slovakia kia, both groups are lately being given way depending on the point of view of and, hence, low numbers of foreign-born Currently, in line with the global and re- increased attention in different contexts. the subject (person or institution) who population with Slovak citizenship in gional trends, labour migration predomi­ In the aftermath of the so-called Euro­ evaluates; and we should not forget that Slovakia (OECD, 2018). nates over other migration movements in pean migration crisis that hit the EU in migration processes are very complex Slovakia. This is true for both directions, 2014 and culminated one year later, mi- and it is not easy, sometimes even not To deal with the complexity of migration including emigration of Slovak citizens gration became not only the topic of live- possible, to separate one single effect processes, we distinguish between looking for work abroad, as well as for ly discussions of the Slovak public, but of migration from all others. The impacts volun­tary and forced and legal/regular the immigration of foreign workers to the also an important subject of high-level of migration processes can be revealed and illegal/irregular migration. We prefer Slovak Republic (MISR, 2018a). Further- political debates. Paradoxically, in our in all spheres of societies and lives of to use the terms ‘irregular migration’ and more, and once more in line with global opinion, the range and intensity of the migrants – social, cultural, economic, ‘irregular migrants’ (because of a rather and regional trends, the Slovak Republic attention paid by the public to this topic political, and in the area of security. It negative connotation of the terms ‘illegal is affected by the issue of forced migra- was quite considerably affected by the is necessary to distinguish between at migration’ and ‘illegal migrant’), except tion. Yet in this case, the movement takes increased media coverage and unusual least two basic levels of analysis in the when we quote an author or an institu- place only in one direction, i.e. into the political engagement in the migration case of evaluation of migration's bene- tion – in such cases we use the original Slovak territory, which relates to the fact related agenda. The range and signifi- fits and risks– the macro level1 and the form. To briefly introduce the migration that Slovakia is in principle, a safe and cance of the migration policy decisions micro level2 (Massey et. al., 2005). profile of the Slovak Republic, we can democratic country. However, the num- adopted in this period even affected state that it is still not seen as an immi- bers of asylum seekers or people search- the foreign policy of the country and we For the purpose of this study, we use mi- gration country.3 However, when viewed ing for any other form of international can thus speak of certain conjunction of gration terminology with respect to the in the global and European context, the migration policy and foreign policy definitions of the International Organi- the impacts of international migration of the state (Bolečeková & Olejárová, zation for Migration (IOM, 2011). In the influence life in Slovakia significantly. In 4 Slovakia experienced the largest numbers of 2017). Nowadays, after de-escalation of Slovak context, the term migrant is used terms of historical migratory flows, the asylum applications at the beginning of the 21st the European migration crisis and the century, shortly before EU integration. The peak for the entire foreign population (without Slovak Republic had previous experience was reached in 2004 with 11,395 asylum applica- stabilisation of numbers of people ap- Slovak citizenship) present in Slovakia, with labour emigration in the second half tions. In 2018, only 178 asylum applications were proaching Europe, the focal point of the submitted (MISR, 2018c). The low numbers of including legal migrants, refugees (peo- of the 19th century and with restrictions asylum applications in Slovakia are caused by two migration policy of Slovakia moved to the main factors. First of all, the geographic position ple with granted asylum), irregular mi- of the free movement of persons in the of the country, which is not located on the main issue of labour immigration from third grants, foreigners from the EU Member second half of the 20th century. However, migration routes of the people coming from the countries due to the lack of specific type Middle East and Africa to Europe. Second of all, States, as well as third-country migrants. the migration profile of the country has the lack of historical experience with migration of workforce in the Slovak economy. Re- compared to Western European countries, which cently,6 the Strategy on Labour Mobility results in the fact that asylum seekers do not choose Slovakia as their final destination and 1 The effects of migration processes in 3 The numbers of foreign nationals in Slovakia prefer countries with larger minority groups of countries receiving immigrants, but also in are rather low. According to the Organization for people from the same country they come from or countries of origin and transit countries, as Economic Co-operation and Development, in 2016 countries where their relatives already live. The 5 The term ‘labour migrants’ is preferred rather well as impacts in regional and global sense. only Latvia had a lower inflow of foreign migrants possible third factor which impacts the number than ‘economic migrants’ because the scope of However, in this chapter we will focus our than Slovakia among OECD countries (OECD, 2018a). of submitted applications can also be that there economic migration is broader than in the case of research mainly on the impact of migration on According to the International Organization for is generally a low number of granted asylums in labour migration – economic benefits are not only the receiving countries. Migration, the share of foreign nationals in Slovakia Slovakia (Cuprik, 2017), and therefore asylum connected to labour activity. is currently 1.9%; on the other hand, the numbers seekers choose countries with a higher probabili- 2 Migrants, their families and communities. are slowly but continuously increasing (IOM, 2018). ty of finding refuge when possible. 6 10th October 2018. 28 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 29

of Foreigners in the Slovak Republic was The migration-security nexus can be representatives' statements. To reveal or population, by another state (Lasicová, adopted by the Slovak government in line approached from various directions, e.g. possible occurrence of securitisation, 2006). Thus, the traditional approach with these trends and needs (MLSAFSR, according to Huysmans and Squire, from we also pay attention to the reactions in an analysis of international relations 2018). a security studies perspective and from a of state representatives towards would place migration as a security migration studies perspective, while both migration. To provide additional facts problem in the background. However, Besides the trends in migration flows, fields are complex and multi-faceted to the discussion, we try to scrutinise the traditional definition of security the migration policy of the Slovak (Huysmans & Squire, 2009). In this chap- selected areas of the migration-secu- which refers to direct armed clashes of Republic has mainly been influenced ter, we approach the migration-security rity nexus in Slovakia and compare the two belligerents is unsufficient in the by its membership in the EU, and the nexus mainly from a security studies data with public perceptions. From the modern world. For the analysis of the influence of EU law and institutions perspective. When comparing current myriad of horizontal sectors outlined migration-security nexus, we would like is still clearly present. All strategic theoretical approaches to the research by the Copenhagen school of thoughts, to point to the importance of the Copen- documents and laws concerning the of security, one of the most important is we deeply analyse three of them to hagen school that lies within the horizon- migration policy in Slovakia have been the theory of social constructivism which manifest any potential and real se- tal division of the security between the adopted in accordance with demo- is based on the assumption that the curity threats of migrants: in the field narrow – mostly military comprehension cratic principles and international behaviour of participants of security is a of transnational organised crime, ter- of security and the wider concept commitments. Nevertheless, the very strong social construct and stresses rorism and internal criminal activities perceiving security as a phenomenon practice of the Slovak migration policy the power of ideas (Ušiak, 2011). related to migration. This is important involving not only military, but also cannot be characterised as ‘migra- on one hand in order to prevent the political, economic, environmental and tion-friendly’. The main aim of any The starting point of our research is securitisation of the topic in the public societal sectors of security. The vertical migration policy, both on the national to offer a theoretical framework in the and its misuse by the media and ex- division of security elaborated by the level and on the level of the regional field of security, specifically definitions treme political groups and, on the other Copenhagen school develops the area of integration blocks, should be striving of security risks and threats. Research hand, to be prepared for the potential referential objects of security studies – it for multiplication of the positive on security risks and security threats security threats in cases where the is not only the state itself, but also an in- effects of migration and, at the same can be based on different schools of speech acts which connect migration dividual, society, supranational entity or time, prevention of the potential risks theoretical thoughts in international re- with security threats will be confirmed mankind as a whole that can be treated related to this phenomenon. Such an lations. The limited scope of this study as valid. In the conclusion, we point an object of security studies. (Lasicová, approach assumes the ability to ob- does not create enough space to ana- to which effects the securitisation of 2006; Huysmans & Squire, 2009; Ušiak & jectively analyse the course of migra- lyse all of them. In this regard, we will migration might have in the receiving Nečas, 2011). Academics, therefore, tion processes and eventually foresee incline to the definitions that represent countries. reflect the migration-security nexus in their impact on all aspects of society the prevailing direction in theoretical correlations to state sovereignty, as well from the short-term and medium-term understanding of both terms. Migration 1. MIGRATION AND SECURITY – as human security.7 The other important horizon (and preferably on a long-term is a global process that can have an THEORETICAL PERCEPTION feature of the new way of thinking about basis). One of the fundamental steps uncountable number of forms and it security is the concept of securitisation. in reaching the above-mentioned is important to distinguish which par- Security is generally understood as ‘the goal of multiplying the positive and ticular form of migration might cause state of social, natural, technical, tech­ 7 The first important (and currently most widely preventing negative effects of migra- potential security concerns (Koser, no­logical system or other system that – used) definition of human security appeared tion is the identification of potential 2011). With an aim to determine which under certain internal and external cir- in 1994 in the Human Development Report of the UN Development Programme. However, migration related risks. In order to types of migration pose (real or per- cumstances – enables fulfilling of given this definition of human security is considered achieve that, the study of the migra- ceived) security risks (in general, and functions and their development on to be too indefinite and vague and some researchers (Paris, 2001) propose to narrow the tion-security nexus is a crucial part of in Slovakia), we analyse the reflexion of behalf of man and society’ (Šimák, 2006, content of the human security only to those any research in the field of migration, current immigration flows in the official p. 8). The traditional approach to security areas of security studies which are primarily concerned with non-military threats to the and the relation between migration strategic documents of the Slovak se- within security studies understands security of society, groups and individuals and security is also the main topic of curity policy. The reflexion of migration ‘threat’ as a situation where the state is as opposed to those approaches to security, which focus on the protection of the state from the current chapter. flows is also a natural part of state endangered – especially its territory and/ the external threats. 30 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 31

Securitisation is most commonly defined, levels of security: individual level, level of rate of the receiving country's citizens the labour market (Divinský, 2016, p. 6). and also understood in this chapter, as groups, level of states, and international due to more workforce available Migration-related security problems presentation (by means of a speech act, level (Škvrnda, 2002). Brauch states that on the labour market; deflation of regarding migrants themselves, their language, interpretation or perception) ‘the ‘risk’ concept has been employed salaries; endangerment of the native families and communities stemming of a certain topic by the securitisation in many natural and social science dis- language, culture and values of the from their illegal entry, movement, actor (an individual, organisation, state, ciplines as a concept that is also widely host countries; as well as cross- stay and employment include: various media, political parties etc.) as a societal used by policy-makers to justify specific border problems, especially human complications and risks on the or existential threat to a particular refer- policy goals and programmes’ (Brauch, trafficking and terrorism (Thomson, migration route (medical, security, ence object, which requires immediate 2011, p. 79). Many researchers in the 2013). Divinský (2016) presumes climate-related); increased risk due to adoption of certain measures and emer- field of security studies (Nečas & Ušiak, that security problems are mainly the activities of human smugglers and gency solutions (by means of legislative 2010; Hofreiter, 2009; Lasicová, 2006) connected to illegal migration, as the traffickers; financial and professional or financial measures) for their removal treat risk as a potential jeopardy to the factor of illegality brings about many undervaluation or even abuse of (Lasicová & Ušiak, 2012). This concept is subject's security, as well as a potential features, activities and processes illegal migrants on the labour market the result of the objective and subjective security threat. The explanation of the unfavourable to the transit/host by employers in the host country; perception of security based on evalu- term security threat is therefore based countries and their population, as excessive mental load stemming from ation and review of security risks and on the definition of risk: whereas the risk well as to migrants themselves. The the worries over disclosure, detention threats by the particular subjects.8 represents a potential danger which can most serious migration-related or expulsion; limited access to occur at a certain point in the future, the security problems regarding transit/ basic rights and services, which are Škvrnda (2002, p. 82) defines the term threat effects immediately, i.e. the threat host countries include: uncontrollable normally available to legal migrants; risk as a phenomenon related to the can be defined as activated risk (Šimák, crossing of state borders by migrants minimal opportunities to participate worries that certain activity of a subject 2006). and their unauthorised entry into in programmes for the protection of can cause damage, loss or result in unfa- states' sovereign territories; activities vulnerable and disadvantaged groups vourable consequences, whereby we can The other term that needs to be explained of organised (criminal) groups of of people in the state; higher incidence speak of a risk only if the consequences is security challenge (Hreha, 2018). smugglers – human smuggling; other of xenophobic behaviour, prejudice and are indeterminate, i.e. they can occur but Challenge is a clearly identified stimulus attendant forms of cross-border crime; intolerance in the majority population; they are not inevitable or unavoidable. from the security environment (from dif- unauthorised and unregistered stays more difficult integration of illegal The risk is therefore nothing more than ferent sectors of security), which should and movements of migrants within migrants into the new society; lacking the possibility that an unfavourable event have been responded in the short-term the state's territory; illegal labour lack of awareness of the possibilities undermined by the present-day cause perspective by appropriate measures. activities of migrants, including their for legalisation of their stay and would appear in the future (in some ca­ A challenge can be the aggregate of mul- illegal employment, tax avoidance and employment in the host country ses, it is possible to express the degree tiple security risks and threats which act involvement in the shadow economy; (Divinský, 2016, p. 7). of probability that a certain occurrence simultaneously, for example, as a result forgery or illegal manipulation with will happen). According to Škvrnda, the of regional and global changes (Brauch travel and identification documents, Undoubtedly, migration movements or starting point for analysing security risk 2011, Lasicová & Ušiak, 2012). In this residence or work-related documents their side-effects and consequences (as a type of social risk) is the anthropo- sense, we prefer to use the term security and permits; different security can pose security risks for different centric view of society – security is a ba- challenge in connection to migration, threats, a hindered fight against subjects. Yet, on the other hand, these sic human need. Within the anthropocen- rather than security risk or security threat. terrorism and protection of the state; phenomena quite often become ob- tric framework, the author outlines four deepening social, ethnic, religious jects of securiti­sation. In general, the The most commonly cited risks and political tension in the society, perception of migration as a security 8 Nečas and Ušiak distinguish between the connected to migration movements radicalisation of society and potential threat without providing any scientific following phases of securitisation processes: include violation of borders, burden to violent clashes; rising demands on evidence, i.e. securitisation of migra- 1. Pre-securitisation, 2. Informative, 3. Pre- crisis (escalation), 4. Crisis (acute), 5. Chronical, the health-care system, education and economic, technical, personal and the tion, has reflected a rising tendency and 6. Stabilisation (Nečas & Ušiak, 2010, social-security system, housing; health administrative part of illegal migration over the last few years. The potential p. 78). For the process of securitisation of migration see also Bourbeau, 2011. hazard; crime; increased unemployment management, border protection and reasons for this occurrence may be 32 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 33

identified because the security agen- 2. MIGRATION IN SLOVAK 2. What do you think are the two most has become an unusually debated topic da has become interconnected with STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS VS. important issues facing the EU at the in the country over the last few years, various aspects of politics (widening POLICY REACTIONS DURING THE moment? not only among the Slovak public, but al- of the concept of security); the number CRISIS so on the political level, and the country of migrants and especially irregular Whereas in the spring 2015, only 4% of has caught the attention of the entire EU migrants has increased;9 migration The numbers of migrants and refugees in the Slovak citizens responded ‘migration’ following the highly negative attitude of (mostly irregular migration) has begun Slovakia have always been generally low to the first question and 35% of them to Slovak political leaders towards migra- to be connected with the ‘war against compared to other EU Member States the second question – in May 2016, this tion. The ‘official’ position of the Slovak terrorism’ and other transnational and this situation did not change even percentage rose to 17% in the first case Republic towards the ‘migration crisis in threats (Wohlfeld, 2014, pp. 72–73). after the outbreak of the migration crisis and 59% in the second case (European 2015’ can be defined by two attitudes: in 2014. Slovakia was ranked 25th out of Commission, 2016). The increased num- first, support of voluntary relocations Migration is a complex phenomenon 28 EU countries regarding the number bers certainly reflected the escalation and, second, rejection of the quota sys- affecting all aspects of human society. of asylum applications in the EU in of irregular migrants coming to the tem.15 This step significantly contributed For this reason, the identification of 2015.10 330 persons applied for asylum in European Union in the second half of to the change of perception of the Slovak security risks and security threats in Slovakia including 149 resettled asylum 2015, when the migration crisis reached Republic abroad as a country that neither general, but also the identification seekers from Iraq (MISR, 2018c).11 Ac- its peak.12 In April 2018,13 the European wants to accept refugees, nor is willing of security risks and security threats cording to the survey conducted in 2016, Commission published the results of a to express solidarity with other EU Mem- directly connected to migration move- 47.7% of the respondents expressed their special Eurobarometer survey on Inte- ber States.16 Despite the fact that Slovak ments constitutes a relevant part of fear of refugees' arrival to Slovakia, com- gration of immigrants in the European politicians refused mandatory quotas, fundamental strategic documents of pared to 70% in 2015 (Bahna & Klobucký, Union containing responses concerning they emphasised their readiness to help national security policies. Therefore, 2016). The Slovak public opinion on the the general perception of immigrants and ‘according to our own possibilities’. Most the following part of the text will ana- issue can also be illustrated by the personal experiences with them, as well politicians based their argumentation lyse the latest Security Strategy of the Euro­barometer 83 survey from May 2015 as successful integration stories and the on the ‘security concerns’. Androvičová Slovak Republic, as well as a proposal (European Commission, 2015) and the roles various actors can play in this pro- (2015) points out that the security aspect for a new security strategy aiming to Eurobarometer 85 from May 2016 (Euro- cess. For 54% of the respondents in Slo- had dominated migration discussions identify whether these documents re- pean Commission, 2016). Migration was vakia, immigration from third countries in the Slovak Republic even before the flect the current human movements in indirectly included in two Eurobarometer was still perceived as a problem.14 On outbreak of the migration crisis. The key Slovakia, including present-day issues questions: the other hand, only 15% of respondents conceptual documents in the area of related to migration in the country, answered correctly to the question on migration policy – Migration Policy of the and what is the official attitude of the 1. What do you think are the two most how many immigrants from third coun- state's representatives towards migra- important issues facing our country at tries currently live in Slovakia (European tion in terms of security. the moment? Commission, 2018). 15 Slovakia (under the then one-party government of SMER) reacted by filing a lawsuit for annulment to the Court of Justice (case C-643/15), challenging With respect to the intensity of migration the legality of the Asylum-Seekers Relocation flows in the Slovak territory, migration Decision of 22 September 2015, establishing 9 Rising numbers of irregular migrants are caused 10 On the other side of the chart were countries provisional measures in the area of international by a general increase of mobility in the world, that had the most asylum applications in 2015: protection for the benefit of Italy and Greece. which results from the globalisation of the Germany (441,800), Hungary (174,400), Sweden Hungary joined the Slovak action three months world and modernisation of transportation and (156,100), Austria (85,500), Italy (83,200) and later. Process at the CJEU started on 10 May 2017. communication technologies; but also from the France (70,600) respectively (Eurostat, 2016). 12 The Frontex agency detected 978,338 irregular On 6 September that year, the Court has rejected restrictions of legal migration possibilities. On border crossings in the EU over the last quarter a challenge by Hungary and Slovakia. the other hand, the push factors driving mi- 11 In 2015, the Slovak Republic invited a group of of 2015, which is ten times more than over the grants out of their home countries became more 149 Christians from Iraq to stay permanently in last quarter of 2014 with 79,819 irregular border 16 Unlike in the case of Hungary and Poland, which visible over the last decades, too. These include, Slovakia. Their integration process was coordinated crossing (Frontex, 2016). refuse to take any migrants under the relocation among others, discrepancies between labour in cooperation with the civil society organisation mechanism, Slovakia was aware of its legal market demands and supply; severe abuse Pokoj a dobro (Peace and Good). After one year, 13 Fieldwork was conducted in October 2017. obligations under the EU law and relocated 16 of human rights in the home countries; newly around two-thirds of all refugees from Iraq still migrants from Greece by March 2018, despite emerged conflicts in the world, etc. (Wohlfeld, remained in Slovakia, while the others returned 14 The EU28 average was 38% (European Commission, political refusal of the Decision (EU) 2015/1601 2014, p. 67). home to safe areas (Mikušovič, 2016). 2018). (European Commission, 2017). 34 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 35

Slovak Republic: Perspective until the der, which gives rise to mass migration is indicated explicitly as a ‘threat to the security environment that Slovakia Year 2020 (2011) and Integration Policy and international terrorism as one of the Europe’. At the same time, the rise in needs to reflect, including the presence of the Slovak Republic (2014), although most acute external challenges. intolerance, which is ‘an obstacle to the of new hybrid threats (TASR, 2017). The containing certain aspects of securiti- fulfilment of the needs of legal migra- document defines the security interests sation, are still rather positive towards • The government is prepared to support tion itself’, is referred to in this context of the Slovak Republic and, in addition migration. When comparing the Manifes- constructive solutions to the unprece- (Security Strategy…, 2005, p. 6). Illegal to the characteristics of the security tos of the Slovak Government,17 the topic dented migration crisis, while respecting migration is also mentioned in the text as environment, it includes the listing of of migration is becoming the issue of the specificities and capabilities of indi- a consequence of the growing economic security risks and threats. Migration is concern only after the power takeover of vidual Member States. imbalance in the world, which is a source for the first time explicitly mentioned in the Robert Fico Government in 2016, i.e. of tension and instability and contributes the updated document in the charac­ after the March 2016 general elections.18 • The government will actively support the to the emergence of security threats teristics of the security environment, The 2012 Fico Government's Manifesto implementation of the European Security (Security Strategy…, 2005, p. 6). Labour particularly in relation to the Euro-At- does not include any single mention of Agenda 2015–2020, focusing in particular migration can pose a threat to culture lantic area, whose security and stability migration. This implies an impact of the on illegal and uncontrollable migration. and identity of the population (Security ‘was disrupted by the sharp increase in migration crisis on the perception of mi- Strategy…, 2005, p. 7); on the other hand, illegal, uncontrollable migration from gration in Slovakia and on the attitudes • The government will further intensify its the document points out to the fact, that the regions of the Middle East, Asia of the Slovak representatives towards fight against trafficking in human beings. the social system is negatively affected and Africa’ (Security Strategy…, 2017, migration. The 2016 Manifesto of the by negative demographic development, p. 7). The draft enumerates other factors Slovak Government mentions migration • The government will strengthen its and immigration is a significant factor as well that increase the risk of illegal, several times, in particular (Government cooperation with the European Union that contributes to balancing the state's uncontrollable migration, such as poor Office SR, 2018): in securing the external borders of the demographic structure (Security Strat- socio-economic conditions, population Schengen area. egy…, 2005, p. 7). Further to the above, growth, the continuation and spread of • The Slovak Republic is aware of the belt the Slovak Republic declares that it will conflicts and instability,20 or the impact of persisting instability along the EU bor- • One of the priorities of the Slovak take measures to reduce illegal and un- of climate change in these regions. Republic's presidency of the Council of controllable migration, eliminate migrant Thus, for the first time, certain types of the European Union is to support a swift smuggling and conduct activities against migration flows – illegal and uncontrol- 17 Manifestos traditionally articulate the priorities of newly formed government in Slovakia build-up of the necessary personnel organised crime. To fight illegal migration, lable – are described as a threat to the and therefore can predict the government’s and technical capacities for the new organised crime and the spread of terror- security of the Slovak Republic, as well orientation in dealing with the crucial issues of state’s functioning. European Boarder and Coast Guard ism to Europe, it will also contribute to as for the cohesion and stability of the Agency. activities aimed at overcoming economic European Union and the functioning of 18 In 2016 elections, the migration crisis was (mis)used as a political campaign tool by most stagnation and poverty (Security Strate- the Schengen system. The reason is that political parties and their representatives. All As the main strategic document of the gy…, 2005, pp. 13–15). ‘it activates domestic extremist clusters, relevant political parties in Slovakia shared very similar attitudes towards asylum seekers country, The Security Strategy of the increases populism and intolerance, and the solution to the migration crisis. In our previous analysis, we identified several proposals Slovak Republic is also concerned with In accordance with the 2016 Manifes- helps to promote extremist movements for the crisis solution common for most Slovak migration despite the fact that it was to, the Slovak Government approved in a political struggle, is a breeding political parties: protection of the EU external borders; refusal of the EU obligatory quotas on adopted on 27 September 2005. Migra- the draft of the new Security Strategy ground for organised crime benefiting migrants; creation of detention facilities outside tion is mentioned among the factors document (on 4th October 2017), yet it of the EU territory, which should concentrate migrants heading to the EU in order to review influencing the security environment Se( - needs to be approved by the Parliament 19 The new Security Strategy will create a framework their asylum request, assort them into groups curity Strategy…, 2005, p. 4); it is treated of the Slovak Republic – the National for drafting other conceptual documents on and redistribute successful asylum seekers to EU security, including the new Defence Strategy of 19 receiving countries; stabilisation of the situation as a phenomenon accompanying regional Council – to come into force. According the Slovak Republic. in the home countries of migrants, especially in conflicts Security( Strategy…, 2005, to the State Secretary of the Ministry Syria, Libya and Iraq; precise selection of asylum 20 Crises and conflicts, and particularly failing states, seekers and economic migrants who are not p. 5); and also connected to organi­sed of Foreign and European Affairs Ivan are identified as the causes of increased migratory eligible for refugee status, subsidiary protection, crime (Security strategy…, 2005, pp. Korčok, the main reason for updating the movements, including forced migration, also in the temporary protection or any other form of next part of the document (Security Strategy…, protection in the EU. 5–6). Illegal and uncontrolled migration document is due to the deterioration of 2017, p. 7). 36 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 37

from human trafficking and smuggling, Last but not least, the changed intensity impact the official political statements The validity of both theories can be causes contradictions between EU Mem- of migration flows was reflected in the of parliamentary representatives, which tested by analysing statistical data on ber States and jeopardises the function- priorities of the Slovak Presidency in the to date, have been highly negative since migration and criminality in the Slovak ing of the Schengen system’ (Security Council of the EU, beginning on 1 July the outbreak of the crisis. Based on Republic from 2004, when Slovakia Strategy…, 2017, p. 7). Another undesir- 2016.22 Although migration, refugees available data, we are able to follow the joined the EU, until 2017. able effect of migration movements, the or border protection were absent in the developments in the area of criminality, combination of the financial, economic political discourse in 2014, even though transnational organised crime and The Slovak Intelligence Service (SIS) and migration crisis in relation to the in- Slovakia is located next to EU external international terrorism in Slovakia to reports increasing criminality of ternal security of the state, as indicated borders, it turned into one of the most reveal consequential interconnection to foreigners as one of the problems in the document, is the decline in trust fundamental issues of the Slovak Presi­ migration flows. in 2017 (SIS, 2018). However, this in national, European and transatlantic dency in 2016. It is clearly visible from statement is neither explained in values, principles and institutions among the public, political and media discourse, 3.1. Migration and criminality detail nor documented by numbers. the population. At the same time, it and even recent analyses (Chudžíková, Empirical evidence proves rather the undermines the building of a positive 2016; Mesežnikov, 2016) that the Slovak Increased criminality and the opposite. Even though the number of relationship between citizens and states. Republic orientates itself more towards commitment of crimes such as thefts, legal migrants in the Slovak Republic In addition, migration is seen in connec- the protection of national interest23 and rapes, robberies or even murders by was constantly raising (Table 1) from tion with foreign (terrorist) fighters21 who securitisation than opening to migration migrants in the receiving countries 22,108 legal migrants in 2004 to 93,247 pose a new security threat. A potential and integration. This context does not is an argument used in the process in 2016, the number of prosecuted security threat also lies in the possibility contribute positively to the promotion of of securitisation of migration and foreigners and suspects (last column) of infiltration by persons sympathising migration and integration mainstreaming. widespread belief. International scholars was almost constant (MISR, 2018a, with radical and terrorist organisations. reflect on two different theories that 2018b). This implies that migration does 3. SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF interpret the nexus of migration and not contribute to increased criminality In the context of security policies, in MIGRATION IN SLOVAKIA – intrastate criminality. Firstly, the in Slovakia significantly.24 When we do addition to the security environment, the SELECTED CASES insufficient integration of migrants not take into account the fact that the Strategy refers to a commitment to adopt in the receiving countries (language number of foreigners has increased, the measures against illegal uncontrollable The current situation and development education, unemployment) might result criminality of foreigners in Slovakia has migration and smuggling; support a su­ of the migration flows significantly in feelings of isolation, worsened living been steadily rising since 2013, while stainable migration and asylum policy of impacts the public perception of standards and increased tendency the highest increase – around 10% the EU; enforce sustainable solutions in migration as a security threat. However, to commit crimes (Nunziata, 2012). was recorded between 2015 and 2016; the field of migration in accordance with it is questionable to what extent the Similarly, adherence to the old traditions between 2016 and 2017, the increase the possibilities of particular Member public opinion is influenced by the of migrants (e.g. position of women in was less than 5%. Furthermore, the States; actively promote the policy of international reality and what is the society), which might be illegal in the reason for the higher crime rate among returns to the third countries; protect ex- receiving country, could cause a higher foreigners compared to the domestic ternal EU borders; participate in remov- 22 The Slovak Presidency had four priorities: an eco- criminal rate for international migrants. population may be the different age ing the causes of illegal migration in the nomically strong Europe; a modern single market; Secondly, an alternative theory considers structure. With regard to the prevailing sustainable migration and asylum policies; a glo­ source countries of migrants, and seek to bally engaged Europe. In the field of migration, the migrants as being less prone to illegal labour immigration in Slovakia, we increase funding of development aid – all Slovak Presidency strived to ‘…encourage the Union activities compared to the domestic assume a lower share of children and to develop more sustainable migration and asylum this by means of international coopera- policies…’ because ‘…the current migration crisis population since they are aware of the seniors among the foreign population tion (Security Strategy…, 2017, p. 16). is putting enormous pressure on the EU's external consequences of their criminal activities, borders and on the asylum systems of the Member States’ (Priority slovenského predsedníctva, 2016). such as the risk of losing the refugee 24 Illegal crossings of the state border and illegal status or legal working and residence stays in the territory of the Slovak Republic 23 Even applied measures, e.g. based on the recently constitute a violation of Act No. 404/2011 Coll. on 21 Citizens of EU Member States (including Slovakia) adopted Strategy on Labour Mobility of Foreigners permit in the case of legal migrants, or Residence of Foreigners, i.e. are not considered fighting abroad and subsequently returning home in the Slovak Republic, which opens the possibility apprehension and expulsion in the case criminal offences; while human smuggling and or to third countries where they can continue in of further re-assessment in the future ‘in accord- trafficking in human beings are punished under extremist and violent crime. ance with the needs of the country’. of irregular migrants (Nunziata, 2012). Act No. 300/2005 Coll. Criminal Code. 38 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 39

Table 1 Migration and criminality statistics in the Slovak Republic (2004–2017) 3.2. Migration and the transnational human smuggling or trafficking, as organised crime well as economic criminality and drug Legal Illegal Refugees Prosecuted Prosecuted migrants* migrants** & subsidiary persons persons related crime linked to the transfer protection & suspects & suspects According to Interpol, transnational of narcotics and illegal substances holders (citizens and (foreigners) organised crime is defined as different from Eastern European countries and foreigners) types of criminal activities spanning the Balkans to Western Europe. Both 2004 22,108 2,612 15 57,154 899 several countries. These activities may activities are intertwined. Due to the include trafficking in humans, illicit enormous expenditures on transfer to 2005 25,635 2,871 25 58,770 1,061 goods, weapons and drugs, armed rob- Europe,26 some migrants are forced to 2006 32,153 3,491 8 52,962 1,334 bery, counterfeiting and money laun- pay their ‘debts’ by smuggling small

2007 41,214 3,356 14/646 53,233 1,524 dering (Interpol, 2015). However, there amounts of drugs (heroin, cocaine or is no universal legal document on the methamphetamine, with precursors 2008 52,706 1,321 22/273 52,574 1,174 global, European25 or national level imported mostly from China) and

2009 58,322 1,174 14/165 56,265 1,156 that contains a comprehensive list of sometimes also weapons and other all activities that fall under the defini- illegal commodities to the receiving 2010 62,584 961 15/104 53,310 1,079 tion of organised crime. Slovakia is not states (SIS, 2017). 2011 66,191 829 91/47 54,304 1,152 located along the long-used migration routes in Europe. The branch of the 3.3. Migration and international 2012 67,877 821 32/153 54,469 1,258 Balkan route crosses the Slovak terri- terrorism 2013 71,649 693 15/49 54,824 1,132 tory; however, it is not utilised by asy- lum seekers from the Middle East and Despite the absence of a generally ac- 2014 76,715 1,064 14/41 51,047 1,186 North Africa frequently. They avoid the cepted definition of terrorism, the EU 2015 84,787 2,313 41/24 46,427 1,208 Slovak territory by crossing Hungary states that a terrorist act has to fulfil and heading to Austria instead. The objective elements as listed in the Ar- 2016 93,247 1,962 167/12 43,350 1,330 other route crossing Slovakia is used ticle 1 of Council Framework Decision 2017 104,451 2,458 29/25 42,926 1,392 by migrants from Asian countries and 2002/475/JHA on combating terrorism the Ukraine (a country outside the and subjective elements interpreted

Source: Ministry of Interior of the Slovak Republic, 2018a, 2018b. Schengen area and Slovakia's Eastern as an aim of seriously intimidating * Number of valid residence permits, to 31. 12. 2017, absolute numbers. ** Illegal stays on the territory of the Slovak Republic. neighbour) (SIS, 2017). a population, unduly compelling a go­ vernment or international organisation Most criminal activities in Slovakia to perform or abstain from performing compared to the domestic population, foreigners in Slovakia. When it comes were committed by citizens of the any act or seriously destabilising or while we suppose a higher share of to third-country nationals, their share Ukraine, Hungary and the Czech destroying the fundamental political, criminal activities among working-age in the total crimes committed in Republic (Table 2), regardless of the constitutional, economic or social population. Slovakia is marginal and did not rise numbers of migrants from the Middle structures of a country or an interna- even after the outbreak of the European East or Africa coming to Europe. tional organisation according to EU From the perspective of nationality, migration crisis. For example, the According to the SIS, the most se- Council Decision 2002/475 of 13th June most crimes in the period 2006–2017 number of criminal acts committed by vere migration-related activities in 2002.27 Terrorism-related security (Table 1) were committed by migrants Iraqis in 2004 was three. In 2016, after the field of organised crime include threats in the transit and receiving from neighbouring countries such as Slovakia granted asylum to 149 Assyrian the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland Christians from Iraq, no major increase 26 Prices for smuggling of people vary from about and the Ukraine (MISR, 2018a, 2018b). of crimes occurred. The number of $500 for the transfer of one person from Morocco At the same time, these countries criminal acts committed by Iraqis was 25 At the EU level, the essential document referring to Spain to more than $15,000 for the route from to organised crime is Council Framework Decision some sub-Saharan states such as Niger to Italy or constitute the highest share among four (MISR, 2018a, 2018b). 2008/841/JHA. from China to Europe (Adal, 2014). 40 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 41

Table 2 Organized crime in Slovakia as per nationality of offenders (2006–2017) countries of migrants include three this scope, Slovakia was for the first critical activities: (1) attacks of the time explicitly mentioned in the jihad- 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Total ‘hit squads’ coming to Europe and ist propaganda on the internet (SIS, Afghanistan 1 1 1 3 attacking immediately; (2) attacks of 2017). Slovakia passed new anti-terror- ‘sleeping cells’, migrants living in the ist legislation effective from 1 January Armenia 1 2 3 receiving countries for longer periods 2016 in spite of the low prospects Bangladesh 2 2 of time and attacking under specific for becoming the target of a terrorist circumstances; and (3) recruitment attack. The most significant change is Belarus 1 1 of foreign fighters from European an amendment to Act No. 300/2005 Bosnia and Herzegovina 1 1 countries, who are persuaded to move Coll., particularly § 491a, which deals

Bulgaria 1 1 to Middle Eastern countries where with the participation of Slovak they convert to Islam, are trained in citizens in combat operations in the Cameroon 1 1 terrorist techniques and then travel territory of another state, which can

Croatia 1 1 back to Europe to commit terrorist at- be seen as a reaction to the aforemen- tacks in their original home countries tioned threat of recruitment of foreign Czech Republic 3 2 1 3 1 4 2 1 2 2 6 27 (Kennedy, Homant & Barnes, 2008). fighters from European countries by Georgia 1 1 2 The probability of sleeping cells terrorist groups fighting for their goals. attacks in Slovakia remains relatively Guinea 1 1 low. The activities of hit squads might CONCLUSION Hungary 1 1 3 2 5 3 2 1 1 1 20 occur more likely; however, these are difficult to predict as it depends on Security aspects have become an India 1 1 1 3 1 7 the individual's psychological condi- inevitable part of the discourse on Italy 1 1 2 4 tion and his/hers short-term momen- migration-related issues, in spite tary decisions. of the fact that ‘security questions Macedonia 1 2 3 should not be allowed to dominate Moldavia 1 1 1 3 The SIS does not directly connect the terrain of migration, but should be migration to the threat of terrorism in examined in relation to a range of po- Pakistan 1 1 1 3 the Slovak territory and reports that litical and socio-economic questions’ Poland 1 1 the situation regarding international (Huysmans & Squire, 2009, p. 3). The terrorism in Slovakia remains secure, chapter revealed that the evaluation PRC 1 1 despite successfully accomplished of migration as a security threat is Russia 1 1 1 1 4 terrorist attacks of a mostly religious not always based on empirical facts character in other EU Member States. and data. In order to make a relevant Serbia 1 1 1 3 The only direct terrorist attack on conclusion on mutual correlations be- Slovenia 1 1 1 1 4 Slovak citizens mentioned by the tween migration and security, we ana- SIS since the publication of its first lysed particular sectors of security as Syria 1 1 2 report in 2011 is the one by the Taliban defined by the Copenhagen school of Ukraine 3 14 1 4 3 3 4 3 11 46 against Slovak members of the ISAF thoughts and distinguished between mission in Afghanistan in 2013. Within legal and irregular migrants. Vietnam 3 1 1 1 6

The selective sector-specific analysis 27 Council Decision (EU) 2002/475/JHA of 13 June 2002 on combating terrorism. Available at: of the migration-security nexus in Slo- https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ vakia proved that raising the numbers TXT/?uri=LEGISSUM%3Al33168 (accessed on Source: Ministry of Interior of the Slovak Republic, 2018b. 23rd March 2018). of legal migrants coming to the Slovak 42 MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ and BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ 43

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Rafael Ahlskog, Pär Nyman and 46 Michal Smrek 48 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 49

INTRODUCTION Christian faith – still violating the quota In this chapter, we build on the Slovakia has increased manifold since policy that mandated Slovakia to accept REMINDER report to present calculations the year of accession, and depending on Almost since the inception of the Euro- 1,200 refugees. Former Prime Minister and discuss the fiscal effects of EU the definitions used they now amount pean Union, free internal movement of Fico publicly denounced the refugees immigrants in Slovakia. The calculations to approximately 65,000 (OECD, 2018) people has been one of the cornerstones fleeing conflict and humanitarian crises are done using a static accounting or 105,000 (BBAP, 2017) individuals. of European integration. The right to in the Middle East and North Africa as model and cover the years 2005–14. Approximately half of the foreign move, live and work freely in any Member ‘economic migrants’, and called upon the Two different types of EU immigrant nationals are citizens of another EU State is also a right that is widely used – EU to adhere to the principles laid down categories are compared: those who country. The largest group is Czech around 13 million Europeans are residing by the Dublin Regulation. were born in another EU Member State, nationals, followed by Hungarians, in an EU country other than their country and those who are citizens of another Romanians, Poles and Germans (OECD of birth. This type of migration has Despite the framing of the refugee EU Member State. The results are 2018). implications for public finances in the debate in economic terms, the public straightforward and fairly unambiguous: countries that people move to: an inflow debate has, however, only to a very the net effects are roughly zero. That is, As pertains to the subject of this of people from the rest of the Union will limited degree considered the possible EU immigrants in Slovakia are neither net chapter, a number of characteristics be associated with both contributions, effects of economic migration within the fiscal costs nor contributors. of the migrant population are helpful such as tax revenues, as well as costs, in EU, and even less its effects on Slovak to be aware of. These are, for example, the form of transfers and public services. public finances ­– this despite the fact The structure of the chapter is as follows. countries of origin, length of stay and However, surprisingly little is known that more than 80% of the foreign-born First, we will give a brief overview age profile. The total foreign-born about these fiscal effects. population in Slovakia is born in another of immigration to Slovakia and the population, including naturalised citizens, EU Member State (Eurostat, 2018). There characteristics of the migrant population. amount to 185,000 individuals (Eurostat, In Slovakia, there has been an has also been a lack of research on the Second, we will describe in more detail 2018). Most of them were born in another increasingly polarised debate on issues fiscal effects of immigration to Slovakia. the method we have used to calculate EU country. Importantly, almost 90,000 related to immigration in recent years. The only two studies that present the fiscal impact estimates, what data of those that are counted as foreign- Since the onset of the 2015 EU migration such figures are a comparative study we have used and how the results should born in the international statistics were crisis, the question of what Slovakia's from the OECD (2013) and a recently be interpreted. Third, we will put the born in the Czech Republic. Many of migration policy towards refugees and published report we wrote for the numbers for Slovakia in an international them are Slovaks who were born in the migrants from outside the Union should REMINDER1 project (Nyman & Ahlskog, light by comparing them to other Western part of Czechoslovakia when it be monopolised the political discourse 2018). However, there are many previous countries in the region, and to Western was still a federation. During that time, and became the dominant political issue studies which estimate fiscal effects of Europe. Fourth, we will dig a little bit it was common for Slovaks to move to in the run up to the 2016 general election. immigration to other countries, especially deeper into what characteristics of the Czech region for work, for university Slovakia is consistently one of the least to the US and the UK (see Rowthorn migrant households are actually driving studies or to do the military service. generous EU countries in terms of how 2008 for a review of this field).2 the estimated effects, and test reliance If they gave birth before returning to many asylums are granted per year and on some key model assumptions. Lastly, Slovakia, their children would today be remains generally closed to migration we will summarise the results and briefly defined as foreign-born. It may therefore from non-EU countries (Eurostat, 2018). explore some of their implications. be misleading to regard all foreign-born 1 REMINDER is a multidisciplinary consortium None of the major political parties openly focused on analysing the impacts of free movement residents of Slovakia as immigrants. supports the relocation of any refugees and the processes through which public narratives 1. IMMIGRANTS IN SLOVAKIA and public opinion about these impacts are formed. from the EU countries that have been In addition to demographics, a specific most severely affected by the inflow of 2 The number of studies is smaller if we only include The accession of Slovakia to the group's fiscal contribution is also affect- those that analyse intra-European migration. migrants. Dustmann et al. (2010) and Dustmann & Frattini European Union made it possible for EU/ ed by how this group performs on the (2014) find that EU migrants have been a strong EEA nationals to move freely to Slovakia labour market. For those of working age, fiscal contribution to the UK. In a similar vein, To avoid facing sanctions, Slovakia Martinsen & Rotger (2017) estimate positive fiscal and seek employment, ushering a boom the employment rate is higher among EU reluctantly agreed to accept mere 100 effects of EU migration to Denmark, while Joakim in migration from these countries. The immigrants compared to the total popu­ Ruist (2014) finds that Bulgarian and Romanian refugees on the condition that they are of migrants in Sweden are fiscal contributors. number of foreign nationals living in lation, especially when immigrants are 50 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 51

defined as foreign citizens. In this group, 2. METHOD, DATA AND Table 1 Slovak respondents in EU-SILC 2005–2014 the employment rate was 79%, com- INTERPRETATION Households Household size Working age Wage income pared to 68% for those born in another EU-country (regardless of citizenship) The goal of this chapter is to give an Total population 52,666 2.85 62.4% 8,081 and 66% for the entire population (aged overview of the fiscal effects of EU Citizens of other EU country 267 2.61 66.4% 6,789 15–64, 2017). However, a disproportionate immigrants­ in Slovakia. We have cal- share of the foreign-born EU immigrants culated these effects using the dataset Non-EU Citizens 61 3.14 63.1% 11,021 are retirees. Even if they have contribut- EU-SILC (Survey on Income and Living Born in other EU country 1,540 2.74 58.5% 7,415 ed throughout their lives, they will cause Conditions; European Commission, migration to appear more costly when we 2017), combined with data sources on Born outside EU 203 3.45 66.3% 12,553 define migrants based on their country annual government expenditures and of birth. This is important to keep in revenues on a variety of areas, as well as Source: Table by R. Ahlskog, P. Nyman & M. Smrek. Note that the rotating panel in EU-SILC means that the same household can appear up to four times in the data. Working mind later on, and we have attempted demographic data. The Slovak respond- age is here defined as being between 20 and 64 years old. Wage income is the average individual annual gross wage income to investigate the impact of this both by ents in EU‑SILC are briefly summarised in euro, including those who do not work. A household is included in the migrant categories whenever at least one of the household members fulfills the relevant criteria. All averages in the table are weighted with the respect to the share of using different migrant definitions and in Table 1. The microdata­ confirms the migrants in the household. different allocation criteria for pension picture given in the previous section, expenditures. with fewer foreign-born EU-migrants being of working age, and their wages as a share of GDP, and also compared the following items: capital taxes (cap), EU immigrants in Slovakia tend to being lower than those of both natives between migrants and natives. consumption taxes (con), income taxes concentrate in low-qualification occu- and migrants from outside the EU. (inc), sales (sal) and social security pations. Plant and machine operators, We have divided the total government's contributions (ssc). We believe most of assemblers and elementary occupations The method used to arrive at the esti- expenditures into five items: benefits these categories are self-explanatory (as defined in the ILO classification of mates we present in this chapter is of- (ben), congestible public goods (cpg), and we refer to Nyman and Ahlskog occupations) comprise 44% of the EU/ ten referred to as a static, or accounting, non-congestible public goods (npg), (2018) for a more detailed description. EEA employees, compared to only 26% model (Vargas-Silva, 2015).3 This means pensions (pen), and demographically in the total Slovak population (Eurostat, that we attempt to capture the pure modelled expenditures (dem). Benefits For each category within both expendi- 2018). 24% of the EU immigrants work fiscal costs and contributions of a set include all kinds of social benefits tures and revenues, we use a top-down as managers, professionals, technicians of people, in this case EU immigrants, except pensions. Congestible public approach where we take the known to- and associate professionals, which is in a given year. Contributions are added goods are government services that tals from the government accounts and somewhat less than 31% in the native up, and associated costs are subtract- increase in cost as the total population allocate these expenditures or revenues population (Eurostat, 2018). ed, yielding a simple net figure of how increases. Typical examples are parks, to natives and immigrants based on the much a given household affects the roads and fire protection. By non-con- available EU-SILC data. The allocation In terms of education, the EU immigrants public budget, broadly construed. Costs gestible public goods we mean govern- criteria we use are presented in Table 2. are better educated than the rest of include both transfers and the provision ment services that can be extended For example, when we estimate the the Slovak population when we define of public services, while contributions to the migrant population at virtually consumption taxes paid by EU immi- migrants based on citizenship. When we come mainly in the form of taxes and no extra cost, such as defence and grants, we take the government's total also include naturalised citizens in the social security payments. To get a sense central administration. Demographically revenue from consumption taxes and migrant stock, the differences are less of whether the calculated effects are modelled expenditures are government multiply it with the immigrants' share of clear. On the one hand, there is a larger large or small, they can be expressed services where we have modelled the the total disposable income of all Slo- share among those born in another EU- cost on demographic characteristics vak residents, effectively assuming that country that lack primary education. On like sex and age. These include health natives and immigrants consume the the other hand, it is more common for 3 What follows is a very condensed description of care expenditures, old-age benefits and same share of their household income. EU immigrants to have attained a tertiary the method employed. A comprehensive technical costs for schooling and education. The Some public services can be provided description can be found in the full REMINDER education (Eurostat, 2018). report (Nyman & Ahlskog, 2018). government revenues are divided into to the migrant population at virtually no 52 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 53

Table 2 Categorisation of revenues and expenditures extra cost, and some revenues do not Because the model is static rather than increase with population size. These dynamic, there are several types of Category % of GDP Allocation criteria budget posts, which include defence effects, mainly indirect, that are not and central administration (Dust- captured in the estimates. For example, mann & Frattini, 2014), are included in possible external labour market effects, our categories non-congestible public such as effects on employment of na- Revenues goods and other revenue. Following tives, are not captured. The economic Rowthorn's (2008) recommendation, literature­ on labour market effects of im- Consumption taxes (con) 10.6 Disposable income we assume that these aggregates are migration illuminates two counteracting Taxes on income and wealth (inc) 3.4 Income tax + wealth tax unaffected by migration. tendencies: on the one hand, migrants

Capital and corporate taxes (cap) 2.8 Pro-rata might compete with native workers and Furthermore, defining who should count therefore negatively affect the employ- Social security contributions (ssc) 12.5 Wages as an EU immigrant requires a bit of ment rate and wages for natives (Borjas,

Sales (sal) 3.4 Pro-rata elaboration. We test and compare two 2003). On the other hand, low-skilled different definitions here. First, we immigration may enable natives to take Other revenue (oth) 3.6 Zero marginal revenue look at all people residing in Slovakia, up more productive and well-paid posi- but who were born in a current EU tions (Card, 2009; D'Amuri & Peri, 2014; Member State other than Slovakia. It is Foged & Peri, 2016). A broad research important to keep in mind that this also consensus is lacking, but a reasonable Expenditures includes people who migrated before assumption is that such effects are small the free movement of the EU was instat- and tend to cancel each other out from Benefits (ben) 6.6 Benefits ed (or even before the EU in its current a fiscal perspective (Blanchflower et al., Pensions (pen1 and pen2) 6.8 Pensions (pen1) and wages (pen2) form existed). Thus, as mentioned above, 2007). This is also what has been found a large portion of EU immigrants in Slo- in most studies that focus specifically on Non-congestible public goods (npg) 5.8 Zero marginal cost vakia are Czechs. It also means that a intra-European migration (Brenke et al., Demographically modelled expenditures (dem) 10.6 See below substantial part of people thus included 2010; Doyle et al., 2006; Hughes, 2011; are actually Slovak citizens. Second, Lemos & Portes, 2008; Migration Adviso- Congestible public goods (cpg) 10.6 Pro-rata we therefore also present estimates ry Committee, 2012). where EU-migrants are defined as all Slovak residents who have a non-Slovak, The longer life-cycle effects are not taken but European, citizenship. These two into account either, since the estimates Demographically modelled expenditures different definitions speak to slightly are based on year-by-year snapshots. A different questions. Since rules for ob- given person might be a fiscal asset in Primary education (pri) 1.5 Only age 3–10 taining citizenship differ between coun- one year and then retire, thus turning into Secondary education (sec) 0.7 Only age 11–18 tries, the first definition provides better a fiscal cost. The static approach cap- comparability between countries. On tures the sum of these effects in a given Post-secondary and tertiary education (ter) 0.5 Only age 19–29 the other hand, the second definition year, that is, for those who work and Old-age (old) 0.3 Only age 65+ is more relevant if we are interested in assessing the impact on Slovak public Health (hlt) 6.6 Age intervals 4 A related issue is how to define a migrant finances on free movement in the EU. household; given that we have already defined Police and prisons (pol) 1.0 Sex and age (peak at 18) Henceforth, we will refer to these (par- which person is a migrant. We have opted for a conti­nuous rather than a dichotomous tially overlapping) groups of immigrants approach, whereby the household's fiscal as foreign-born vs. foreign-citizen EU effect is apportioned to the respective groups by the share of the adults in the household Source: Table by R. Ahlskog, P. Nyman & M. Smrek. immigrants.4 belonging to each category. 54 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 55

those who do not, but does not capture allocate the government's total pension 3. THE INTERNATIONAL countries tend to have small migrant the fact that those who work will even- expenditures to different groups based PERSPECTIVE populations, which limits the size of both tually retire, and those who are retired on how much they receive in pensions positive and negative effects. have previously likely been contributors. (this calculation will be referred to as As we mentioned above, we will present The calculated effect thus applies only to pen2). However, we cannot see whether results based on two different migrant Comparing this to the graph where the the current composition of the migrant the received pensions were paid by the definitions. The more internationally estimates are adjusted according to stock, and changes to this composition Slovak government, by some other gov- comparable perspective is to look at the share of the population that are EU (for example, if the migrant population in ernment, or by private pension insurance. the groups of people who are born in a immigrants, we can see that the strong the future is comprised of more migrants With migrants, this becomes an impor- different EU Member State rather than result for Switzerland was partly driven of working age) will also affect future net tant issue since some of them may have assessing effects based on citizenship. by a large EU immigrant population fiscal effects of the migrant population. worked in their home countries previous- In this section we will therefore look at rather than the particularly strong ly, and accrued pension benefits there. the foreign-born EU immigrants.5 positive fiscal effects per immigrant Finally, the estimated effects are purely Some proportion of pensions paid to EU household. For Slovakia, the estimated fiscal in the sense that they involve immigrants may therefore derive from Figures 1–2 present the net fiscal effects effect is still close to zero, indicating direct transactions between the public sources other than Slovak state pensions. of the foreign-born EU immigrants in that the public finances would neither sector and the individual (or household). In particular, in lower-income countries Slovakia as compared to other European gain nor lose from an increased number We do not measure other economic with consumer prices that are lower than countries. In all figures, the bar for of EU migrants. However, the standard effects, such as increased profitability of that of the migrants' home countries, this Slovakia (SK) is marked in dark grey. The errors are quite large, so we cannot firms or reduced consumer prices. provides incentives to stay after retiring figures represent two different ways of rule out that there would be a small but rather than moving back, since the nomi- calculating the effect. Figure 1 presents noteworthy effect. There are several possible error sources nal value of the pensions received can be the estimated fiscal contribution from associated with the kind of method we ‘stretched’ longer in the host country. all EU immigrants residing in the country. There is thus no strong evidence in the employ – apart from simple sampling To adjust for the fact that the share of data that foreign-born EU immigrants are error, the assumptions involved in A more representative way of defining EU migrants in the population differ either net contributors or net costs in assigning associated costs and contri- pensions, then, is to allocate the Slovak between countries, Figure 2 shows the Slovakia. There is, however, good reason butions are by necessity simplified. The state pensions paid according to market estimated contribution from a number of to suspect that the net effects are worse main take-away from this fact is that the income rather than pensions received EU immigrants that equals 1 per cent of than in most other included countries, precise estimates in themselves should (pen1). The logic behind this approach is the country's total population. where small to moderate positives be taken with a grain of salt. The major that the wages that Slovak residents earn effects can be seen. As two particularly point is that they facilitate comparisons: today is a good indicator of the pension When looking at the effects o f the total salient points of comparison, we can on the one hand, we can compare coun- benefits that they will receive from the stock of EU migrants, we can see that look at the Czech Republic and Hungary: tries to each other (how does Slovakia Slovak government when they retire, as the estimates range from about 1.5% both of these neighbouring countries fare compared to other countries in the long as pensions are in some way earn- of GDP in Switzerland (EU migration show positive fiscal effects from their region?), or different groups within the ings related. Put simply, wages earned in is a major fiscal contribution) to -0.3% foreign-born EU immigrant populations. country (are EU immigrants larger or Slovakia today translates into some level of GDP in Ireland (EU migration is a Slovakia thus appears to be missing out smaller fiscal contributors than natives?). of pensions in the future. However, this minor fiscal cost). The estimated fiscal on some of the possible fiscal benefits of muddles up the purely static accounting effects for Slovakia as well as most other these migrant groups. As we shall see below, a particularly approach, since pensions paid to one Eastern European countries are close salient point in the case of Slovakia is group of people inform the assumed fu- to zero. This is partly because these 4. HOUSEHOLD COMPARISONS precisely how to define expenditures on ture pension payments to people who are pensions. The EU-SILC data allow us currently employed. Regardless of this, we The result that the net effects are 5 The relative picture changes when using foreign- to see how much money in pensions a think that this approach provides a more citizen EU immigrants instead, but the point close to zero both in total and on a per- given person receives. The most straight- accurate picture of allocated pension ex- estimates specifically for Slovakia do not (the household basis could be observed for standard errors become larger, however, since forward approach is therefore to simply penditures given the outlined issues. this group of people is much smaller). many different reasons. For example, 56 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 57

Figure 1 it is possible that the net contribution of people and Slovak natives, namely on from migrants differ substantially from age distribution: the foreign-born EU im- that of natives, if natives on average are migrants are on average older, and thus major fiscal costs or contributors. This to a larger extent depend on pensions may happen when a country's budget compared to the native population. This balance is far from zero (during times particularly appears to apply to Czechs of large deficits, most groups cost more and Hungarians where, for example, the than they contribute) or when a country latter group as of 2018 had a share over has large expenditures on non-congesti­ the age of 64 of almost 60% (the native ble public goods (in which case most share in the same age category is 14%). groups tend to be fiscal contributors While we cannot separate the fiscal on the margin). And even if none of the effects based on nationality due to data groups have an effect on public finances, limitations, this tells us that it is likely it is possible that this net estimate hides that the effects are driven mainly by important details. Maybe migrants bring retired Czechs and Hungarians, who are smaller (larger) revenues but also cost the largest and second largest groups less (more) public expenditures. of foreign-born EU immigrants. Since many, or even most, of the foreign-born In order to better understand the zero EU immigrants are people one may not effect on the aggregate level, we will ordinarily think of as EU migrants what- now compare an average household of soever (since they are not a consequence EU immigrants to an average household of the free movement within the EU and Figure 2 of Slovak natives, and we will do that may also include many who would count one budget item at a time. Since the as naturalised or even ethnic Slovaks), a results may ultimately depend on who we different migrant definition is required categorise as an EU immigrant, we will to address the consequences of current present analyses using both foreign-born free movement policy. and foreign-citizen EU immigrants. In order to assess what the effects are When using the broader foreign-born of the type of migration that may be the criterion, we see the between-household result of free movement in the EU rather differences shown in Figure 3. There than population movements within are no substantial differences between the former federation, it is therefore natives and foreign-born EU immigrants: probably more accurate to consider some expenditures are slightly lower, but foreign-citizen EU immigrants: that is, so are social security contributions. In those who are citizens of another EU general, the differences are very small Member State but who reside in Slova- or practically zero. When using pension kia. When looking at this group instead, expenditures allocated by pensions re- we observe the differences portrayed in ceipts instead of work-income (pen2), we Figure 4. Here, the lack of any substan- can see that the pension expenditures tial differences between natives and are higher than for natives. This pattern other EU citizens is even more striking: emerges because of a fundamental de- not even the different definition of pen- Source: Figures by R. Ahlskog, P. Nyman & M. Smrek mographic difference between this class sions appears to matter. 58 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK 59

Figure 3 Another interesting point of compari­ sala­ries are higher. The good news is son is between EU immigrants and that it does not appear to cost any- non-EU immigrants. Here, we see that thing either. Rather, the data indicates the pattern of costs of contributions that EU immigrants in Slovakia are fis- of EU immigrants is much more similar cally neutral. The natural conclusion to to that of natives than that of other draw from this is that while a number immigrants: the other immigrants of issues connected to migration of EU show markedly higher contributions in nationals to Slovakia can be discussed, the form of taxes and social security the effects on the public budget contributions and, depending on the should probably take a back seat to migrant definition, also possibly higher things like labour market effects or benefit receipts. However, as was necessary infrastructure investments. shown in Table 1, these figures are based on very few observations, and The comparison with neighbouring should therefore be interpreted with similar economies such as the Czech great care. Republic and Hungary, however, gives a hint as to the unused potential fiscal CONCLUSION benefits that Slovakia could derive

0 from EU immigration. A deeper look at Summarising the results is straightfor- the item-specific data for neighbour- ward: the fiscal effects of EU immigra- ing countries suggests that the differ- tion in Slovakia are roughly zero. What ent fiscal position of Slovakia is driven Figure 4 this means is that people residing in by income taxes and social security Slovakia that are born in another EU contributions. In brief, EU immigrants Member State (or alternatively are to Slovakia end up in lower paid labour citizens of another EU Member State) markets compared to native Slovaks, pay roughly as much in taxes and while the opposite is true in Hungary social security contributions as they and Czech Republic. Slovakia thus ap- receive in benefits and other expen­ pears to attract mainly low-skilled EU ses. If one wishes to interpret this in migration. There is no inherent reason marginal terms as opposed to in total, why Slovakia could not attract the adding more European migrants to the type of European labour that would Slovak population, provided they are provide fiscal benefits and therefore of the same character as the existing give more room for investments in migrant population, will not affect the public services (or tax cuts), which its public finances neither positively nor neighbours appear to do successfully. negatively. The implications of this are The precise reforms that would be two-fold. The bad news first: unlike required to accomplish this is a sub- in many western European countries, ject too large to grapple with in this free movement does not, unfortunate- chapter, but may involve a few fairly ly, appear to be a substantial fiscal simple adjustments like simplifying asset in Slovakia. This should not be a registration procedures, or improving surprise, since labour migration tends possibilities to communicate with Source: Figures by R. Ahlskog, P. Nyman & M. Smrek to go west within the Union, where state authorities in other European 60 RAFAEL AHLSKOG, PÄR NYMAN and MICHAL SMREK

languages than Slovak and Hungarian Eurostat (2018). Population on 1 January by age (for example English). The regulatory group, sex and country of birth. Available at: http://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa. framework for internal migration and eu/nui/show.do?dataset=migr_pop3ctb free movement that makes these (accessed on 7th July 2018). European Commission (2017). European Union things possible has been set in place Statistics on Income and Living Conditions since Slovakia joined the European (EU-SILC). Available at: http://ec.europa. Union, however. The major regulatory eu/eurostat/web/microdata/european- union-statistics-on-income-and-living- hurdles are therefore already con- conditions (accessed on 7th July 2018). quered. Foged, M. & G. Peri (2015). Immigrants' Effect on Native Workers: New Analysis on Longitudinal Data. American Economic REFERENCES Journal: Applied Economics, 8(2), 1–34. Hughes, G. (2011). Free Movement in the EU, the Case of Ireland. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. BBAP (2017). Statistical Overview of Legal Available at: library.fes.de/pdf-files/id/ and Illegal Migration in the Slovak ipa/08043.pdf (accessed on 7th July 2018). Republic, Bureau of Border and Alien Lemos, S. & J. Portes (2008). The Impact of Police. Available at: http://www.minv. Migration from the New European Union th sk/?rok-2017-1 (accessed on 7 July Member States on Native Workers. 2018). Working Paper No. 52. Leeds: Department Blanchflower, D. G., Saleheen, J. & C. Shad­ for Work and Pensions. forth (2007). The Impact of the Recent Martinsen, D. S. & G. P. Rotger (2017). The Migration from Eastern Europe on the Fiscal Impact of EU Immigration on the UK economy. IZA Discussion Paper Tax-Financed Welfare State – Testing the No. 2615. ‘Welfare Burden’ Thesis. European Union Borjas, G. J. (2003). The Labor Demand Curve Politics, 18(4), 620–639. is Downward Sloping: Reexamining Migration Advisory Committee (2012). Analysis the Impact of Immigration on the of the Impacts of Migration. Available Labor Market. The Quarterly Journal of at: https://www.gov.uk/government/ Economics, 118(4), 1335–1374. publications/analysis-of-the-impacts-of- Brenke, K., Yuksel, M. & K. F. Zimmerman migration (accessed on 7th July 2018). (2010). EU Enlargement under Continued Nyman, P. & R. Ahlskog (2018). Fiscal Effects of Mobility Restrictions: Consequences for Intra-EEA Migration. Deliverable 4.1 for the the German Labor Market. In Kahanec, REMINDER project. Available at: http:// M. & K. F. Zimmerman (Eds.). EU Labor www.parnyman.com/files/published/ Markets after Post-Enlargement nyman_ahlskog_2018_deliverable_41.pdf Migration. Berlin: Springer, (pp. 111–129). (accessed on 7th July 2018). Card, D. (2009). Immigration and Inequality. OECD (2013). International Migration Outlook American Economic Review, 99(2), 1–21. 2013. OECD Publishing. D'Amuri, D. & G. Peri (2014). Immigration, Jobs, OECD (2018). International Migration Database. and Employment Protection: Evidence Accessed through OECD Stat. Available from Europe Before and During the at: https://stats.oecd.org/Index. Great Recession. Journal of the aspx?DataSetCode=MIG (accessed on 7th European Economic Association, 12(2), July 2018). 432–464. Rowthorn, R. (2008). The Fiscal Impact of Doyle, N., Hughes, G. & E. Wadensjö (2006). Immigration on the Advanced Economies. Freedom of Movement for Workers Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 24(3), from Central and Eastern Europe – 560–580. Experiences in Ireland and Sweden. Ruist, J. (2014). The Fiscal Consequences of SIEPS Report No. 5. Stockholm: Unrestricted Immigration from Romania Swedish Institute for European Policy and Bulgaria. Working papers in economics, Studies. No 584, Gothenburg: University of Dustmann, C. & T. Frattini (2014). The Fiscal Gothenburg. Effects of Immigration to the UK. Vargas-Silva, C. (2015). The Fiscal Impact Economic Journal, 124, F593–F643. of Immigrants: Taxes and Benefits. Dustmann, C., Frattini, T. & C. Halls (2010). In Chiswick, B. R. & P. W. Miller, Assessing the Fiscal Costs and Benefits (Eds.). Handbook of the Economics of of A8 Migration to the UK. Fiscal International Migration. Amsterdam: Studies, 31, 1–41. Elsevier. ❹ Meeting the 63 Care Needs in Sending Countries as a Result of Care mobility: Examples from Romania and Slovakia

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INTRODUCTION in countries of origin through public After describing the methodology em- between October 2017 and March 2018, institutions as a factor contributing ployed, the paper unfolds in three main in Romania and Slovakia respectively, fo- Unmet care needs – the tension between to ‘ways of family care-reorganisation’, sections. The first section presents cusing on perceived institutional effects demand and supply – is one of the most less attention has been given to the example of Romanian and Slovak of care mobility and policy responses in important challenges of contemporary specific linkages between family care care-workers (in Austria) and the public countries of origin. In-depth semi-struc- modern societies. Concepts like ‘care needs, institutional frameworks and institutional care arrangement in child- tured interviews were conducted with deficit’ (Hochschild, 1995) or ‘crisis of care-workers' mobility. The ways in care and long-term care in these sending care-workers and/or their adult family care’ (Triandafyllidou, 2013) describe which women informally re-organise countries. The second section presents members, where the main emphasis was care deficiencies within families and family care obligations, as a result the care needs of families residing on the care needs of families and the formal settings. ‘Care deficit’ is seen as of care work migration, have been in sending countries, while the main utilisation of institutional services deli­ a result of expanded needs for care and extensively researched (Bauer & Österle, caregiver is working in the field of care vered either by private or public service difficulties in contracting a matching 2016). Our research indicates that the abroad. This section also exemplifies how providers.3 In Romania, nine care-work- supply (Hochschild, 1995). In high-in- reorganisation of family care is, in (limited) existing care needs in their own ers were interviewed including one family come countries, care deficit is fuelled by addition to cultural values and social families allow caregivers to perform care member whose contribution was part demographic and social transformations, norms, influenced by the availability work abroad. Finally, the third section of the ‘family case’. For the research in such as population ageing and changes and affordability of institutional care demonstrates how care-workers' mobility Slovakia, four caregivers and three family in the household's structure – where services, particularly for childcare and is influenced by the needs of families in members were interviewed representing nuclear families no longer live with the elderly care. Although there are various sending countries, as well as by care-re- four ‘family cases’.4 extended family –, increasing migra- approaches to childcare and care for the lated systems in countries of origin. tion – where working age family members elderly in Central and Eastern Europe, For the purposes of this study, ‘care work work abroad –, restructuring of welfare unpaid informal care (provided within 1. METHODOLOGY mobility’ refers to live-in caregivers as a programmes, as well as lower involve- families) continues to play a crucial specific sub-category of caregivers, most ment of the state in the provision of care role (Österle, 2010; Saxonberg, 2011; This paper draws on qualitative research often without formal education in this altogether (Leon, 2014). Saxonberg & Sirovátka, 2006). undertaken in the framework of the field. Care is understood as a range of ac- research project ‘Role of European tivities and relationships that promote the In many Western European countries, Bringing forth the example of Roma- Mobility and Its Impacts in Narratives, this need is being covered through nian and Slovak caregivers working Debates and EU Reforms (REMINDER)’.1 migrant care – be it citizens of other EU abroad – particularly in Austria and This research is part of a larger study 3 The interviews were conducted only after the interviewee was explained the purpose of the countries or third-country nationals. The Italy, this paper analyses the linkages within REMINDER aimed at exploring research and signed an informed consent form main differentiating aspect of care work between strategies to address the key under-researched aspects of the for participating in the research. The interviews were anonymised by assigning a code to each mobility compared to other types of care needs of mobile workers' fami­ social and economic impacts of intra-EU interviewee. Transcripts and recorded interviews labour mobility relates to its nature as a lies residing in sending countries, mobility on Eastern European sending are stored in a restricted access folder at ICMPD. The methodology employed in this study, as part female-dominated area. As the cultural care-workers' mobility patterns, and countries.2 The fieldwork was conducted of the H2020 REMINDER project, was approved by the Commission of Scientific Ethics of the framework of care attributes the main relevant public policies in their respec- Austrian Academy of Sciences. caring responsibilities to women, care tive countries of origin. In addition, the 1 For more details visit https://www.reminder- 4 Altogether, 27 persons were interviewed in mobility directly affects family care paper describes the unmet care needs project.eu/ or http://research.icmpd.org/projects/ Romania and 2 provided response via email capacities in countries of origin. Within within families, which are a result migration-governance/reminder/. (6 interviews at national level, 13 interviews at local level, 9 care workers and one family this framework, even though women of care-worker's mobility in specific 2 The study on the institutional impacts of mobility member which included one ‘case of family’). eventually become breadwinners, they commuting patterns. We chose the of care-workers from Romania and Slovakia was a For the research in Slovakia, 32 persons research activity conducted by ICMPD’s researchers were interviewed and 4 persons provided remain responsible for family care in example of Romanian and Slovak within the project Role of European Mobility and response via email (17 responses at national their respective countries of origin. care-workers, since their mobility to its Impacts in Narratives, Debates and EU Reforms level, 12 responses collected from local level (REMINDER) coordinated by COMPAS from the institutions and four ‘cases of families’ – four Austria, and to a certain extent to Italy, University of Oxford and funded by European caregivers and three family members). These While previous studies regard care represents specific patterns of trans- Commission through H2020. For more details visit numbers include institutional stakeholders, https://www.reminder-project.eu/publications/ among which representatives of national and arrangements available to families national care circulation. work-packages/wp6-countries-of-origin/. local level relevant institutions. 66 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 67

physical and emotional well-being of peo- 2. CARE-WORKERS FROM ROMANIA Figure 1 Active trade licenses for personal home care according to nationalities ple who cannot perform these activities AND SLOVAKIA IN AUSTRIA themselves (Kofman, 2012). As the dura- tion of caregivers' stay abroad determines Care-workers from both Romania and 2017 how care needs are being addressed by Slovakia hold EU citizenship status their respective families, we conceptually and enjoy the right to move to other EU distinguish between migration and mobili­ countries for the purpose of gainful 2015 ty. Following the UN definition of migra- work, be it in an employment or a self- tion, which is a change in a person's place employment contractual relationship. In of residence for at least three months (UN, both countries, economic deprivation 2013 1998), the paper distinguishes mobility – and relatively large wage differences, which implies fewer than three months' compared to wages in destination stay abroad – from migration. countries, drive care mobility. The 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% destinations of care migrants are Slovakia Romania Hungary Austria Bulgaria Poland Other nationalities In order to study the links between determined by historical ties, spatial mobility patterns and the care needs proximity and the ‘migration industry’, Source: WKO, 2018. of care-workers' families, we took the linking sending and receiving countries example of Austria as a receiving country (compare Bauer & Österle, 2016). Slovak and Romania and Slovakia as examples of caregivers are present in Germany and Care mobility towards Austria continues tries of origin remain, at least to a certain sending countries, since caregivers from Switzerland, but the spatial proximity to grow. Despite institutionalised care extent, unmet. The lack of institutional these countries dominate the 24-hour per- and opportunities for rotational mobility services provided by the Austrian federal public services and the public systems' sonal care sector in Austria.5 To include a on a bi-weekly basis make Austria government, municipalities and other reliance on informal care put pressure on variety of mobility patterns, we also inter- the preferred option (Bahna, 2014). public actors (Riedel & Kraus, 2010), the informal care provided by family mem- viewed caregivers in Romania who were Romanian care mobility is more diverse 24-hour care model offers more market- bers, and therefore directly influence working or have been working in Italy. in terms of destination countries (in able care options for private households care­givers' mobility strategies. The fol- While we did not go into details regarding addition to Italy, Romanian caregivers and, with cash-for-care contributions, is lowing section introduces the institution- migrant care work in Italy, testimonies of work in Spain, Germany and Austria), a cost-effective and inexpensive solu- al frameworks in Romania and Slovakia, these care-workers were taken into ac- the length of the shifts, as well as tion – at least for middle and upper-in- where informal family care plays a crucial count, particularly with regard to the care migration time-spans. While several come families.6 According to the WKO role in meeting family care needs. needs of their families in Romania. types of work arrangements exist, most register, the number of active licenses for Romanian and Slovak care­givers are 24-hour home care grew from 13,357 in 3. INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS self-employed in Austria. At the end of 20087 to 62,670 in 2017 (Figure 2). IN THE COUNTRY OF ORIGIN: 5 The Austrian long-term care system (Riedel and Kraus 2010; Österle 2013) includes a component 2017, the Austrian Chamber of Commerce CHILDCARE AND CARE FOR THE of 24-hour personal home care (24-Stunden- Betreuung), in addition to nursing homes and (Wirtschaftskammer Österreich, later Caregivers from neighbouring countries ELDERLY mobile care arrangements offered by private referred as ‘WKO’) registered 62,670 dominate the 24-hour care sector in companies, social NGOs or municipalities (BMASK, 2016). The 24-hour care system is a combination active self-employment licenses for Austria. While they are working in Austria, In Romania, early childcare is supported of traditional family-oriented care and universal 24-hour personal care provision (Figure 1), the care needs of their families in coun- through paid parental leave up to two cash-for-care-scheme (Winkelmann, Schmidt & Leichsenring, 2015). For 24-hour caregivers in out of which 42.4% (26,144 licenses) were years (or up to three for children with Austria, the live-in model and rotational system registered by Romanians, and followed disabilities) (MMJS, 2016; Voiculescu, of sharing jobs with other workers – after two to 6 For more information on the specifics of four weeks of work – is typical. Two legal forms by Slovak caregivers with 24,585 licenses 24-hour personal home care in Austria and its 2018). Public and private nurseries are of 24-hour care arrangements exist – standard (39.2%). Other nationalities­ such as contemporary developments see Österle & Bauer, available from the age of three months to employment and self-employment – where the 2012; Sekulová & Rogoz, 2019; Winkelmann, latter covers about 99% of all 24-hour care work Hungarians, Austrians, Czechs or Poles Schmidt & Leichsenring, 2015. the age of four years (Monitorul Oficial, arrangements (Österle & Bauer, 2016). Personal registered 11,469 licenses­ (18.4% of the 2009). According to data from the Na- care was in a shadow market zone until the 2007 7 First compulsory year for legal self-employment legalisation (Österle & Bauer, 2016). total number) (WKO, 2018). license after the 2007 legalisation. tional Institute for Statistics (INS), in the 68 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 69

Figure 2 Active trade licenses for 24-hour personal care in Austria little compensation for the loss of Slovakia, there were around 600 nursing income incurred when a parent provides and elderly home beds per 100,000 care at home (Javornik, 2014). population (Spasova et al., 2018). 62,670 63,116 60,589 56,095 Both Romania and Slovakia display In Slovakia, the long-term care sys- what was called a ‘familiaristic’/ tem consists of formal care services 50,596 individualist (Österle, 2010) long-term provided by professional caregivers 44,497 care system. This translates into either in residential institutions (nurs- families and individuals holding the main ing homes, hospitals etc.) or at home 38,143 responsibility for care, while the state (Council of the European Union, 2014; 32,514 (through county-level administration Repková, 2011; Radvanský & Lichner, and municipalities) provides basic care 2013). Municipalities are in charge 26,679 services and/or means-tested cash of social services, as they have the 19,950 contributions. In Romania, the long- main responsibility for the provision of term care system aims to support the community social-care to the elderly. 13,357 elderly and disabled persons, as well as Regional-/county-level administration is most of those in need of medical care responsible for residential services for 6,593 who are included in the formal system the elderly, the disabled and the chroni­ (Council of the European Union, 2014). cally ill. Private services are rather rare Social-care community services for due to the low purchasing power of the 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018* the elderly consist of residential- and social and health services' clientele Source: WKO, 2018. home-based services (both permanent (Repková, 2012). Formal care provision, and temporary), day centres (Council both in institutional and home settings, of the European Union, 2014; Popa, covers around 14 % of those who need 2017–2018 school year around 8% of chil- (Saxonberg, 2011). Publicly provided 2010), as well as residential centres for care in Slovakia (Radvanský & Dováľová, dren aged two or younger are enrolled pre-school arrangements are available medical and social care (MMJS, 2018). 2013). Long waiting lists for residential in a public nursery/kindergarten, while for children in the age category between Social service provision falls under the care are common in both Romania about 83% of children between three three and the mandatory school age responsibility of local authorities; the and Slovakia (Council of the European and five are enrolled in public kindergar- (six years old), whereas universal (and financing mechanism combines central Union, 2014), which adds to the strain tens/pre-school services.8 Research on obligatory) access to pre-school is and local resources, with NGOs playing put on family-based care arrangements, access to early education indicates that granted in the last year before attending an important role in the delivery of since informal care relies heavily on un- there is a lack of policies with regard to compulsory education. For many, home services. Private facilities have increased paid female caregivers. Both countries ‘children's right to early years' education’ care is a rather necessary choice due in recent years in response to a rising offer services and/or cash contribu- and care (Kovács, 2015). to the financial constraints of young demand for long-term care. However, tions to persons in need of care and a families – despite the parental benefit – high fees make such services affordable (limited) wage-loss compensation for In Slovakia, childcare in nurseries for and lack of resources to pay for care in only for those who are economically caregivers. In Romania, informal home children up to three years is available, private facilities (Filadelfiová & Gerbery, better-situated (Council of the European care can be provided by the partner or but rather limited (Búriková, 2016). At the 2014). As demand for public services Union, 2014; Popa, 2010). Thus, long- relatives of the elderly dependent. The same time, the widely accepted social highly exceeds the actual capacities, the term care in Romania is provided mainly caregiver can apply to work part-time norm remains that home care is most availability and affordability of childcare on an informal basis. According to data and for financial compensation from the appropriate for children under three facilities are among the current topics from the World Health Organisation, local budget. Cash and in-kind benefits publicly discussed in Slovakia. The in 2010, there were less than 200 are available for those who are offi- Slovak system is considered in literature nursing and elderly homes beds per cially recognised as having a disability 8 Data available on the INS website, accessible with login only. as ‘implicitly familiaristic’, since it offers 100,000 population in Romania, while in (Popa, 2010). In Slovakia, the system 70 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 71

of means-tested cash contributions is on informal caregiving and culture finds extensively been employed in order to over the responsibility of taking care available to informal caregivers, tailored that the caregiving experience differs explain the coping mechanisms behind of the elderly themselves) or pay for to those in a low income bracket; 82% among diverse nationalities, cultural or the missing reproductive labour due to residential care. Alpes and Walsum of long-term care-workers provide care ethnic groups (Pharr et al., 2014). At the women's migration. (2014) show that the elderly might be informally (Radvanský & Lichner, 2013) same time, cultural values and social also ‘on the move’, visiting one relative and only a third of these receive some norms, which influence the extent of Migrants and their family members after another, or move abroad to join financial compensation for the care pro- informal care provision, interrelate cope with care obligations across a child who has migrated (Alpes & Van vided (Radvanský & Lichner, 2013). with the availability and affordability borders through diverse and flexible Walsum, 2014; Escriva & Skinner, 2008). of institutional services in a particular living arrangements. Childcare, for When grandparents themselves move Across Europe, the extent of informal country. In Slovakia, cultural norms instance, is most commonly structured to support migrant women to care for care provision differs significantly expect extended families to stay together through the complex interplay of nuclear their children in countries of destination, (Brandt, Haberkern & Szydlik, 2009; and women to be responsible for family and extended family. Alpes and Van literature underlines international Verbakel, 2018). Previous reasearch un- care (Bosá et al., 2009; Voľanská, 2016). Walsum (2014) found that childcare solidarities and speaks of care ‘both derlines the interlinks between the ex- Therefore, social norms are important arrangements could diverge considerably for and by older persons’ (Ciobanu, tent of informal care provision, general determinants of mobility patterns, from those displayed by the nuclear Fokkema & Nedelcu, 2017). As this paper institutional framework and the state's particularly when it comes to women. family model, whereby the primary caring argues, for both child and elderly care, involvement in responsibilites in the responsibility rests with a child's parents, the ways in which care is re-organised area of care. It is argued that formal and 4. UNMET CARE NEEDS IN most common the mother. Distinctive depend, in addition to social norms, on informal care are complementary, and MIGRANT FAMILIES IN SENDING approaches according to migration the availability and affordability of the thus extensive involvement of a welfare COUNTRIES patterns exist, i.e. whether caregivers re- social services in the country of origin. state, with more generous support, may organise their informal care obligations motivate family members to provide less Women – the main caregivers in their in countries of origin, or they reunify 5. POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION intensive informal care, even occasion- families – engage in care work abroad, with family dependants in the receiving OF CARE MOBILITY TO ally (Brandt, Haberkern & Szydlik, 2009). and this leads to family dependants countries. Escriva and Skinner (2008), CARE DEFICITS IN SENDING Conversely, less state involvement may being no longer cared for by their main through the example of Peruvian women COUNTRIES lead to caregivers providing more inten- caregiver. Situations like these have in Spain, underline the changing nature sive informal care (Brandt, Haberkern & been described through the concept of organising family care, since after a Care migrants circularly commute on Szydlik, 2009). A notable difference is of ‘care drain’ (Hochschild, 2000). As certain time of transnational family care a long-term, being ‘here and there’ the prevalence of intensive care (more families rely on extended informal social practices, women attempt to reunify without necessarily intending to settle than eleven hours a week). According to networks to arrange for care provision with their children and elderly in Spain. in the country of work (Morokvasic, Verbakel (2018), in countries with gener- across distance (Alpes & Van Walsum, However, our research indicates that 2013). While women eventually become ous long term care provisions, individu­ 2014), as well as to re-organise care for Slovak caregivers do not want to settle breadwinners, they remain responsible als are more likely to provide informal children or elderly family members, the in Austria, while only a few Romanian for the organisation of informal care in care, while the likelihood of intensive responsibility of basic services and care carers express their desire to bring their their respective families and the care caregiving is lower. Countries with less must be redirected to other persons than families to Austria. reorganisation is rather temporal. Many state involvement have fewer informal the migrant family member. The litera- Romanian and Slovak caregivers who caregivers, while more intensive care is ture that has highlighted the emerging As for the elderly, the strategies in work in Austria have informal family care being provided. care deficits within transnational fami­ addressing their care needs relate to obligations at home – towards their own lies also refers to global ‘care chains’ organising the provision of care within children and grandchildren, parents or The split between informal care provision (Hochschild, 2000; Yeates, 2012). The the extended family or to providing for other older relatives. Despite working and the utilisation of institutional concept of the ‘care chain’ as ‘a series financial support to afford care outside abroad, they remain, to a certain extent, services is influenced, in addition to of personal links between people across the family. Care migrants either send responsible for family care and continue other factors, by the cultural norms and the globe based on the paid or unpaid remittances to siblings or other members to be involved in the decision-making attitudes towards care. Earlier literature work of caring’ (Hochschild, 2000), has of the extended family (who will take processes in their families (Bauer & 72 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 73

Österle, 2016; Sekulová, 2013). The (particularly financial), negative effects 6. CARE NEEDS OF FAMILIES AND employees' salaries, she resigned and caregivers we interviewed referred to the were observed with regard to the rela- STRATEGIES TO ADRESS THEM begun looking for intermediaries that main care needs during their absence tionships in the family, as well as from a could help her find a job as a care- as related to sustaining basic services health perspective (children suffered, for Care obligations towards family members worker abroad. Her two children – aged in the household and care for closest instance, from depression) (Munteanu & are differently perceived, depending eight and nine– are living with her family members. The ways in which Tudor, 2007). Among potential negative on the age of family members and husband and parents-in-law while she these needs are addressed, which was outcomes, previous studies found that their particular health condition. Our is working abroad. Should her parents evident from our qualitative fieldwork, children may feel rejected by those who research indicates that care obligations or parents-in-law need her to care for are influenced by several factors such as remain responsible for caring for them of caregivers working abroad are rather them, she says she would no longer relationships between family members, in addition to being ‘abandoned’ by their limited. In the Slovak sample, three out work in Austria. However, as long as family structure and type (e.g. nuclear own parents (Gheaus, 2013) and grand- of four cases we analysed have adult this is possible, she will keep her job. family, extended family and double mothers, and children can suffer from re- children and only limited care obligations Her grandmother passed away last generational families), length of shifts duced privacy (Pantea, 2012). While data towards them. Diana,10 for instance, a year, and in the last period of her life, abroad, as well as the spatial distance on Romanian care-workers in Austria is 49-year-old caregiver, does not have the family employed a woman from the between family members' residences in not available,9 according to Caritas Aus- care responsibilities for anyone in her same village to take care of her. Irina is the country of origin. tria, Romanian care-workers have a lower family, apart from her husband who is currently working in four-week shifts and average age than Slovak caregivers and also working abroad. Her two children, is commuting with her private car. She is Earlier research demonstrates that care therefore caring responsibilities towards both adults, have their own lives outside considering moving to Austria with her migrants in Austria are most commonly their own children who continue to live in the parental house. Her daughter lives husband and two children. women in their middle and later life Romania are to be expected. hundreds of kilometres away, while her stages. Therefore, they have less care son lives with his wife in the same village Similar to earlier findings in the obligations towards their own children. Among Slovak caregivers in Austria, with his parents-in-laws. Diana has no area, where care-workers have care However, their parents might be in need 15% have children under 15 years old grandchildren. She began to work in the obligations towards members of their of care. In this context, according to and only 2.1% have children younger field of care four years ago because of own family, the re-organisation of care is Bauer and Österle (2016), caregivers aged than six. In 2016, the average age of a financial constraints and difficulties to as following the family ties. The husband/ 40 to 50 from Romania and Slovakia who Slovak caregiver was 48 years (Bahna, find paid employment as a tailor. partner and grandparents play the most are working in Austria have multiple ob- 2016). In Slovakia, women with important roles in re-organising care ligations towards their own households younger children are less interested ‘The house is empty… [My son] just got during the absence of the main caregiver. and elderly family members. As for wom- in working in care work abroad, since married and he is 28. [My daughter] is Depending on family type – nuclear, two- en with dependent children, this is the they are expected to provide care for 27. She left home four years ago and generational, kin-network nearby-family case of many Romanian women working their own families (Bosá et al., 2009). she has [her] own life now. She works in care is most commonly delegated to abroad, including those employed in They prefer to remain close to their Bratislava. And [my] husband, he is [a] spouses, grandparents or older children. personal home care in Austria. ‘Children families and search for alternatives of whole life away in the world [economic At the same time, the delegation of care left behind’ (Pantea, 2012; Rentea & employment in Slovakia rather than migrant]. The children come home for to other family members is only short Rotărescu, 2016) is one of the most dis- work in the field of care in Austria. La- a visit only if I am at home.’ (Diana, term, until the caregiver returns home cussed and researched migration-related bour migration or mobility is, in many 49 years old, caregiver from Slovakia) (Sekulová, 2013). issues in Romania. Reports estimate families, more common among their that there are between 350,000 and male counterparts. Irina from Romania, 36 years old, has Women from Eastern Romania work as 400,000 children who, at some point, been a care-worker in Austria since caregivers mainly in Italy. While they are had at least one parent working abroad 2013. When the company she used to abroad, dependent members of their (Anghel et al., 2016; Toth, Munteanu & work for started to have problems paying families are cared for by other women in Bleahu, 2008). A Gallup study found 9 With the exception of numbers in the registers the family – their adult daughters, sisters that while parents' migration contributed related to self-employment licenses of Austrian or sisters-in-law. Alina is now 36 years institutions such WKO or Social Security to the general well-being of children Service for Entrepreneurs (SVA). 10 Names of care-workers have been changed. old and the only daughter in a family with 74 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 75

four siblings. While her mother works in constraints, for instance, adult children a deeper insight into the perception of important. Regardless of whether it is elderly care in Italy, she is taking care of who are currently unemployed. Helena, the care needs of different families, we for a week or two, she is away. And the her younger brother Iulian (14 years old) a 50-year-old, divorced mother of two conducted interviews with caregivers family should be together… Well, our who moved-in with her and her family. adult sons, financially supports her older and other adult family members of parents need lots of care. My mother Alina has two small children of her own. son who cannot find a stable job with a these caregivers. Those non-migrant is 88. Fortunately, I have [a] sister Their mother first worked in Italy when wage appropriate for his basic life needs. family members, who cope with families' with whom she lives and cares for [my Iulian was two years old, returning home care needs on a daily basis as well as mother]. [She] does not worry about for some years to then leave again. ‘Now as I leave for Austria, my son does during the absence of women, see more shopping for instance. But… there is a not cook, so he eats at restaurants. The difficulties and different actual needs lot of other work, for instance, around ‘With him now, we are three boys and a money I earn for care work I spend on than the care-workers themselves. the house.’ (Róbert, 50 years old, girl. That is why it came on my way [to basic family expenditures.’ (Helena, 50 Katarína from Slovakia views the care husband of a caregiver from Slovakia) take care of her brother]. Even when she years old, caregiver from Slovakia) needs in her family as being satisfied was home, before she left, everything without difficulties and expects the Hiring someone non-related to take that had to be done: ‘Alina, could you go Women with younger children employ active involvement of grandparents, care of family dependants (i.e. retired and do that and that?’ And I think this diverse strategies to address family care while her husband considers care women from the same region) is is why [my] mother trusted me, because needs. Barbora, an ex-caregiver from capacities within the family as rather rather exceptional and relates mainly she knows that the boy is fine [living at] Slovakia, began to work in the field of limited. to childcare. Employment of migrant my place.’ (Alina, 36 years old, family care because of financial constraints. caregivers from other countries – as member of a care-worker from Romania) She now remembers those times as ‘Normally, everything works without depicted by the concept of ‘care extremely difficult. Her daughter was problems. We have not experienced chain’ – has not been found to be a Caregivers referred to the need of 11 years old when she left her with her any problems [in four years]. Regarding strategy adopted by households in financial resources as one of the main older 19-year-old brother. Although he childcare, the grandmothers are order to cope with care deficiencies actual needs of their families, where was in charge of taking care of his sister, connected, I have a good relationship resulting from care migration (Bauer & they actively contribute. Care mobility he was employed and therefore his sister with [my] mother-in-law and my mother Österle, 2016; Búriková, 2016; Sekulová, towards Austria, either from Romania or spent a lot of time alone: as well, so they have been helping. 2013). Instead, we found that extensive from Slovakia, is mainly economically Children know that if anything, they can family care obligations represent a motivated, as the wage differences ‘[My daughter] was eleven. I must admit go to either grandma or [a] grandma constraint to mobility, and women with between countries and limited labour the truth, it was extremely difficult. [My] comes here [to check-up on them]. particular care obligations are less likely market opportunities boost this mobility son was just after the school, 19 years My husband [usually] leaves at seven to migrate. Similarly, the 2011 and 2016 type (Bahna, 2014). The financial aspect old. He was employed here in town, but and comes back at three, so there is Care-workers surveys found that most is closely interrelated with family care, for a minimum wage. But I was satisfied someone there at anytime.’ (Katarína, care-workers from Slovakia, 96% in since remittances are spent on different that [my] daughter was [with] him at 47 years old, caregiver from Slovakia) 2011 and 94.5% in 2016, does not have care-related needs of family members. least. My husband was not at home, he a family member who needs special For instance, Katarína, a caregiver from worked [abroad]. But no one can replace Although grandparents are available, they assistance or care similar to the care Slovakia and mother of three children, [a] mother.’ (Barbora, 52 years old, ex- are, at the same time, frail and in need provided in Austria (Bahna, 2016, 2018). spends remittances from Austria on caregiver) of care themselves. The husband sees Around 4% of caregivers declare having school related expenditures such as his parents as being unable to perform a commitment to intensive care for their study fees or student accommodations. Barbora left care work after two years certain tasks such as shopping and that own parents or elderly in the family. Earlier literature mentions mainly family because her mother's health worsened, the care, which the grandparents may Declared limited care commitments dependants as receivers of care, which and also because of her daughter's provide to children living in Slovakia, is by caregivers do not necessarily mean must then be re-organised (Hochschild, depression. rather limited. that the families do not face serious 2000). However, our sample shows challenges regarding care or sustaining that caregivers may provide support Family members of care-workers can see ‘It is difficult when [a] wife or [a] woman basic needs of the household. We argue for adult family members in financial care needs differently. In order to gain leaves the family, this is the most that this perhaps indicates that care- 76 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 77

workers, whose family members do Circular commuting has most likely 7. CARE RESPONSIBILITIES long-term care for their parents until not face a need for special assistance, been accompanying care mobility to IN THE COUNTRYOF ORIGIN: they passed away, and only after- are more likely to go abroad. Moreover, Austria since its beginnings, in the A DETERMINANT FOR WORKING wards they started to work as care­ if a special care need emerges, the early 1990s, long before the 2007 ABROAD givers in Austria. In spite of financial care-workers are more likely to give up legalisation of migrant 24-hour care constraints – due to wage loss during working abroad and permanently return work in Austria (Österle & Bauer, 2016). As in a ‘familiaristic’ long-term care the time they were providing informal to their home country. As shift-based commuting is widely system women are required to be main home care to family members – both accepted and one of the reasons for carers for dependent members of their considered working abroad and In the case of care-workers from job satisfaction of man care-workers, families, women's mobility – be it for care leaving their parents without care Romania and Slovakia, family care needs particularly among Slovak caregivers work or other work abroad – leads to a or in residential care facilities to be and the strategies employed to address (Bahna & Sekulová, 2019), we conclude care deficit in their respective families. unacceptable. Diana took care of her them are determined by the short that the prospect to meet their families' Women in our research sample either mother for five years until she passed duration of caregivers' stays abroad, care needs while engaging in work started to work in the field of care abroad away. For Diana, taking care of her typically ranging from two to four weeks abroad influenced the way in which after their care commitments towards mother was part of her duties as a in Austria and then a similar time interval care mobility developed in the last two family dependants ended (after parents daughter, even if this was a difficult at home. This mobility pattern enables decades. In addition to higher income or parents-in law passed away, for in- time for her. She did not consider taking over a significant volume of family and being an opportunity to work, the stance) or they decided to return and no residential care services, even though care responsibilities. Women from fact that commuting to work in Austria longer engage in the field of care abroad her mother would have been eligible. Western Romania (counties such as Timiș enabled them to meet the care needs due to new care needs in their families. Moreover, although her health situa- or Bistrița-Năsăud), working in Austria in in Slovakia contributed to the increas- tion was very difficult and the family shifts ranging from three to four weeks, ing popularity of this type of arrange- ‘When my boy got ill, I found an ac- felt the need for additional support, can remain in charge of their main caring ment. In other words, care needs allow quaintance [to replace me] for three she took care of her alone without any responsibilities at home. Similarly, Slovak for this type of work and the other way weeks, [for me] to go home to [hospitali­ financial support. She lives in a small women engaged in care work in Austria around – care mobility influences the se] him for a surgery’ (Lavinia, 56 years village in Eastern Slovakia where local commute between these countries and ways in which care needs at home are old, former Romanian care-worker in authorities do not offer sufficient therefore can, in principle, take over the being addressed. We found that while Italy). Lavinia first left to work abroad in social services for elderly in need of care responsibilities in their families. the modes in which families cope with December 2010 to replace a friend as a care. In addition, her own family went Thus, temporary circular commuting the out-migration of main caregivers care-worker in a private home. She first through financial struggles due to the contributes to the maintenance of the vary, family care needs of Romanian returned to Romania in February 2011. loss of wages related to the length of cultural framework according to which and Slovak caregivers working in Aus- Later, she recalls that her son made her time she was providing informal care. care is primarily a woman's responsibility. tria have a substantial influence on the ‘swear [she] will not leave again’. She At the same time, she felt psychologi- project of care work mobility. Changing worked as a care-worker in Italy until cally exhausted, tired and without any ‘[Because I return after two weeks] I family care needs over time (as the 2015, a time during which she would support. Once she no longer had any take over [the] responsibility in [the] health situation of family dependants come home once or twice a year. She extensive care commitments, she de- household for everything. But I must worsens) determines care-worker's was the sole breadwinner of the family. cided to pursue care work in Austria. admit that my children make [an] effort mobility. Family needs determine the She would like to return to Italy to work to at least get the house ready before caregiver's return home in order to in the field of care, but she has to take ‘After my mother passed away, I started I come. They tidy up, wash the dishes, take over new caring responsibilities. care of her husband who fell ill and is [to work as caregiver in Austria]. I was [my] daughter even irons. But it is The informal family care expectations in need of a personal caregiver himself. happy that I took care of her until she automatically assumed that once I return at home, which are supported by the She is now employed in Romania at a passed away. But it is a very sad and home, everything lies on my shoulders. existing institutional frameworks, may tailoring factory. difficult story which I went through. The They help, but not intensively and only contribute to tensions between family state did not help me in anything at if I am absent.’ (Katarína, 47 years old, care and the care-worker's mobility In the sample from Slovakia, two care­ all. Nothing, nothing, nothing’ (Diana, caregiver from Slovakia) project. givers have been providing informal 49 years old, caregiver from Slovakia). 78 Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová Mădălina Rogoz and Martina Sekulová 79

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Global Care Chains: A State- ‘Interventions.’ Journal of Eurasian of Culture on Family Caregiving Impacts of Care Mobility on Sending of-the-Art Review and Future Directions Studies, 6(1), 6–16. https://doi. Experiences. ISRN Public Health, 1-8. Countries and Institutional Responses: in Care Transnationalization Research. org/10.1016/J.EURAS.2014.09.001 http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/689826 Healthcare, Long-Term Care and Global Networks, 12(2), 135–154. ❺ The Tacit 83 Knowledge of Slovak Migrants

Martina 82 Chrančoková 84 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 85

INTRODUCTION1 towards Western Europe, which appeals economies in the world. In general, world et al. (1993) believed that the neoclassi- to the Slovaks mainly because of a better economies are influenced by their own cal theory was oriented on differences The present trend in Europe and around quality of life. This migration flow has a migration policies of human capital. The in the amount of wages. Hence, the main the world is witnessing a higher intensity significant influence on the economically International Organization for Migration reason for migration, according to the of migration in comparison to previous active Slovak population or Slovak labour (IOM) defines migration as ‘a movement neoclassical theory, is the maximisation decades. King (2008) similarly notes force, all of which were activated during of individuals or groups of people from of wages (Chrančoková & Smrčková, that human migration in today's world Slovakia's accession to the EU in 2004. one geographical unit to another through 2015). perpetuates faster than ever before. administrative or political borders with Consequently, increased migration2 and This chapter discusses different types the aim to settle finally or temporarily Migration might be conceptualised from mobility have an impact on policies at of knowledge gained from migration in a different place from the individual's the spatial perspective as well – as either the European Union (EU) and national experience­ among different types of mi- origin’ (IOM, 2014). Similarly, the United emigration or immigration. Emigration levels. It also affects important technical grants – those who are migrants and live Nations (UN) defines a migrant as ‘any refers to the movement to a certain and progressive changes in transport, abroad, mainly students and economic person who is moving or has moved geographical unit.3 On the other hand, culture, society, demography, and IT migrants, and those who have returned across an international border or within immigration is the movement from a sectors. People have more opportunities after previous migration. The goal is to a State away from his/her habitual certain geographical unit (Jurčová, 2005, for travelling, higher life expectations and explain the multiple divisions of know­ place of residence, regardless of (1) the p. 45). Other terms used are country of extensive sources of information than in ledge with a focus on tacit knowledge person's legal status, (2) whether the origin, country of transit and country of the past. and how it relates to the actual know­ movement is volun­tary or involuntary, destination. At present, almost every ledge of Slovak respondents. Our focus (3) what the causes for the movement country is considered a country of all In addition, migration has become a is on the tacit knowledge that Slovak mi- are, or (4) what the length of the stay these three options (Koser, 2007). From a daily reality for the Slovak population. grants gained as a consequence of living is’ (UN, 2018). Meanwhile, the Organi- time-perspective, there are more types of The exploration of new countries or new abroad. At the same time, this knowledge sation for Economic Co-operation and migration, there is short-term migration places is most attractive to the young became an integral part of their identi- Development (OECD) defines a long-term (from three to eleven months) and long- Slovak generation. Young people currently ties. The main aim of this chapter is to migrant as a person who moves to a term migration (over twelve months), as have more options to travel through capture the real experiences and skills of country other than that of his or her well as permanent migration (IOM, 2014). Europe than ever before. European Slovak respondents (migrants, returnees usual residence for a period of at least a Permanent migration is often connected borders are open to its European citizens and students). These respondents lived year (twelve months), so that the country with acquiring citizenship of the and this provides unique opportunities abroad and our goal is to analyse the of destination effectively becomes his receiving country (Chrančoková, 2016a; to enter new, unknown worlds. The types of gained knowledge in order to or her new country of usual residence. Onufrák, 2010). knowledge gained by such exploration is better understand their situation. In par- From the perspective of the country of something which cannot be bought, and ticular, the chapter aims to empirically departure, the person will be a long-term 1.1. Migration from Slovakia the reasons for such migration are most and theoretically contribute to a discus- emigrant and from that of the country often because of better work and study sion on legal Slovak migration. of arrival, the person will be a long-term In the case of migration from Slovakia, choices. The legal migration of Slovak immigrant’ (OECD, 1993). For the most ‘the most influential factor for Slovak citizens has predominantly been directed 1. MIGRATION THEORIES AND THE part, the most common reason for mi- migrants is the high unemployment rate. CONTEXT OF SLOVAKIA gration is to gain a better quality of life. More young people aged 24 to 29 leave There are more factors hidden behind the for better job opportunities abroad than

1 The research used in this article was supported by The main aim of the EU policy, which broad banner of the better quality of life. is the case for the older generations’ the Slovak VEGA grant, Grant/Award: 2/0151/19 and has a direct impact on the policies of These factors influence the economies (IFP, 2017, p. 3). The term brain drain is by the European Union's Horizon 2020 programme YMOBILITY, Grant/Award Number: 649491. its Member States, is to offer a single of countries. For one of the founders often used in connection with this type approach to all Member States in order of migration theories, the neoclassical of migration. The brain drain concept 2 Nowadays, the term migration is connected to illegal human transfers between countries, which to reach a common set of goals. Thanks economist Todaro, the main reason for has a negative connotation for the public and to this, the EU is one of the most com- migration was the movement for work – therefore requires distinction between these different meanings. petitive, knowledgeable and dynamic labour migration (Todaro, 1980). Massey 3 By geographical unit we mean a country (state). 86 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 87

is understood as a part of permanent According to the IFP, more than one as knowledge, abilities and other charac- p. 570) define informal learning as ‘the emigration with a positive impact on the half of emigrating Slovak migrants in teristics of the individual, which are rele- sum of activities that comprise the country of destination (Docquier et al., the last 15 years were under 30 years vant for economic activity (OECD, 1998). time individuals are not in the formal 2007). Today, brain drain is understood of age (IFP, 2017). In the years 2010 There are more types of capital of the classroom in the presence of a teacher’. as part of the free labour movement and 2013, more than one of every ten individual: altogether, human, social and Hence, ‘informal learning applies to interlinked with an exchange of know­ university graduates were leaving the organisational capital represent intellec- situations in life that come about ledge and technologies. In the context country, which represented around 12% tual capital. Human capital arises from spontaneously’ (Eshach, 2007, p. 173). of Slovakia, the connection between to 14% of all Slovak university graduates the genetic predispositions and gained the brain drain and Slovak students was (IFP, 2017). This trend is most commonly knowledge and abilities. Organisational Figure 1 Tacit knowledge is like riding a bicycle analysed by sociologist Bahna (Bahna, seen among graduates of the three capital represents the individual's capital 2015). On the other hand, the decision Slovak medical universities and of the gained during work experience. Social of migrants to return brings a positive Technical University in Košice. The capital depends on society. In addition, added value to the country of origin. highest representation consisted of there is one more type of capital, that is These movements are called brain migrants from the northern and eastern sociological capital. There is often a mis- circulation (Koser, 2007) or transfer of parts of Slovakia (IFP, 2017, p. 5).4 It is understanding between social, and that human capital, as elaborated by Baláž interesting that 69.2% of these Slovak is sociological capital. Sociological capi­ (2010). students moved to the Czech Republic in tal depends on the family background the period from 2008–2012. In the same and the parents' educational approach According to estimates, the total num- period, 36.1% of mobile Czech students towards a child, this being the basis for ber of Slovaks living abroad in 2006 moved to Slovakia. emotional intelligence (Becker, 1967). The was approximately 220,000 to 230,000. state is not well positioned to interfere The main reason for migration among 2. TACIT KNOWLEDGE BELONGS TO in family processes, but the state can Source: shutterstock. Slovaks was employment (Divinský, HUMAN CAPITAL have a positive impact on the transport 2009). Recent research by the Institute of human capital within families, e.g. by The literature about knowledge, skills for Financial Policy of the Finance (IFP) Tacit knowledge and human capital its policies and support of the family and competences recognises two dif- found that ‘Slovakia is going through a are closely interconnected. In the (Dobeš, 2001). ferent types of knowledge – explicit and demographics crisis and a significant 1960s, Theodore Shultz (1961) was the implicit (Nonaka & Von Krogh, 2009). brain drain’ (IFP, 2017, p. 2). According first to coin the term human capital as Existing literature recognises three Explicit knowledge refers to knowledge to the register of Slovak health insur- something necessary to be taken into categories of education: formal, non- which can be expressed and quantified ance companies, the number of insured consideration, which represents all formal and informal. First, Resnick (1987) easily. This often takes the form of num- Slovak inhabitants has declined by human abilities, including abilities from distinguished between school learning bers, signs or symbols. In contrast, im- 300,000 over the last fifteen years, birth as well as all abilities gained during and other learning. Later, Eshach (2007) plicit knowledge is not easily expressed which represents around 5% of the individual life. Those abilities which are argued that education is nevertheless and quantified (Nonaka & Von Krogh, Slovak population. The most significant valuable and can be enlarged are consi­ connected to the school system. When 2009). The commonly used term for im- decline was recorded soon after Slo- dered human capital. As human society education takes place in the in-school plicit knowledge is also tacit knowledge. vakia became a member of the EU. The has been evolving, the view of human system, it is known as formal education. The concept of tacit knowledge was first number of insured Slovak inhabitants capital has changed, too. Human capital ‘Non-formal learning occurs in a developed by Polanyi (1958). His state- in the years 2004–2005 declined by is commonly understood as ‘abilities, planned, yet highly adaptable manner ment is the most famous epigram on tacit 200,000. In the following years, the knowledge and motivation which pushes in institutions, organisations, and knowledge and is still commonly used: situation stabilised. From this time on, these abilities and knowledge (Becker, situations beyond the spheres of formal ‘We know more than we can tell’ (Polanyi, 15,000 Slovaks have been leaving the 1967). The OECD defines human capital or informal education’ (Eshach, 2007, 1958 in Perraton & Tarrant, 2007, p. 354). country each year, which is about 0.3% p. 173). When education takes place in Polanyi (1958) used the equation that of the whole Slovak population (IFP, the out-school system, it is known as tacit knowledge is like riding a bicycle 4 Especially for the districts of Humenné 6.3% and 2017, p. 1). Medzilaborce 5.8% in the years 2005 and 2015. informal education. Gerber et al. (2001, (Figure 1). 88 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 89

Figure 2 Knowledge continuum of tacit knowledge at the same time, he attributes a typical (Williams & Baláž, 2008; Chrančoková, later as knowledge of acquaintance, question to every tacit knowledge type 2016a, 2016b). The emphasis of embed- and Zuboff (1988) as knowledge that tacit basic (Figure 2). ded tacit know­ledge is on collective depends on people's physical presence, knowledge questions endeavour (Blackler, 1995), such as on sentient and sensory information, Blackler (1995) introduced embrained organisational competen­ces in real life. physical cues and face-to-face discus- Embrained Know – what knowledge as knowledge which depends sion, a knowledge which is acquired by on conceptual skills and cognitive abili- Encoded knowledge is ‘embedded in doing and is rooted in specific contexts. ties. Ryle coined it in 1949 as ‘knowledge signs and symbols found in traditional Lundvall and Johnson (1994) called this Embedded Know – why that’, James in 1950 as ‘knowledge forms, such as books, manuals, codes of know­ledge ‘know – how’, specific skills about’, and Lundvall and Johnson in practices, and websites’ (Blackler, 2002, ranging from artisan aptitudes to the 1994 as ‘know – what’: broad knowledge quoted in Williams & Baláž, 2008, p. 41). ability of business people to assess Encoded Symbols about facts which are very similar to market opportunities. The emphasis information. Williams and Baláž (2008) Encultured knowledge refers to the of embodied tacit knowledge is on the have a similar opinion and they present- process of achieving shared under- contributions of key individuals. For Encultured Know – who ed an additional idea on conceptual standings. Cultural meaning systems example, in real life, it is the nature and skills and cognitive skills – allowing for are intimately related to the processes development of individual competences the recognition of underlying patterns of socialisation and acculturation; such (Blackler, 1995). nowledge knowledge continuum of tacit K Embodied Know – how and a reflection on these. Specifically, understandings are likely to depend the labour market is characterised by heavily on language, and thus be socially 3. RESEARCH ON TACIT Source: Blackler (1995). entrepreneurial problem solving. This constructed and open to negotiation KNOWLEDGE AMONG SLOVAK type of tacit knowledge is also a status, (Blackler, 1995). Encultured knowledge MIGRANTS as well as power resulting from creative might be assigned, according to Lundvall Tacit knowledge can be achieved only achievement. Embrained tacit knowledge and Johnson (1994), to tacit knowledge, The research employed qualitative metho­ by personal experience (Bandura, 1977; emphasises the contributions of key which is characterised­ by the question dology. The data used was gene­rated from Howells, 2000). At the same time, individuals (Blackler, 1995). ‘know – who’: the density and strength of personal semi-structured interviews with achieving tacit knowledge is often auto­ social networks. This type of knowledge 52 respondents: 20 returnees,5 20 Slovak matic and the learner is not aware of According to Blackler (1995, p. 1024), helps classify migrants of different na- migrants who still live abroad,6 and 12 the process (Taylor, 2007). Every person embedded knowledge is knowledge tions into different social structures. It is Slovak students (see Table 1). is a carrier of tacit knowledge and this that resides in systematic routines. related to the inheritance of behavioural knowledge is an inseparable part of an Badaracco (1991) argued in this context standards and the cultural habits of a Table 1 Sample structure of respondents individual's personality. Polanyi (1958) that embedded knowledge is analysable specific country (Williams & Baláž, 2008; Gender metaphorically portrayed tacit knowl- in system terms, in the relationships be- Chrančoková, 2016a, 2016b). Encultured edge with the example of riding a bicycle, tween, for example, technologies, roles, tacit knowledge­ places emphasis on Male Female Average age and that the main principle for learning formal procedures, and emergent rou- collective endeavour (Blackler, 1995). For Slovak to ride a bike is to be able to maintain tines. Lundvall and Johnson (1994) called example, this type of knowledge may migrants 28 24 30,5 balance. It cannot be explained by words, this know­ledge ‘know – why’: an under- include national customs, traditions, everyone must attempt it by themselves. standing of scientific principles. This habits in particular countries, knowledge Explicit knowledge and tacit knowledge knowledge is understood as knowledge about the national culture, etc. Source: YMOBILITY project. cannot be separated from each other linked to work manuals and the organi- and together, they represent a know­ sation of work. Procedural knowledge is Embodied knowledge is, according to ledge continuum (Blackler, 2002). Black- often considered­ one of these types of Blackler (1995, p. 1024), ‘an oriented ac- 5 Returnee is a person who lived abroad for a certain period of time and has returned to his/ ler (2002) further identifies five types of knowledge. They defined the sequence tion and is likely to be only partly expli­ her country of origin. tacit knowledge: embrained, embodied, of different procedures required when cit’. First, Ryle (1949) coined this know­ 6 Respondents were from the UK, Germany and encultured, embedded, and encoded and, achieving goals is impossible to codify ledge as knowledge ‘how’, James (1950) Spain. 90 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 91

The precondition for the respondents Triangulation is a combination of two or what’, and embedded knowledge asks Students explained that they learnt to was to spend at least six months abroad more different research strategies during about the ‘know who’. Most respondents think more strategically and to express (Germany, United Kingdom and Ireland)7 one's research of an identical empirical linked their skills to their working skills. their opinions. They had a good founda- and to be in a productive period of their unit (Denzin, 1989). The data was ana- Hence, reason exists for merging these tion of information from formal education life. The personal interviews were based lysed with NVivo software. types of tacit knowledge together. from the home country.13 Veronika (35), on a semi-structured questionnaire. The who studied and worked as an adminis- data was generated from the YMOBILITY8 The next part of the chapter describes Most of the respondents connected their trative worker at the university in the UK, project and the author's dissertation.9 the individual types of tacit knowledge experience from abroad with knowledge said: ‘More information and, more impor- The semi-structured interview consisted with specific examples from Slovak achieved in the working environment. tantly, the ways how to find the informa- of 20 basic questions on research about migration, as reflected in the research. Most of them said they had acquired tion.’ Students, as well as highly skilled migration in Europe. For the purpose of All types of tacit knowledge are ana- new knowledge about looking for new migrants, gain better organisational skills this paper, only four of the questions lytically divided into two groups. The possibilities of information. For example, and management of their work. At the were applicable to tacit knowledge. Ini- first group consists of embrained, Katarína (33),11 who studied one year workplace or on the university premises, tially, tacit knowledge was explained to embedded and encoded tacit know­ in the UK, said that she had learnt: some of the students learnt to express the respondents with extensive time to ledge. This group of tacit knowledge ‘a better understanding of existing themselves more politely. The written reflect on and process the information. is characteristic of systems in society knowledge and relational knowledge.’ communication between them and their Later, the respondents provided exam- where people have to know how to use Another respondent, Petra (29), who colleagues or their supervisors (their ples of their own tacit knowledge gained necessary and inevitable knowledge, worked and studied in the UK for three professors) became more profession- from abroad. Finally, they evaluated the for example, the education system, years, commented: ‘I learnt how to think al.14 Zuzana (27) acquired new skills in usefulness of each type of tacit know­ labour system, etc. The second group in relations and use logics in debates.’ computer literacy by using Powerpoint ledge (embrained, embedded, encultured, of tacit knowledge includes encultured Peter (29), who worked as a manager during her academic presen­tations. The and embodied tacit knowledge) obtained and embodied tacit knowledge. This in Ireland, said: ‘I learnt a lot about life respondents understood embrained and on the Likert scale.10 The interviews were group also includes any knowledge in developing countries. I've formed embedded very similarly. They often conducted in 2016 and 2017. For select- connected with the cultural habits and new opinions on development aid and added embedded knowledge only to pro- ing the respondents, the snowballing languages of countries. Every culture work with young people there.’ For the cedural knowledge, which is knowledge method (Coleman, 1958) was used. Each has its own typical body movements respondents working in the positions of about efficient work planning. interview lasted from 60 to 75 minutes. and attitudes typical only of their low skilled workers,12 it was important to Qualitative research is often analysed country. More about knowledge is pro- save money for the future. Respondents Typical answers related to tacit know­ through the triangulation of respondents. vided in the next section of the article. with high skills earned more upon ledge concerned time management. The completing their study. For example, respondents expressed that through the 3.1. Group 1: Embrained, embedded Monika (22) who worked and later migration experience, they learnt how to and encoded tacit knowledge studied in Ireland, explained: ‘Knowledge plan better and to think more systemati- 7 The list of selected countries was subject to the research conditions of the YMOBILITY that money is not the most important cally with less stress. They learnt how to project (Horizon 2020). These countries were co-organisers of the project with Slovakia and we Based on the theories of tacit know­ thing. Knowledge that university spend money more effectively and more analysed the gathered data together. ledge, embrained knowledge depends on education can go forward.’ reasonably. One respondent Ivana (35),

8 The YMOBILITY Project was an international project conceptual skills and cognitive abilities. who returned to Slovakia and worked in under Horizon 2020. The main topic of the project Embedded knowledge resides in syste­ Germany, in the UK and in different Euro- was maximising opportunities for individuals, labour markets and regions of the EU. The project matic routines and encoded knowledge pean countries as a scientist, explains: started in March 2015 and finished in March 2018. includes symbols. According to the 9 The results were already published in Chrančoková, concept of knowledge in reference to the 11 Age of respondent. Names of respondents are 2016b. continuum for human capital (Blackler, anonymised. 13 The part of the results has been evaluated in the 10 Respondents evaluated tacit knowledge on 2002), it is possible to determine the 12 Typical unskilled jobs abroad are barmen, field article Chrančoková 2016a. the 10-level Likert scale (1 = least important to basic questions they pose. Embrained workers, cooks, cleaners, waitresses, au pairs, 10 = absolutely important). These values were housekeepers or other job positions for young 14 Ibid.: The part of the results has been evaluated calculated with their mean of numbers. knowledge enquires about the ‘know people over the summer. in the article Chrančoková 2016a. 92 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 93

‘Emphasis on written expression. I con- for work. Ján (35), who is a returnee from ured only with difficulties. However, it can It is also common to address someone sider it to be a field that I will always Germany and Ireland and now works as a be reflected in personal interviews as well. with their first name when asking for want to continually improve myself in. cook, said: ‘I don't know. Everything was The respondents expressed that migration something or to say someone's name Before, I thought of it more as of a matter the same as in Slovakia. I always cooked had brought them a different perspective when you greet them. These were the first of talent. I've also gained an interdisci- the same way.’ Also, Monika (22), a on interpersonal and intercultural commu- things that came to my mind, but there is plinary approach to expert work skills.’ returnee from Ireland and the UK, stated: nication and most considered themselves probably­ more.’ Nina (25), a mother with Then Katarína (26), who is a returnee ‘I came to the UK to save money, I didn't as more tolerant to different cultures and a child who lives in Germany, reflected: now, previously working as a waitress come to learn.’ These respondents diversity after the migration experience. ‘Foreign people are more polite than in and later as an administration worker and belonged to the group of respondents They realised that they would not have Slovakia when dealing with each other.’ a manager, stated: ‘Yes, partially. Better with low skills. this opportunity in Slovakia. Juraj (27), a interconnection of individual sectors, as worker who returned from Germany, said: Other respondents stressed the friend- well as constant meetings to exchange As the findings show, most respondents ‘I can compare two cultures and work liness and more equal treatment in information in the company and a con- came to the conclusion that the working habits now.’ Another respondent, Marcel the attitude to their senior colleagues. stant feedback that would allow for better procedures abroad are better organised. (33), an IT technician who lives with his Others emphasised international co- functioning, etc.’ The next respondent, After their migration experience, the family in London, commented: ‘Thanks to operation. They evaluated the working Martina (30), expressed her own proce- respondents learnt to handle more the cosmopolitan UK, I've gained higher environment between companies and dural knowledge: ‘In [international or- complex problems, team work and learnt tolerance to different cultures and a more the approach to customers as highly ganisation], we had specific established better reactions to some situations. liberal approach to many life questions.’ professional. Paulína (23), who studied in procedures we had to follow, which Respondents with higher education the UK for three years, said: ‘Generally, weren't easy to follow. I had to learn a and responsibility learnt to plan better Every culture has specific customs and mainly in the case of my stay in a British lot while organising my own projects. I and organise people and things. Two practices that might be seen as typical university environment, there is a more was over 30 and for the first time I found respondents added time optimisation to the people of that culture. Below are equal approach. Everyone is expected to myself in the situation where I realised and complex tasks tracking into this a few answers from respondents who contribute to the discussion, and salary my younger colleagues have certain knowledge. Few respondents linked this assigned their reminiscences to encul- and gender equality is present. Com- knowledge that I don't have. I was trying knowledge to self-reflective elements. tured tacit knowledge. It proves that pared to the Eastern European science to overcome the mental barrier really fast people are very aware of other cultures. community, communication is more and watch and learn what I needed from 3.2. Group 2: Encultured and Some respondents preferred the working cultivated in Britain, people are open to them. Since younger colleagues are usu- embodied tacit knowledge behaviour abroad to that at home. There new solutions and opinions.’ Another re- ally very competitive, it was an interesting was more mutual respect, interpersonal spondent, Rastislav (35), a returnee and and complex process where I still had to Encultured knowledge belongs to cul- behaviour and cultural correctness. Milan IT technician, thought that ‘the norms of remain authority for them. When planning tural systems and shared meanings from (22), a student who studied in the UK for behaviour are similar. The workplace en- complex projects, I learnt how to use new processes such as socialisation and seven months, commented: ‘I learnt about vironment in the companies and between software platforms for time management.’ acculturation (Williams & Baláž, 2008). the new culture, views and a different life- the company and the clients was highly Similarly, Zuzana (30), who still lives Encultured tacit knowledge completes the style of people living abroad. I think that professio­nal. People were definitely abroad, stu­died in different countries and migrant's human capital in a significant a person learns to respect the diversity of more pleasant, warm, full-hearted, easy now works as a manager, said: ‘I've been way because every migrant is permanently people. I became more independent and, going, and well disposed.’ The migrants trying to enjoy life, which I learnt abroad. influenced by living in the country of their for example, I do not have any problem to started noticing different customs and Small things make me happy, I try to view choice. A migrant can use this knowledge travel anywhere abroad completely on my practices after their return from abroad. things positively.’ for him/herself while living abroad, but own.’ The next opinion was from Barbara also after returning home. Encultured (28), who lives in Ireland: ‘Yes, people are Respondents considered people abroad But many respondents said that they knowledge acquired from a migration friendlier. They never forget to greet you as nicer, warm-hearted, easy-going and did not learn anything new. The frequent experience which is connected to culture, and thank you even just when getting positive. One respondent, Ivan (25), who reason was that their position remained economy, politics and the social environ- off the bus when the driver opens the studied in Ireland, expressed: ‘Thanks to unchanged. They did not need language ment of the foreign country can be meas- door. Nobody forgets to thank and smile. them, I became more tolerant to other 94 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 95

cultures, gained a more liberal attitude didn't accept me… They look at Slovakia tant. Daniela (32) said: ‘Appreciation of I've learnt the ability to argue in stressful to some life questions.’ He was more like at Russia.’ the family and a perspective of better situations. In general, I'm a shy person influenced by: ‘multicultural food and opportunities after completing school in and I'm unable to prepare myself for a job children growing up with different people Language skills represent embodied tacit Slovakia, unlike not having higher educa- interview. But now, I automatically know and children with different nationalities, knowledge and are considered very impor- tion while living abroad.’ what to answer and other people see the opportunity to taste the cuisine of tant by the respondents. Research results me as a self-confident person.’ Another the whole world and possibilities to visit reflect that there are diverse predisposi- Embodied knowledge is mainly related to respondent, Karol (33), an IT technician in theatres, galleries and museums they tions for learning languages. Young people physical activities – sentient and sensory London, explained: ‘After my experience had never seen elsewhere. I learnt to re- from Slovakia with higher education (com- information and physical cues. The basic abroad, I can handle stressful situations spect people with different opinions, and pletion of high school or university) often question for this type of knowledge is in a much better way than before.’ Some I know that this is what has pushed me travel abroad in order to improve their ‘knowledge how’. Research results indi- of the respondents connected the em- forward as a person. Views and habits foreign language skills. However, they cate that all returnees who participated in bodied knowledge with automatic usage from different cultures, the possibility to often take on low-skilled jobs (waitresses, the research considered themselves more of language skills. For instance, Ján (19), a be part of something like that and, in ad- babysitters, etc.) because they do not self-confident, decisive and having more student who studied in Ireland, explained: dition, to feel safe is the feeling I would speak the language sufficiently. They are work experience than those who have ‘I automatically switch to English when not experience at home.’ The next re- very aware that they have to improve their never left the country. Some respondents I'm speaking with foreigners.’ For most spondent, Timea (22), who studied in the language skills, which was the main goal with a return migration experience reflect- students or researchers, this knowledge UK for nine months, commented: ‘I do for many of them. Following the question ed upon themselves as having become a was linked to communication and pres- not have a narrow-minded view of things ‘What did you bring back from abroad?’ completely new person (Búriková & Miller, entation skills, as also Zuzana (29), a stu- and I think that now I know how things respondents usually answered that it was 2010). After their migration experience, dent and scientist in Slovakia, mentioned: work in the world… I saw the world and language skills. For example, Jana (30), some respondents expressed more cour- ‘I obtained presentation skills and gained experienced a different culture.’ Some who still lives abroad and works in an age and affirmed that they could now higher self-confidence.’ Many respond- migrants did not like that they were often international company in administration, take risk and learn new knowledge and ents believed that after their return they viewed as inferior. It was linked to situa- said: ‘Certainly, language knowledge. It is skills. Those who migrated abroad and re- were more assertive. Peter (35), an IT tions when they felt derogatorily consid- very different to learn a foreign language turned to Slovakia believed that they are technician who returned to Slovakia two ered as migrants from Eastern Europe. in your home country or use it every day more experienced and have a better work years ago, said: ‘My stay gave me a better in a foreign country.’ Many respondents ethic. They realised that, thanks to migra- outlook and a broader life experience.’ Certainly, tacit knowledge can also be expressed that they would never achieve tion, they are able to judge situations that And Roman (34) commented: ‘Assertive- negative. Natives evaluate migrants on such language proficiency if they studied may occur in their work and personal life ness, belief in oneself, I managed to live the basis of their country of origin. There foreign language in Slovakia. However, more clearly. Students and people with on my own abroad without any help.’ is encultured tacit knowledge too. Some some Slovak migrants with low skills did high skills learnt how the institutions respondents expressed negative expe- not learn the foreign language. The main abroad operate. The returnees considered Another perspective of returned respond- riences as well, as they felt like being reason was that they did not want to. Their Slovaks that had never tried to live abroad ents is that they gained the ability to treated as inferior by their colleagues typical answer was: ‘We did not have time as people who lived in a stereotype (fami­ perceive a larger picture of the world. and people in a foreign country for being for learning. We were living with other Slo- ly, children). This fact helped them deal with different of Slovak nationality. For example, when vak migrants and we didn't need language situations.­ Lujza (22), a student, men- they looked for jobs, some employers for living abroad.’ Several respondents affiliated embodied tioned: ‘For sure, I have more experience, would not employ people from Eastern knowledge with work skills. According which will be very useful in my life, better Europe at all. Juraj (28) is a worker in Ire- The interviews indicate that cultural to some, it relates to coping with stress- prospects and useful contacts’. Moreover, land and he said: ‘We are still inferior for dimensions also play a role, and this ful situations and to their feelings of Marek (35) explained that: ‘I can keep my natives. For natives, we are only people is also the reason why some migrants self-confidence. For example, Ingrid (25) own ground, I am fulfilling my dreams from Eastern Europe.’ Another respond- return to Slovakia. For some women, the who studied in the UK and now works as and goals.’ All respondents agreed that ent Martin (31), a returnee who worked in perspective of having a family and raise a manager in an international company in the migration experience changed them Ireland, had a similar experience: ‘They children in the home country was impor- Slovakia, said: ‘I cannot explain how, but in most of the cases in a positive way. 96 Martina Chrančoková Martina Chrančoková 97

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100 Zsolt Gál 102 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 103

INTRODUCTION1 finances in most high-income countries. Table 1 The estimated number of immigrants needed to offset the decline of various populations under different When looking for measures to mitigate scenarios in selected high-income countries (1995–2050) The ageing of the population in high-in- the ageing related fiscal burden, efforts Scenario III – To maintain Scenario IV – To maintain Scenario V – To maintain come countries has been an ongoing is- to improve the demographic situation the total population the size of the working- the potential support sue for decades now and all projections itself are logically given priority. In theory, Total age population ratio (PSR) population predict that it is going to continue in the this might be achieved through increased (highest Number Share Number Share Number Share future. According to the European Com- fertility and/or immigration. Increasing level without of migrants of migrants of migrants of migrants of migrants of migrants mission's latest 2018 Ageing Report, the the fertility rate to or above the so-called migrants needed (% of total needed (% of total needed (% of total in millions) (millions) population) (millions) population) (millions) population) old-age dependency ratio (people aged replacement level (2.1 children per wo­ 65 and above relative to those aged 15 to men) or increasing the working age po­ France 61.1 1.5 2.9 5.5 11.6 93.8 68.3

64) is projected to increase by 21.6 per- pulation with accepting (more) migrants Germany 81.7 17.8 28.0 25.2 36.1 188.5 80.3 centage points over the period of 2016– or a combination of the two, might en- 70, from 29.6% to 51.2% in the EU (Eu- sure that old-age dependency ratios are Italy 57.3 12.9 29.0 12.9 38.7 119.7 79.0 ropean Commission, 2018, p. 4). In other stabilised or even improved. UK 58.8 2.6 5.5 6.2 13.6 59.8 59.2 words, this would imply a dramatic fall in the so-called Potential Support Ratio However, long existing estimates show EU-15 372.4 47.5 16.5 79.6 25.7 700.5 74.7 2 (PSR) : the EU would go from having 3.3 that replacement migration is not a feasi- USA 298.0 6.4 2.5 18.0 7.9 592.8 72.7 working-age people for every person ble solution. The United Nations Popula- aged over 65 years to only 2 working-age tion Division has addressed this question Japan 127.5 17.1 17.7 33.5 30.4 553.5 87.2 persons (European Commission, 2018, by estimating the need for immigrants by p. 4). IMF staff calculations led to similar considering different scenarios in several Source: United Nations Population Division (2000). Notes: All data (‘number of migrants’) compute and assume the migration required between 1995 and 2050 to maintain results in the case of 37 high-income high-income countries for the period the size of the total population (column 1 and Scenario III), the working-age population (15 to 64 years, Scenario IV) and the countries: The old-age dependency ratio between 1995 and 2050 (UN PD, 2000). potential support ratio (PSR – Scenario V) at the highest level it would reach in the absence of migration after 1995. PSR refers to the number of people aged 15–64 per one person aged 65 or older. is projected to increase from 27% to 52% In the case of countries with low (much between 2015 and 2100 and this would below replacement) fertility, extraordinar- increase age related expenditures (pen- ily large numbers of immigrants would be this is quite simple: although immigrants net migration) together with raising labour sion and healthcare) from 16.4% to 24.8% needed to offset or significantly reduce are mostly young at the time of their force parti­cipation and measurements that of GDP (Clements et al., 2015, p. 12). the declines in the working-age population arrival, they also get older and eventually contain growth in age-related spending and the old-age dependency ratio (Table 1). become pensioners. Therefore, in low (health care and pensions system reforms) Without various reforms, which are nec- fertility countries, a continuous wave of could create a mix of policies tailored essary in attempting to offset the fiscal For example, in the case of Germany, 17.8 newly arriving immigrants is necessary in to the needs of individual countries in consequences of ageing, the potential million immigrants would be needed to order to maintain a constant PSR. addressing the fiscal effects of ageing increase in age-related expenditures keep the total population (81.7 million) at (Cle­ments et al., 2015, pp. 14–21). Various could place extreme pressure on public a constant level during the period con- Table 1 illustrates how immigration alone international organisations have been cerned; keeping the working age popu­ is unable to solve the demographic prob- arguing in favour of such a mixture of poli-

1 This work was supported by the Slovak Research lation stable would require accepting lems. The main argument here, however, is cies for a relatively long time. For example, and Development Agency under Contract No. 25.2 million immigrants; in order to main- that it might contribute to alleviating their a 2004 IMF report stated that ‘a broad APVV-0413-11. This text is the result of the project ‘The Global and Local Processes in Slovakia: tain an unchanged PSR, an astonishing fiscal consequences. In other words, im- mix of measures is likely to be needed to Developing Social Innovation within the Conditions 188.5 million (!) migrants would have migration along with other measures­ might address the conse­quences of demograph- of the Internationalisation of the European Union’, supported within the framework of the Operation to be invited. Maintaining a constant mitigate an increase in the age-related fis- ic change as the size of the reforms that Programme Research and Development co-financed PSR would require such a large number cal burden of high-income countries. Thus, would be needed in any single area are by the European Regional and Development Fund. of immigrants in all of the countries the above-mentioned policies, which are sufficiently large that they would be politi- 2 The potential support ratio (PSR), the inverse of the analysed that immigrants would become trying to change underlying demographics cally and economically difficult to achieve’ old age dependency ratio, is the number of people aged 15–64 per one older person aged 65 or older. the majority everywhere. The reason for (incentives to increase fertility, greater (IMF, 2004, p. 157).3 104 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 105

To conclude, immigration could be part of describes the types and methods of the When dealing with fiscal balance esti- set agenda in favour or against increased the solution to the fiscal problems of age- fiscal balance estimates; the chapter mates one has to note that even if they immigration. Unsurprisingly, those orga­ ing societies, but at the same time, part of then looks at the most important factors analyse immigrants in the same countries, nisations with a favourable view of immi- the problem as well. Immi­gration can con- influencing the fiscal effects of immi- it is not rare that they end up with differ- gration tend to find that immigrants make tribute to alleviating the ageing-related gration and the specific characteristics ent results. The reason is that researchers a positive contribution to public finances, fiscal burden only when its fiscal balance of refugee populations regarding these are faced with a number of methodologi- while those campaigning for reduced is positive, i.e. if immigrants pay more into factors. Finally, the chapter concludes cal challenges: How to define immigrants immigration tend to find the contrary.’ public budgets than they receive from that it is unlikely that refugees entering and how to identify them in available them. If this is the case, in other words, European states will produce a positive datasets? Which public revenues and ex- 1.1. Types and methods of fiscal immigrants ‘paying their way’, then immi- fiscal balance. On the contrary, the net penditures should be included in analyses balance estimates grants are net fiscal contributors too, and cost for host societies accepting refu- and how should they be connected to thus it is possible to discuss the transfer gees – at least in the short and medium migrants? Should only direct fiscal effects This part begins with a ‘simple’ question: of wealth from immigrants to natives. If term – is a much more realistic forecast. be taken into account and should indirect who is an immigrant? Obviously, all public expenditure related to immigrants ones be considered as well (e.g. the ef- people born abroad (as foreign citizens) is higher than revenues paid and gene­ 1. FISCAL BALANCE ESTIMATES – fects of changing employment, wages, in- are usually included here. This could be rated by them, the fiscal impact would REVIEWING THE INTERNATIONAL vestment etc. on public budgets)? 4 Should viewed an already relatively wide defini- therefore be negative, making immigration EMPIRICAL LITERATURE static or dynamic accounting models be tion in the context of this book; however, the cause of a net fiscal burden. The preferred? There are always good argu- in practice, for most fiscal balance stud- transfer also works in reverse. Immigrants Since the 1990s, a growing number of em- ments for and against the various models ies it is rather a narrow one. The problem would thus be contributing to a worsening pirical studies have focused on the fiscal including the definitions and datasets lies with the children of immigrants, es- of the fiscal problems of Western welfare effects of immigration on high-income used and, of course, some compromises pecially when they are dependent and live states as a consequence of demographic countries. The direct net fiscal effect of need to be made all the time. Thus, there in the same household with their parents. changes, rather than being a solution to immigration on public budgets is equal to is no ‘perfect’ model which takes into The problem is partially theoretical, since these problems. the difference between public revenues account all of the imaginable direct and much of the fiscal impact immigrants (the sum of direct and indirect taxes and indirect effects of immigration on public have is through their children (due to There are two main aims in this chapter. contributions paid) and public expendi- budgets, only a couple of methodological public education, healthcare and welfare First, to identify the most important tures related to immigrants (social bene­ problems for researchers. programmes) and not including these ef- factors influencing the fiscal effects of fits, welfare services and public goods fects would overstate the fiscal contribu- immigration by reviewing the existing provided by the government). In major host In addition, the fact that part of the tion of immigrants (Nowrasteh, 2014, p. 6; empirical literature. Secondly, by con- countries, the fiscal balance of the entire research on fiscal effects is conducted Rowthorn, 2008, p. 566). On the other sidering these factors to emphasise immigrant population usually tends to be by policy-focused think-tanks that hand, it is partially a pure methodological the possible fiscal effects of the recent a small share of the GDP and is around more or less stand for immigration also problem based on data considerations. refugee flows to the European Union. The zero on average across OECD member contributes to different research results Revenues and expenditures often refer to structure of the chapter takes the follow- states (OECD, 2013, p. 125). ‘Most empiri- since the assumptions might be tailored the household level and household-based ing form: first part starts with reviewing cal studies find that the fiscal contribution to support one position over another. As data include children of immigrants living the international empirical literature and of the immigrant population as a whole is described by Vargas-Silva (2013, p. 1), with their parents (OECD, 2013, p. 130). quite small. The positive contribution of ‘… most of these organisations have a Both considerations apply to the na-

3 The IMF staff calculations for the period of 2000– some migrants is largely or wholly offset tive-born children of immigrants as well, 2050 showed that when trying to stabilise the labour by the negative contribution of others. This despite the fact they are not immigrants force to population ratio using the single area option 4 Estimates measuring only direct fiscal effects is ‘outside the range of historic experience’ because finding holds across a variety of countries attributable to immigrants themselves are called themselves. it would require in low fertility countries (such as and method­ologies. Estimates of the net ‘partial equilibrium’ analyses, while those taking Germany, Spain, Italy, Japan or Korea) to: (1) increase into account indirect impacts of immigration labour participation rates by 15–20%; (2) raise the fiscal contribution of immigration normally on wages, or on labour force participation The next question is even more dif- retirement age by 9–12 years, or (3) accept as many lie within the range ±1 per cent of GDP’ and occupational choices of the pre-existing ficult to answer. Which revenue and migrants that their share in total population will population are called ‘general equilibrium’ increase to 20-40% (IMF, 2004, pp. 155–157). (Rowthorn, 2008, p. 560). analyses (Blau & Mackie, 2017, pp. 335–336). expenditure items should be attributed 106 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 107

to immigrants and how? The problem is limitations. Static models can calculate the assumptions become more and more considering all transfers (from natives mostly with those items which could not only the impact of existing immigrants speculative and less and less reliable. to immigrants) at (US) state and federal be directly attributed to certain groups with their existing characteristics un- levels combined was estimated to be be- or individuals like corporate income tax der existing government policies and This chapter concentrates on static fiscal tween $166 and $226 per native house- and indirect taxes on the revenue side actual economic situation (Nowrasteh, balance estimates, although it includes hold, so at the federal level, the fiscal (sales tax, VAT, excise taxes) and certain 2014, p. 16). This is problematic since some dynamic ones as well. Despite its burden was between $14,77 billion and public services (such as public educa- everything changes over time. For ex- limitations, the static approach is more $20,16 billion per year in 1996 (Smith & tion, health and active labour market ample, children of immigrants could be useful when looking for immediate relief Edmonston, 1997, p. 288). However, at policies) and public goods on the ex- included in static models when they are in ageing-ridden budgets. If immigration the same time, The New Americans study penditure side. The first possibility is to young and costly but missed out when is to alleviate the ageing related burden estimated that the net present value try to estimate these items based on the they leave their parents' households, in public finances by contributing with a of the lifetime fiscal impact (combined characteristics of immigrants – which begin to work and pay taxes. Changing positive fiscal balance, then it is better federal, state and local) for an average are usually available from some surveys business cycles and government fi­ to have this positive balance ‘here and new immigrant was +$80,000 (Smith & (mostly used to calculate revenues). The nances matter, too. In times of reces- now’ (confirmed by a static analysis) Edmonston, 1997, pp. 350–351). second possibility is to attribute these sion, high unemployment and large fiscal instead of a promise that it is likely to items equally across the entire popula- deficits, the estimates of fiscal balance occur in 15 to 20 years from now (consi­ Camarota estimated that households tion (pro rata assignment) like when the would probably differ significantly from dering estimates using dynamic models). headed by irregular immigrants imposed costs of public goods are divided pro- the results during good economic times Looking at the direct budget implications more than $26.3 billion in costs on the portionally among the population (OECD, and solid public finances. Dynamic mod- for a given year associated with the ac­ (US) federal government6 in 2002 and 2013, p. 132). And finally, researchers els (e.g. OECD, 2013, pp. 137–143), unlike tual stock of the immigrant population (or paid only $16 billion in taxes, creating can opt for one of the two main method- the static ones, allow for the estimation the changes in the stock) is also the pri- a net fiscal deficit of almost $10.4 ological approaches: static and dynamic of changing net contributions from the mary interest of decision makers (Blau & billion, or $2,700 per irregular household models to estimate the fiscal impact. immigrants in a lifecycle – usually high Mackie, 2017, pp. 354–355). Additionally, (Camarota, 2004). The primary reason The static approach calculates the bal- positive contributions during working static estimates are easier to calculate for this deficit was the low education ance (cash-flow) between the taxes and age and high negative contributions in and give a more precise picture over the levels (nearly two-thirds of irregular contributions paid and the amount of childhood and old age. They can include actual state of affairs in a given fiscal migrants lacking a high school degree) government expenditure absorbed by a the children of immigrants during their year. Finally, in the case of refugee popu­ and resulting low incomes and tax particular group of immigrants in a given entire lifecycle as well. But by doing so, lations, the results of various estimates payments of irregular immigrants. Since period of time, typically a (fiscal) year researchers must rely on a number of are quite uniform (as the conclusions irregular immigrants have been excluded (Rowthorn, 2008, p. 566). The chapter in assumptions they make about the future. below stress), regardless of the type of from most federal welfare programmes this book estimating the fiscal effects How demographic indicators (e.g. fer- methods used. in America (see below), any relevant of EU migration to Slovakia also uses tility, mortality, inward and outward mi- welfare cost associated to them seems this concept.5 The dynamic approaches gration, number of children) and social 1.2. Estimates from English speaking surprising (Camarota, 2004). However, attempt to project the net fiscal impacts and labour market indicators (education, countries the study highlighted that many of of immigrants and their descendants in employment, productivity, earnings etc.) the costs are due to their American- the coming years and decades, and gen- are going to change? What about the A pioneering study mapping the overall born children, who are awarded erally transform them to the net present future economic development (savings, fiscal impact of immigration was con- U.S. citizenship at birth. That is why value (NPV), i.e. the total of the future pensions, investments, tax rates, gov- ducted in the late 1990s by the National Camarota argued that greater efforts at net contributions/transfers at current ernment expenditure, deficit and debt)? Academy of Sciences on the request of prices (often calculated per additional To use the advantages of dynamic mod- the Commission on Immigration Reform 6 Among the largest costs identified were: Medicaid immigrant). Both approaches have major els fully, researchers have had to make appointed by the U.S. Congress (Smith ($2.5 billion); treatment for the uninsured ($2.2 billion); food assistance programmes such as underlying assumptions for decades (to & Edmonston, 1997). The results of The food stamps, WIC (Women Infants and Children cover one or two generations, lifespans) New Americans study showed that the program), free school lunches ($ 1.9 billion); the 5 For more details, see chapter The fiscal effects of federal prison and court systems ($ 1.6 billion) EU migration to Slovakia, p. 46 in this publication. but, naturally, by each additional year net annual fiscal burden of immigration and federal aid to schools ($1.4 billion). 108 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 109

barring irregular immigrants from federal published by the National Academies another important phenomenon – the of A8 migrants to public finances even programmes will not reduce costs since showed both above and below average fiscal balance usually changes parallel to though the UK had been running a their children (citizens) can continue to deficits related to immigrants de- the changes in business and budgetary budget deficit over the years concerned. access them. pending on the assumptions made in cycles. The British budget went from This is because A8 migrants had a higher the accounting model (Blau & Mackie, surplus to deficit in the given period and labour force participation rate, paid A group of researchers under the aus­ 2017, pp. 386–397). Relatively large US the fiscal contribution of immigrants proportionately more in indirect taxes, pices of the National Academies of defence spending matters a lot; if it is followed, turning from positive to nega- and made much lower use of benefits Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine distributed pro rata, then immigrants tive numbers. Despite this deterioration, and public services. For example, they basically revisited The New Americans and their dependents would ‘produce’ an the relative net fiscal contribution of were 60% less likely than natives to study in an even more comprehensive above average fiscal burden; if it is con- immigrants had been stronger than those receive state benefits or tax credits, and way and estimated the fiscal balance of sidered as a non-congestible public good of the UK-born in each of the years 58% less likely to live in social housing immigration using several different sce- and marginal cost allocation is used (i.e. examined (Sriskandarajah et al., 2005, (Dustmann et al., 2009, p. 1).8 narios and assumptions (Blau & Mackie, an additional immigrant is not going to p. 12). Results of IPPR could be modified 2017). For 2013, they estimated that by increase the defence budget), then im- if the allocation of spending on services Dustmann & Frattini (2014) also distin- combining federal, state and local levels migrants would be below the average in for children born to mixed families (one guished between natives, immigrants the fiscal balance of the 55.5 million first terms of per capita fiscal effects.7 migrant parent and one UK-born parent) from the European Economic Area (EEA) generation immigrants in America and is changed and split equally between countries and non-EEA immigrants in their dependent descendants was minus At present, there is particularly rich the UK-born and foreign-born groups their research estimating fiscal effects $279 billion. Other groups (second and literature available on fiscal balance esti- (Vargas-Silva, 2016, p. 4). Under this in the UK between 1995 and 2011. Their third-plus generations with dependents) mates in the United Kingdom. In research modified assumption, the fiscal balance results showed that over the 17 years also created a negative balance and, done for the British Home Office, Gott of immigrants would be negative during period­ immigrants from EEA countries when combining all the fiscal shortfall and Johnston estimated that in the fiscal the whole period. Previous IPPR analysis made a positive contribution of more for the entire American population, it year 1999/2000, migrants in the UK con- considered the spending on these chil- than £4 billion, while those from non- reaches $1,243 billion (Blau & Mackie, tributed £31.2 billion in taxes and con- dren to be part of the benefits consumed EEA countries made a negative contri- 2017, p. 406). This is roughly consistent sumed £28.8 billion in benefits and state by the UK-born group. bution of £118 billion, compared to an with general government budget deficit services, thereby making a net fiscal overall negative native (UK-born) fiscal figures (federal and state-and-local contribution of approximately £2.5 billion Based on the IPPR study, Rowthorn contribution of £591 billion (equivalency budgets combined) in the United States. (Gott & Johnston, 2002). Researchers added (or excluded) various expenditure in 2011). In relative terms, EEA immi- Hence, immigrants represent a net fiscal from the British Institute for Public Poli­ and revenue items and found that the grants contributed 10% more than natives burden in the budget, but so does the cy Research (later referred to as ‘IPPR’) fiscal impact varied between -£7.3 billion and non-EEA immigrant contributions rest of the population. This is often the compared the estimated fiscal contri- and +£7.5 billion (or ±0.65 per cent of were almost 9% lower (Dustmann & Frat- case in high-income countries since bution of immigrant and native-born GDP respectively) depending on the tini, 2014, pp. 3–4). they mostly run budget deficits and it populations during the 1999–2004 fiscal assumptions made and the business means that on average there should be period (Sriskandarajah et al., 2005). cycle (Rowthorn, 2008, pp. 572–574). In While some British and American a per capita deficit ‘imposed by’ every Their analysis is a good illustration of another study conducted by the Centre estimates already differentiate between single citizen. The mere fact that the for Research and Analysis of Migration various subgroups of the population and fiscal impact of immigration is negative at University College London (CReAM), immigrants, Australia is still the only 7 When the basic scenario is applied (immigrants could be quite misleading. Therefore, a pay an average cost of public goods) immigrants experts focused only on the so-called A8 comparison of the fiscal impact of immi- produce an above-the-average fiscal burden. migrants (the eight Central and Eastern The first generation group made up 17.6% of the 8 This was mostly the result of demographic grants with the impact generated by the population, but accounted for 22.4% of the total European countries that joined the EU in factors: A8 migrants have been younger with native-born population or estimate of the deficit. However, when researchers assumed 2004, the ‘Accession 8’) in Britain during fewer dependent children. However, the that immigrants pay marginal (zero) cost of researchers concluded that even if A8 migrants fiscal balance for various groups within (pure, non-congestible) public goods, then they four consecutive fiscal years starting with had the same demographic characteristics of the society (immigrants and non-immi- account for less than 4% of the total deficit while 2005– 2006 (Dustmann et al., 2009). The natives, they would still be 13% less likely to still making up the same 17.6% of the population receive benefits and 28% less likely to live in grants) is more reasonable. The research (Blau & Mackie, 2017, p. 407). findings showed a positive contribution social housing (Dustmann et al., 2009, p. 1). 110 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 111

country that provides estimates on the Sweden (Ekberg, 1999). The study found importance of the poor employment not to say that all immigrant groups rep- fiscal impact of immigration based on a negative fiscal balance of immigrants situation of non-Western immigrants was resent the net cost for public fi­nances category of entry (Access Economics, at 0.9% of the Swedish GDP in 1991 and highlighted. ‘An important factor under- in Western and Northern Europe. A 2008). This is thanks to a regularly 2% in 1994. According to calculations, lying these results may be that many of large cross-country estimation of the updated unique model which estimates the fiscal effect of migration in Sweden these immigrants have come to Denmark fiscal effects of migration of EU citizens the fiscal impact that an additional 1,000 had been positive up to about 1980. as refugees or to join family members, within the EEA (European Economic migrants have on the Commonwealth However, as the composition of migrants rather than as job related immigrants’ Area) countries for the years 2004–2015 government budget over a period of during the 1980s changed and their (Wadensjö, 2000, p. 80). In a more recent found positive results in 21 of the 29 20 years after their arrival (see Table 3 labour market situation deteriorated, the analysis, Danish experts also estimated analysed countries (Ahlskog & Nyman, below). This impact was estimated to fiscal balance went to negative numbers a negative fiscal impact for the entire 2018, p. 22). This is due to the fact that be (increasingly) positive9 across all and worsened until 1994 (Ekberg, 1999, non-Western population group (immi- intra-EU migration is predominantly visa categories, except for the Family- p. 423). The changing composition grants plus descendants – mostly second labour migration with immigrants having Parents categories (visas for the parents means that, after 1975, the proportion generation) residing in Denmark at a more favourable age structure and of the established immigrants) and the of refugees and ‘tied movers’ (reunified around 1% of GDP in 2014 (Hansen et al., typically higher employment rates than Humanitarian category. family members of already admitted 2017). A study estimating the fiscal con- the average. immigrants) increased; thus, the predo­ tribution of non-Western immigrants in As illustrated above, in countries like minantly labour migration from European Germany resulted in similar conclusions: 1.4. Fiscal balance estimates for Australia, US and UK, the estimated (mostly neighbouring) countries gradually the per capita contribution was -4,422 refugee populations fiscal balance of immigration is typically transformed to a humanitarian one from euros for first generation and -4,234 for positive, and even if it is negative relative the Balkans and third world countries. first and second generation combined Most international empirical literature to the economy (as a percent of GDP), The deterioration of the labour market in- for the year 2002 (Gerdes, 2007, p. 88). focuses on all immigrants or at least it is rather marginal. This conclusion can- tegration among immigrants culmina­ted An earlier study from the Netherlands broadly defined immigrant groups, and not be generalised as in certain coun­ during the 1991–1994 economic crisis – Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis con- experts only rarely try to estimate the tries, notably extensive welfare states in exactly the years the estimates refer to. cluded that regardless of the age of entry, fiscal balance for such specific groups Europe with large extra-European immi- immigrants end up being a burden on the as refugees. There are only a few excep- grant populations, the estimates usually The studies on Denmark resulted in public budget if their social and econom- tions like the Australian fiscal impact result in larger minuses, especially when similar findings. Wadensjö (2000) esti- ic characteristics correspond to those model previously presented above. It only non-Western or refugee populations mated a yearly total net negative fiscal of the average non-Western resident in projected that humanitarian migrants are considered (see below). impact of immigrants and their children the Netherlands. Since most immigrants are going to produce a negative fiscal on the Danish public budget between were of non-Western origin, they stated balance during the first 12 years after 1.3. Fiscal balance estimates for EU 0.4 and 0.8% of GDP in the 1990s. But ‘that immigration cannot offer a major their arrival (Access Economics, 2008). countries this had already been the combination of contribution to alleviate public finances A more recent analysis from Europe slightly positive fiscal transfers (around and thus to become a compensating by Ruist (2015) targeted the refugee The largest minus, estimated by one of 0.1% of GDP) from Western immigrants factor for the rising costs for government population in Sweden (immigrants who the pioneering studies, was done in Swe- to the public sector and relatively large due to the ageing of the population’ once arrived in the country as refugees den. It mapped the situation in the most negative transfers (-0.5 to -0.9% of GDP) (Roodenburg et al., 2003, p. 8). or their family members) and estimated extensive welfare state of its time, in from immigrants from non-Western the total redistribution towards them countries (Wadensjö, 2000, p. 69).10 What the previous estimates have (from the rest of the population) through In order to explain the latter, the great in common is that they targeted the public budgets to 1.0% of Swedish 9 In the 2008 update of the fiscal impact model, it was projected that the 159 thousand immigrants non-Western (or mostly non-Western) GDP in 2007. Scaling this number up by arriving in the 2006/07 fiscal year would generate immigrant populations in Nordic or the subsequent increase in the Swedish (altogether) a 707 million AUD net benefit for the 10 In the analysis, EU countries (at that time, the federal government budget in the first year of EU-15), Norway, Switzerland, Iceland, North West European countries with extensive refugee population, the corresponding they stay, and this surplus is gradually going to American countries, Australia and New Zealand welfare states and uniformly showed a redistribution in 2015 was estimated at build up to 1,43 billion AUD after 20 years of their were considered Western countries, all the others arrival (Access Economics, 2008, p. 27). as non-Western ones. negative fiscal impact. However, this is around 1.35% of GDP. ‘This value thus 112 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 113

represents the net annual cost today of sample turn 65, so expenditure on Table 2 Comparison of selected estimates of the fiscal balance of immigration in some high-income countries having had Europe's apparently highest some of the most expensive American Country, Author(s) Targeted immigrant Research design Results – net per-capita rate of refugee immigration for welfare programmes such as Medicare reference (year of group and type of the characteristics and fiscal impact as a full thirty years. As such, it also gives (publicly financed healthcare for the year publication) fiscal impact model. limitations. % of GDP or other an indication of what the cost would be elderly) or Social Security (the US public USA Smith & All immigrants plus Instead of an analysis The annual US of higher refugee immigration in the rest pension system) is basically excluded. In 1989/90 Edmonston native-born children of at the nation-wide level fiscal burden of Europe’ (Ruist, 2015, p. 13). Holler and addition, costs of public education are and 1994/95 (1997) mixed (native/foreign- comparing the results between $ 14.77 Schuster (2017) projected a negative net omitted (the age in the sample starts at born) couples assigned of two case studies and $ 20.16 by the birth status of on the fiscal impact of billion per year in present value for additional refugees in 18 and children of the immigrants are not household head. immigration at the state 1996 dollars. Austria, and Aldén and Hammarstedt included). Some other expenditure items level, for New Jersey and California. All publicly- (2016) estimated negative fiscal effects (housing, infrastructure, incarceration) provided goods, with the caused by refugees arriving to Sweden were also exempt. exception of defence, are between 2005 and 2007 in seven individ- assumed to be pro rata. ual fiscal years from 2006 to 2012. Thus, 2. THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTORS Sweden 1991 Ekberg All immigrants (born Deep economic crisis - 0.9% there are only a few estimates, but their INFLUENCING THE FISCAL (1999) abroad without in the early 1990s in findings are quite uniform. However, the BALANCE Sweden 1994 descendants); static Sweden pushing down - 2% accounting model. net contributions. estimates targeting non-Western immi- grants in European countries which are 2.1. Employment and category of entry Denmark Wadensjö Non-Western immigrants Descendants of -0.84% presented above can help us make our 1997 (2000) (foreign-born and immigrants born before native-born offspring 1960 or became Danish argument more robust. The two groups A review of the international literature with at least one citizens prior to 1978 typically overlap, usually a large part revealed that employment has a central immigrant parent); static not included (small (sometimes the majority) of non-Wester role in determining fiscal effects since accounting model. but most successfully integrated part). Costs of populations is made up by refugees and it largely influences both the revenue public goods (defence) their family members. The two groups and expenditure side. ‘Employment is exempted. also have similar socio-economic charac- the most important factor that weighs United Kingdom Gott & Johnson Foreign-born households, Spending on children +0.3% teristics and, according to the estimates, on migrants' net fiscal contribution, par- 1999/2000 (2002) immigrants plus of mixed couples not ‘produce’ similar negative fiscal effects. ticularly in the European OECD countries dependent children with divided to equal parts two or at least one (lone) between the UK-born with relatively generous welfare systems. foreign-born parent. and foreign-born groups In fact, it is quite hard to find an These are also often countries which but allocated entirely to academic paper arguing differently and have significant numbers of humanitari- the UK-born. presenting different outcomes. Even if an and family migrants who tend to have United Kingdom Sriskandarajah The same as above, both The same as above. 0% some do exist, their specific design and lower employment rates, at least initially’ 2003/04 et al. (2005) are static accounting assumptions do not undermine the main (OECD, 2013, p. 161). The fiscal estimates models. argument presented here. For example, showing positive net contributions from Australia Access All immigrants entering Fiscal effects measured Net benefit rising Evans and Fitzgerald (2017) observed some groups of immigrants usually high- 2008–2028 Economics with different visa only on the national from 707 million the refugees who entered the United light the role of high employment rate of (2008) categories (during the (federal) level, state AUD for the 2006/07 fiscal year, only and local level not first year to 1.43 States between the ages 18 to 45 for 20 these immigrants. For example, the study foreign-born); dynamic included. Estimates only billion AUD after consecutive years and estimated that by CReAM in the UK focusing on A8 model estimating the for the 20-year period 20 years. after the first eight years in the U.S. migrants showed that 90% of men and 2006/07 cohort’s impact after arrival – not a life over a period of 20 years. cycle model. Costs for they started to produce a positive net 74% of women at working age within this native-born children not fiscal balance which reached $21,000 group had a job, while the employment included as well. on average for the 20-year period. The rate was 78% and 71% among native United Kingdom Dustmann & Immigrants and their Taking into account Different problem is that the observation ends (UK-born) men and women respectively 1995–2011 Frattini dependent children the “savings” to the scenarios: −0.7 exactly when the oldest people in the (Dustmann et al., 2009, p. 8). Thus, the (17 years) (2014) (children of mixed destination country (public goods pro 114 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 115

United Kingdom Dustmann & couples considered as from education of rata) to +0.3% of Figure 1 Employment rates by citizenship or country of birth in selected high-income countries (as % of 15–64 1995–2011 Frattini half natives and half migrants financed by GDP 2001–2011. years old age group, 2017) (17 years) (2014) immigrants); static the countries of origin. accounting model. Retrospective cross- 90 sectional approach 78.5 which uses historical 80 7 7,2 76,7 75.2 73.8 74.8 73.7 72.8 data to estimate the net 68.9 70.5 70.3 71.7 70.0 68.3 67.8 67.5 67.9 fiscal contribution. 70 65.8 66.1 64.1 61.5 61.1 58.8 59.1 Sweden Ruist (2015) Refugees, foreign- The way of identification -1% 60 57.9 54.6 53.6 55.7 54.3 2007 born (likely refugees of refugees; from the 52.3 51.5 estimated by year of corporate income tax 50.0 50,2 50 48.0 immigration and country (7% of public revenues) 45.2 of birth, arrived before zero is attributed to 39.5 40 2007); static accounting refugees; native-born model. children of refugees not included. 30

USA Blau & Mackie The first generation of Different scenarios Minus $279 20 2013 (2017) immigrants and their estimated, in the first billion for the dependent descendants scenario immigrants pay first scenario. 10 (55.5 million people in average cost of public the US). goods (including defence 0 and debt interest). Italy EU-28 Spain Greece France Austria Poland Finland Canada 29 EEA Ahlskog & EU migrants – people Expenditure on Positive net Belgium Denmark Germany Portugal Sweden Australia Netherlands (European Nyman (2018) born in an EU member congestible public balance for 21 United States Economic state but residing in goods is allocated of the 29 states. United Kingdom Area) states another EEA member pro-rata while the Negative effects 2004–2015 state, regardless of their marginal costs for are smaller (up EU-28 citizens or native-born for Australia, Non-EU-28 citizens or foreign-born for Australia, citizenship plus children non-congestible public to -0.3% of GDP), Canada and US Canada and US living in households goods were set to zero. than positive (up with EU migrant adults to 1.7%). Source: Eurostat (2018) and OECD.Stat (2018). Note: 2016 for Australia, Canada and US. regardless of place of birth; static accounting model. explaining these differences. The estimate Australian population on average (Access Source: Except the sources in the second column also based on Blau & Mackie (2017), OECD (2013), Rowthorn (2008) (Table 3) showed a strong positive fiscal Economics, 2008, pp. 25–26). Except for and Vargas-Silva (2016). contribution to the federal budget. This the age structure, none of this is true was mainly due to the fact that labour for the refugee migration to extensive employment rates of A8 migrants were navian and continental countries, there migration dominated the inflow (over 60% European welfare states, so it is not sur- well above the average of UK-born popu- is a large gap between the labour market of the visas were issued in different labour prising that the results of fiscal balance lation, which had already been regarded performance of EU and non-EU citizens migration programmes while only 7% in estimates look entirely different. as high for international standards. (Figure 1 and 2). The UK and some Medi­ the ‘Humanitarian or refugee’ category). terranean countries stand somewhere be- The key reasons for strong net contribu- The Australian fiscal impact model also Data from advanced economies show tween these two country groups. The com- tions are high rates of labour force partici- highlights the importance of duration of that in some major host countries of position of migrants plays a central role pation (generally well above the Australian residence, since the overall fiscal impact immigration – typically in the US, Canada in these differences, employment rates average); high incomes leading to a high is improving during the analysed period or Australia, there are no large differ- are strongly related to other factors such level of direct tax receipts; strong levels of and this is true for all visa categories, ences between the employment and as category of entry, education and skills, English proficiency which reduce the need except for the parents of immigrants. In unemployment rates of the native-born welfare incentives, cultural norms and age. for language services; temporary limits for the humanitarian category (refugees), and foreign-born populations. In many Turning back to Australia's unique fiscal immigrants accessing welfare and an age a declining negative net contribution was EU Member States, especially in Scandi- impact model could be quite helpful in profile generally much younger than the estimated, which is projected to turn to 116 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 117

Figure 2 Unemployment rates by citizenship or country of birth in selected high-income countries Table 3 The estimated net impact (net cost or revenue) of immigration on the Australian budget by visa category and length of stay (per 1.000 immigrants in 2006/2007 constant million dollars) 29.4 30 28.4 Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4 Year 5 Year 10 Year 15 Year 20 26.3 25.0 25.0 Family – Parents -4.8 -3.5 -4.0 -3.9 -4.2 -4.7 -9.2 -7.7 25 23.7 Family – Partner and Other 2.1 4.3 3.6 4.3 3.5 6.6 6.6 6.9

19.7 19.8 20 Family – Parents Contributory 25.7 -1.2 0.4 -1.2 -1.4 -2.1 -8.4 -8.7 16.5 15.9 GSM – Sponsored 2.7 5.1 5.1 5.6 5.8 6.7 7.0 7.5 14.9 14.6 15 13.2 12.8 GSM – Independent 4.7 6.7 7.0 8.0 8.3 10.3 10.8 11.7 12.2 11.3 10.4 9.9 9.5 GSM – Independent – Student 4.6 7.3 6.9 7.3 7.6 9.1 8.9 9.1 10 8.8 9.2 9.0 7.9 8.1 7.7 7.6 6.9 6.9 GSM – Regional Sponsored 3.8 4.4 4.6 6.0 5.6 6.2 6.4 7.0 5.8 6.0 4.9 4.9 5.2 4.7 4.3 5 3.5 4.0 Employer Sponsored 13.8 14.3 14.2 14.4 14.4 15.0 15.1 15.2 1.9 Business Skills 5.0 5.9 6.0 5.2 5.2 6.0 5.4 4.5 0 Humanitarian or refugee -20.1 -7.2 -6.6 -5.8 -5.6 -1.1 1.2 4.3 Italy EU-28 Spain Greece France Austria Poland Finland Canada Belgium DenmarkGermany Portugal Sweden Australia Total Permanents 3.4 5.4 5.3 5.9 5.8 7.7 7.8 8.4 Netherlands United States Czech Republic United Kingdom Source: Access Economics (2008). EU-28 citizens or native-born for Australia, Non-EU-28 citizens or foreign-born for Australia, Note: Based on data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Australia. GSM = General Skilled Migration. Canada and US Canada and US

Source: Eurostat (2018) and OECD.Stat (2018). Note: Total unemployment rate for Poland and Portugal instead of the rate for EU-28 citizens. Unemployed as percentage of sector budgets, that could be achieved in a positive fiscal balance. Australia is 15–74 years old age group in 2017 for EU countries and as percentage of active population aged 15–64 in 2016 for Australia, Canada and US. by policies favouring highly educated probably the best example where this immigrants and not admitting immigrants selective labour migration dominates. over age 50’ (Smith & Edmonston 1997, positive numbers only after the initial 2.2. The composition of immigrants, p. 12). Almost all fiscal effect studies from Just as in the case of the category of 12 years (but this later net contribution is skills, age and education the UK highlight the important role of ed- entry, and with much accompanying not large enough to offset the previous ucation. An estimate by the Home Office, overlapping, there are substantial dif- net costs). It is important to note that the Australia's example demonstrates that for example, showed that in 1999 less ferences between immigrants based on Australian model covers only 20 yearse the composition of the immigrants influ- than 10% of migrants with higher educa- national origin as well. For example, one and is not a lifecycle estimate. If we look ences their labour market outcomes to tion claimed state benefits (except child IPPR report showed that in the UK only beyond these 20 years, the net positive a very large degree, and this affects the benefits), while nearly 40% of those with 1% of immigrants born in the US, the contributions will probably gradually turn fiscal balance. Skills, education and age no qualification did so. More than 50% Philippines, Poland, France and Australia to negative numbers in all categories due structure are crucial. Young, educated of immigrants with no qualification were had claimed Income Support, however, to the retirement of immigrants. However, and skilled immigrants normally make a inactive and only 35% had a job (Gott & 11% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi, 21% an NPV calculation of the lifespan fiscal large fiscal contribution (Rowthorn, 2008, Johnston, 2002, p. 19). Typically, selective of Turkish and 39% of Somali immigrants impact for the ‘average immigrant’ or for pp. 576–577). The New Americans study labour market migration programmes did so (IPPR, 2007, p. 27). Similarly, while the entire immigrant population would already concluded that ‘(i)f the only result in the best mix of skills, age and only 5% of Ameri­can, French or Austral- probably show considerable positive net policy goal were to maximise the positive education and thus lead to high labour ian immigrants lived in social housing, contributions. contribution of immigration to public- market participation, and this results the correspond­ing figures for Bangladeshi, 118 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 119

Turkish and Somali immigrants were 41, by far the highest welfare use at nearly educational level, while the latter with 2.3. Refugee specific costs and 49 and 80% respectively (ibid., p. 30). The 73%, while immigrants from East Asia different cultural views on performing barriers and welfare state differences between various groups of im- (32%), Europe (26%) and South Asia paid labour outside the home for men arrangements migrants were so large that making gene­ (17%) had the lowest rates, which were and women (Bakker et al., 2017, p. 1788). ralisations and talking about immigrants around or below native-household In contrast to the selective labour migra- using average data can be much mislead- levels (Camarota, 2015, p. 9). In recent The composition of migrants makes a tion programmes, in the case of humani­ ing. As the IPPR argued: ‘The immense decades, a predominant share of im- difference as the various examples (pre- tarian migrants, the receiving country is differences between different subgroups migrants from Latin America arriving sented above) from major host countries unable to select newcomers based on its within the immigrant population (e.g. to the US has substantially influenced demonstrate. Country of origin and actual economic needs and preferences, country of origin or route of entry) and the fiscal effects of immigration. This cate­gory of entry are important factors, which influence characteristics such as even bigger differences within groups can has been already revealed by the New but they usually intertwine with factors age, education, skills, language ability, often mean that lumping people together Americans study: ‘… except for immi- such as education, skills and language cultural background etc. Fiscal balance as immigrants is almost meaningless’ grant households from Latin America, ability. Selective labour market migra- estimates almost uniformly show nega­ (House of Lords, 2008, p. 42). today's current immigrants are net tion programmes can usually ensure the tive fiscal effects related to refugees. fiscal contributors to the overall fiscal best mix of skills, age and education for The poor fiscal results are a combination In the US, there is a large gap between position of native U.S. households… host countries from an economic and of one-time refugee-specific short-term education and corresponding incomes The Latin American immigrant cohort is fiscal point of view, which lead to high public expenditure and longer-term of various immigrant groups based on large, however, and their negative net labour market participation and this problems connected to the slow labour country of origin. Latin American (most annual fiscal impact more than offsets results in positive net contributions to market integration. Specific short-term notably Mexican) immigrants tend to the aggregate fiscal contributions paid public bud­gets. Australia is probably the expenditures are related to the influx have lower education, while Asian (e.g. to natives by Canadians, Europeans, best example, where this selective la- of refugees, which implies considerable Indian, Chinese, Philippine) and Euro- Asians, and other immigrants’ (Smith & bour migration dominates. As the British government layouts that are usually con- pean and Canadian immigrants have Edmons­ton, 1997, p. 288). case clearly demonstrates, ‘free move- centrated in the first years of arrival. The higher (Blau & Mackie, 2017, pp. 86–90). ment’ migrants have been con­tributing administrative costs of processing asy- This is related to substantially differ- Researchers in the Netherlands noted considerably­ to the budgets due to their lum applications with the costs of rescue ent earnings for various groups. For substantial differences in employment characteristics (young age, high em- operations and border protection are example, the average annual earnings levels of labour, family and refugee ployment rate, low social ‘consumption’) included here, along with the expendi- of a native-born employed woman was migrants, but pointed to significant as well. The fiscally beneficial nature tures related to the provision of food, $40,996 in 2012. The corresponding divisions even within the refugee pop- of (mostly labour) intra-EU migration in healthcare and shelter. These short-term figures for Chinese (49,634), Philippine ulation itself. Studying the employment most EEA countries was also highlighted costs related to the refugee crisis were (49,914) and especially Indian (60,320) patterns of the 1995–1999 refugee by Ahlskog & Nyman (2018). estimated to increase the aver­age budg- women were higher, yet much lower for cohort, they showed that Iranian refu- etary expenses for asylum seekers in the Mexican woman (17,865) (Blau & gees (both men and women) are more However, high-income countries with EU countries between 2014 to 2016 from Mackie, 2017, p. 109). Welfare utilisa- likely to be employed over time, while relatively high share of these types 0.08% to 0.19% of GDP according to the tion shows very similar patterns. In women from Somalia, Afghanistan and of labour migrants such as Australia IMF staff calculations (IMF, 2016, p. 12). 2012, the share of native households Iraq are least likely. The former may and the UK are rather exceptional. This seems rather marginal; but the (defined by the head of the household) be explained by their higher average In many EU countries the share of refugees and consequent costs seemed using at least one (US federal) welfare refugees and their family members is to be unevenly distributed with some programme11 was 30%, while in the case much higher, and the share of labour EU Member States receiving most of 11 The welfare programmes considered were the of immigrant-headed households, it following: Supplemental Security Income (SSI), migrants and their family members the burden: the first and foremost being was 51% in average, i.e. a difference of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), much lower than in the UK or Austral- Sweden (expenditure rising to 1% of GDP), the Women Infants and Children food programme 21 percentage points (Camarota, 2015, (WIC), free or subsidised school lunch, food ia. This too has a significant influence and then Denmark, Finland, Austria and p. 6). Households headed by immigrants stamps (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance on the fiscal impact of immigration Germany (all above 0.3% of GDP), which Program, SNAP), Medicaid, and public housing from Central America and Mexico had and rent subsidies (Camarota, 2015, p. 4). (OECDiLibrary, 2018). were expected to pay the highest price. 120 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 121

After the initial period, other (non-refu­ labour market performance are due to Finally, the generosity of welfare sys­ clined from 2.07 to 1.75 (a 0.33-child de- gee-specific) expenditure items were a lack of host country work experience, tems also matters, and this includes the cline), and thus the gap between the two added to the list, e.g. the costs for social language proficiency and the problematic access of immigrants to welfare services narrowed from 0.68 to 0.41 (Camarota & housing, (language) training, integration recognition of educational credentials. and benefits, which varies a lot across Zeigler, 2017, p. 5). In Western European courses, education and social benefits for Different motives (flight) for leaving coun- high-income countries (IMF, 2016, pp. countries, the difference in fertility has the non-working. Due to their character- try of origin also play particular roles – for 26–27). Some countries (typically US, been traditionally similar, perhaps a istics, humanitarian migrants are usually example, refugees often experience psy- Australia, Denmark) have been restrict­ bit higher but with very high TFR (and overrepresented as receivers here. Apart chological problems and trauma (Bakker ing the access of immigrants to welfare therefore a very large gap) in the case from the skill and education gap they al- et al., 2017, p. 1788). We can add discrimi- at least temporally and partially. Together of some immigrant groups typi­cally from so face legal barriers when trying to enter nation along with racism and xenophobia with cultural norms (role models of moth­ Muslim countries, e.g. Somali women the labour market since traditionally they and the lack of adequate integration ers, fertility) it can make a difference. (5.2) in Norway and Denmark, Pakistani are not allowed to initially work. Most EU policies in many receiving countries. In However, for the most part, this does not women (4.7) in England and Wales and Member States require periods of up to addition, refugees usually arrive without apply to refugees since they are usually Turkish women in Austria (2.96), Norway nine months and apply also additional financial resources or material assets, exempted from most restrictions applied (3.09) and France (3.21), to show some limitations,12 and only Sweden,13 Greece social networks or without their family to welfare use in high-income countries. examples (Sobotka, 2008, pp. 232–233). and Portugal grant asylum seekers the members and their support – they must Welfare systems generally, are more A study by the Pew Research Centre possibility to enter the labour market overcome traumatic experiences from the important regarding the fiscal effects of (2017, pp. 34–35) estimated the Muslim immediately after application for asylum. past as well (Sekulová & Hlinčíková, 2015). refugee populations. The argument here fertility in Europe in 2015 to 2.6 (1.0 Even when they are allowed to work after is that more generous or more extensive above the Non-Muslim average) which a certain time, problems with recognition As many initial barriers are lifted and in- welfare systems increase fiscal costs for is projected to decline to 2.4 by 2050 of educational credentials or skills often tegration gradually proceeds in the long refugees who are overrepresented in wel- (when the difference will still be 0.7). hamper their skill recognition and job term, education, skills and language fare consumption. This leads to higher This is important because during the placement (Holler and Schuster, 2017, ability (or the lack of these) are factors negative fiscal effects. The same is true last years the overwhelming majority of p. 2). However, legal barriers play a role that increasingly determine the labour for cultural norms, for example the tra- asylum seekers and refugees coming to mostly after the arrival, contributing to market outcomes of refugees. The main ditional role of women who do not enter Europe is from countries with Muslim the ‘refugee entry effect’ that causes the problem is that their language proficien- the formal labour market and take care majorities, and this was especially the ‘refugee gap’ in employment, and this only cy, education and employment lag be- of dependents and the household. When case during the 2014–2016 refugee crisis. slowly dimi­nishes over time (Bakker et hind not only EU-born citizens, but also combined with higher number of children This has caused a major impact on the al., 2017, p. 1788). Other reasons for poor extra-EU migrants, i.e. migrants coming in migrant families, this also pushes up fiscal effects of immigration. from third countries outside the EU (Eu- fiscal costs and decreases revenues, ropean Commission, 2016a, pp. 113–123). thereby worsening the fiscal balance. CONCLUSIONS – BE REALISTIC, 12 Asylum seekers (after their asylum application) Earlier literature demonstrates that em- PREPARE FOR A NET FISCAL have the right to work after two months in Italy; after three months in Austria, Germany ployment rates of refugees stay at very With regards to the average number of BURDEN and Romania; after four months in Belgium; six months in Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, low levels after arrival (around 10 to 20 children, the US witnessed a declining Estonia, Finland, Spain, Poland and Netherlands; percent in the first year) and it takes 15 gap between immigrant and native Although immigration is not a feasible and after nine months in Bulgaria, Croatia, France, Hungary, Latvia, Luxembourg, Malta, Slovakia, to 20 years to reach the initial employ- ferti­lity rates in the last years. Between solution for the demographic problems and Slovenia. Lithuania does not have provisions ment level of labour migrants which is 2008 and 2017, the total fertility rate related to ageing in high-income coun- on access to the labour market for asylum 14 applicants, and regarding these applicants around 70 percent (Konle-Seidl & Bolits, (TFR) of immigrant women declined tries, it may contribute to the alleviation Denmark, Ireland and the UK have ‘opt-outs’ on 2016, pp. 22–23). Refugees arriving from 2.75 children to 2.16 (a 0.6-child of their fiscal consequences. However, the Recast Qualification Directive 2011/95/EU which limited waiting periods up to 9 months during the refugee crisis (in 2015, early decline) and for the native born it de- this occurs only as a part of policy mix (European Commission, 2016b, p. 21). 2016) to Germany and Austria only had together with incentives to increase fer- 13 Asylum seekers in Sweden are exempted from the a 14–15% employment rate in mid-2016 tility, raising labour force participation need to have work permit. This right lasts until a final (Germany) and in late-2016 (Austria) re- 14 The total fertility rate (TFR) reports the average and measures that contain growth in decision on their asylum application, including during number of children a woman can have in her the appeals (Poptcheva & Stuchlik, 2015, p. 27). spectively (Konle-Seidl, 2018, p. 22). reproductive age based on current patterns. age-related spending (health care and 122 Zsolt Gál Zsolt Gál 123

pensions system reforms). Furthermore, often poor and, of course, they are not to generous EU welfare states.17 Consi­ public policies. The mere fact that fiscal this results only when its fiscal balance selected based on the economic needs dering this, the labour market integration balance estimates are mostly negative in is positive, i.e. immigrants contribute to of host countries.15 of current refu­gees is probably going to the case of refugee populations in high public budgets more than they receive be a slow process, and this is in line with income countries is not about question- (in form of bene­fits, services and public Considering the characteristics of the previous experiences. It might take ing the moral and legal obligations to goods). This is usually the case when im- refugee populations, it is not surprising another 15–20 years until refugee em- accept refugees and treat them accord- migrants have a favourable age compo- that fiscal balance estimates which ployment rates reach near-average levels ing to the law. In other words, the fiscal sition (with a high share of working age target this group almost uniformly show (Konle-Seidl & Bolits, 2016, pp. 22–23). effects cannot and should not be the people), high employment rates, high negative results. This holds across It is unrealistic to expect posi­tive fiscal only factor influencing political decisions, income and below average take up of various countries and methods. Most effects during this period. Even if the public and media attitudes. On the other welfare services and benefits. This cor- estimates targeting non-Western fiscal balance will later turn to positive hand, decision makers, and host socie­ relates with a higher level of education, immigrants in Western and Northern numbers, it is questionable whether ties need to take a realistic approach good language proficiency and skills. European countries usually end up future positive contributions are going to toward to the most recent waves of refu­ Other factors also play a role, such as showing similar results – this is quite be large enough to offset previous nega­ gees. They should be prepared for the the nature and extent of welfare states natural since the two populations have tive contributions. Under these condi- problems connected to them, including or factors such as the fertility rate and many things in common and there is a tions, refugee migration is unable to help the likely negative fiscal effects. roles attributed to women. Positive significant overlap between them. alleviate the ageing related fiscal burden fiscal effects might be best achieved by of the host socie­ties; on the contrary, it REFERENCES implementing selective labour-migration During the 2014–2017 refugee crisis, contributes to its worsening. policies. However, the right to free asylum seekers from countries like Syria, Access Economics (2008). Migrant's Fiscal Impact Model: 2008 Update. Camberra: movement within the EU also contribut- Afghanistan, Iraq and Eritrea headed to In this chapter we concentrated on Department of Immigration and Citizenship ed to positive fiscal balances according a few major host countries like Sweden, the fiscal balance of immigration, and (Australia). 16 Aldén, L. & M. Hammarstedt (2016). Refugee to the estimates. Austria and Germany. Thus, people special attention was given to the fiscal Immigration and Public Sector Finances: from mostly Muslim countries with a effects of refugee populations. 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126 Gabriel Weibl 128 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 129

INTRODUCTION1 to which they move to’ (Kelo, Teichler & the discourse of ISM. The concept pays King et al., 2004; Richters & Teichler, Wächter, 2006, p. 211) – in the context of attention to aspects of direction and fre- 2006). ‘Self-sponsored’ (Altbach & The role that serendipity plays in this chapter for the ‘purpose of or in the quency of the student flow (Murphy-Le- Engberg, 2014, p. 11) individuals currently triggering mobility measures is a scarcely context of tertiary education’ (Richters & jeune, 2002). The study itself is rarely represent the majority of students researched topic and often overlooked Teichler, 2006, p. 78) in particular. the sole motivation to go abroad (Kelo, studying abroad. From the point of view in the studies of mobility and migration. Teichler & Wächter, 2006). Hence, the of risk and uncertainty, credit mobility However, serendipity is considered good The percentage of mobile students lines between mobility and migration and is considered the least risky, because luck, chance or a fortuitous event that persistently represents only 2–3% of short- and long-term migration are often the study programmes are usually plays an important part in the mobility the worldwide student enrolments and blurry. Some of the factors influencing established with supportive schemes, of many international students. This the largest increase in actual student the decisions by students to study such as buddy systems or networks of chapter represents an in-depth empirical numbers was recorded from 1975 to abroad include more affordable travel, university clubs, and they often include study on the interplay of serendipity 2009, from 0.8 million to 3.7 million the rise of the information and commu- residence or work packages. At the in mobility and migration among students (OECD, 2014). The US is the nications technology and the prevalence same time, factors such as individuals' students who studied in three different no. 1 destination of the last two decades, of the English language, both in popular personalities and the vast array of international locations (the UK, the by hosting circa 22% of foreign students culture and in the field of education and economic, academic, political and Czech Republic and New Zealand). Data from the global pool of mobile students, science. Also, there are specific policies sociocultural influences and serendipity originates from research conducted for followed by the UK (12%), Germany (10%), supporting and encouraging ISM, such infringe on the constellation of study the author's doctoral thesis (Weibl, 2015). France (9%) and Australia (6%) (Altbach, as the European Union's (EU) Erasmus+ abroad opportunities (Weibl, 2015). While serendipity is broadly understood Reisberg & Rumbley, 2009). programmes, or the internationalisation However, it is not a common routine as an unplanned occasion, it may occur strategies of some governments and/or for students to factor in serendipity in the time of pre-departure planning The length of stay abroad helps to set education institutions. This is because when they weigh the pros and cons of and the preparation period of a particular some basic categories and types of the earnings from cross-border student studying abroad. Yet, when the study mobility or migration. The purpose of this student mobility, similarly to the classifi- mobility have been increasing, especially abroad depends on successful admission chapter is to identify the instances of cation of short- and long-term migration. in English speaking countries, which and/or securing a scholarship, good serendipity within the study trajectories The chapter uses the term student motivates the governments and/or insti- luck or calculation of chances and of students and the events which led to mobility instead of migration, since all tutions to obtain greater international contemplation of some unforeseen them, as well as to assess the likelihood participants considered studying abroad enrolment (Altbach & Engberg, 2014). elements might cross the individuals' that serendipity triggers or contributes to as their major activity at the time they mind in addition to factors such as decisions by individuals to study abroad. began participation in the research. In relation to the time abroad and the grades, admission procedures, finances, Nevertheless, some of the student tra- choice of study programme, the literature distance from home and many others. International student mobility (‘ISM’) jectories gained the character of migra- distinguishes between three main types is a subset of global mobility and tion, because some students, upon their of ISM. The most institutionalised are This chapter aims to identify those in- migration. International students can be return home, soon left to work and live students for credit mobility, utilising the stances of serendipity that contributed defined as ‘individuals who leave their abroad or did not return to their home various short-term bilateral or Erasmus to international students' decisions to country or territory of origin and travel countries at all. A short time-frame and exchanges. The second category is undertake a study abroad and sought to to another for the purpose of studying expected return is referred to as mobility, degree, diploma or programme mobility trace serendipity throughout the entire there’ (OECD, 2011, p. 319). They ‘cross while relocation over one year is usually for students who undertake the entire mobility cycle, including their experien­ a national border to study or undertake termed migration (King & Findlay, 2010). study programme abroad. Thirdly, there ces in the host country and return home. other study related activities, for at least At times, study abroad precedes instan­ are voluntary, spontaneous mobile The methodological approach relied a certain part of a study programme or ces of mobility and eventually leads to students or the so-called free movers, predominantly on the grounded theory a certain period of time, in the country migration (Williams, Baláž & Kollár, 2004). who arrange their study by themselves, of enquiry, induced with a few available Newer terms, such as ‘international which can consist of a combination references and definitions of serendipity. student circulation’ (Agarwal et al., 2007, of the previous two categories as well The anecdotal evidence and the pilot 1 The research used in this article was supported by the Slovak VEGA grant, Grant/Award: 2/0151/19. p. 109), have been finding their way into (Carlson, 2011; Gordon & Jallade, 1996; studies suggested that students were 130 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 131

able to sense (detect or recognise) seren- because of the lucidity of the concept dipity plays an important role in mobility other publication mentioned the conse­ dipity, especially when it was explained and because of the predominantly induc- encounters just as there may be interfer- quences of serendipity as being fortu- through examples in real life. Since tive character of this research. The idea ence of serendipity in events which are itous events, such as mobility, employ- serendipity was assumed to be one of was to gradually probe students with not mobility or migration related. At the ment and meeting a spouse (Williams, the factors leading to a study abroad, open-ended questions on serendipity same time, many students prepare for Chaban & Holland, 2008) or in the case it was positioned within the traditional and to map whether serendipity reveals study abroad for a long time, but the mis- of diaspora networks (Solimano, 2008) concept of ‘push and pull factors’ itself through other topics, both directly fortune changes their plans and prevents and migration of highly skilled individu­ (Altbach, 1991; Altbach, 1998; Agarwal related and non-related, over a longer them from travelling abroad. The incen- als (Habti & Elo, 2019). Coleman and et al., 2007, pp. 115, 18–19) of mobility. period of time to allow for comprehen- tive was to find out to what extent indi- Chafer mentioned the socialisation of This research also sought to answer the sion and reflection on this notion. Seren- viduals recognised this fact and how they international students abroad as being frequent calls to design a more holistic dipity within this study was defined as: contemplate it. The anecdotal evidences ‘in fact highly serendipitous’ (Coleman study which integrates various frame- of some international students suggested & Chafer, 2011, p. 80). In this context, works, perspectives, methodologies and • luck and a mix of coincidental events that a lucky coincidence contributed to mobility, which sometimes leads to theoretical ap­proaches (King, 2002), as that contributed to a study abroad, such their decisions to travel abroad for study migration, was both the consequence of well as calls for qualitative studies with as granting of visa, scholarship and purposes and there were few references timing (Abbott, 2001) and/or a sequence a focus on students' experiences and admission; to serendipity in the literature, including of events (Carlson, 2011). self-perceptions that echo student the historical evidences and understand- voices (Brooks and Waters, 2011; Butch- • occurrence and development of events ings of serendipity. They themselves Historically, the initial story of er, Spoonley & Trlin, 2016; Ward, 2001; by chance, in a happy or beneficial helped to form the operational defini- serendipity dates back to 1754 by Horace Ward & Masgoret, 2009). way, events which were triggered tions of serendipity used in this study. Walpole, and also concerned mobility. unexpectedly or unplanned; It described the travels of ‘The three The chapter turns its attention to the There were only a couple of works on Princes of Serendip’ (sic), who made historical conceptualisation of serendipity, • an event that was connected to the serendipity addressing its role in mobil- discoveries by sagacity and accidents, which is then applied to the field of in- mobility and had an unexpected and ity and migration. The first publication, and these were never in quest of ternational student mobility as one of the fortuitous outcome, or without any which explicitly mentioned circum­ (Roberts, 1989). Sagacity (the process factors influencing the decision to study fortuitous outcome; stances that triggered an unplanned of planning and preparation) referred abroad and also more broadly in mobility mobility episode, was by Ackers and Gill, to the process of planning, preparation and migration. The empirical part of the • an event that was unexpected and not who introduced the idea of serendipity and information gathering, as well as chapter is based on the research of inter- contemplated; in cases where pre-mobility circum- to preparedness and decisiveness, and nationally mobile students enrolled at uni- stances did not gravitate toward, nor making a decision or taking a chance, at versities in three different locations. The • risks and uncertainties connected with assumed mobility at all; yet there were the right time when it presented itself. paper offers insight into the experiences chance or good fortune. circumstances which ‘precipitated or Therefore, the elements such as the of students abroad with a focus on the triggered an unplanned mobility episode’ informed consent and preparedness role of serendipity in their mobility event. These operational definitions of seren- (Ackers & Gill, 2008, p. 59). The case connect serendipity with the notion dipity originate from different under- was serendipitous since it was unfore- of risk and uncertainty and mobility, 1. ROLE OF SERENDIPITY IN standings of this concept and are based seeable, unpredictable and unplanned because both elements are taken into MOBILITY AND MIGRATION on historical reflections on serendipity in and, importantly, it triggered a mobility consideration in the case of mobility the literature. The goal of this research action. Ackers and Gill argued that ‘ser- event, for example, as push and pull Operational definitions of serendipity was to study the entire mobility cycle endipity or chance plays a critical role factors of mobility. were developed, partly in conjunction of international students, their pre-de- in understanding the migratory process’ with the concept of risk and uncertainty, parture decision making, experiences (Ackers & Gill, 2008, p. 59) and they The initial story of serendipity carried and gradually, as the study progressed, abroad and their arrival home, and where described the case of a PhD student, a significant reference to mobility and based on the responses from the parti­ it was possible, to detect the interplay of who as the result of unexpected events, migration. Firstly, there was the analogy cipants. The definitions are operational, serendipity and mobility. Arguably, seren- completed her degree in Germany. An- of the travellers, which directly embodies 132 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 133

the notion of mobility. Secondly, theoretically derived hypotheses, it also and uncertainty with regard to mobility search, but were mentioned to showcase discoveries by accident and sagacity generates new hypotheses. This might (Williams & Baláž, 2012). Other theoreti- the breadth of the concepts on ISM and were the focal points of the story, be called the ‘serendipity’ component in cal concepts suitable for analysis of ISM, their perspective on serendipity for future through which the concept of serendipity research, i.e., the discovery by chance or however, without any or scarce mention research. gained a broader definition. By extension, sagacity, of valid results which were not of serendipity in connection with student the discoveries of the three princes sought for’ (Merton & Barber, 2004, p. 141). mobility, are theories of the ‘push and 2.1. New typologies of European can be thought of as the experiences of Empirical research tests hypotheses pull’ factors of mobility (Creswell, 1993; migration international students. Serendipity was driven by theories, but at the same time, Wang, 2010), ‘do-it-yourself biography’ understood as happy or lucky accidents new hypotheses are generated and new (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002), trans- According to King (2002), there are seven as well as sagacity, which was captured valid results are discovered which were nationalism (Smith & Guarnizo, 1998; typologies which identify some of the also through Pasteur's expression of not sought (Merton & Barber, 2004). This Vertovec, 2002), social capital (Bourdieu, main motivations for migration (Table 1). ‘fortune favours the prepared mind’ logic of enquiry is exercised when tracing 2012) with its more recent derivatives, Even though the concept states ‘Europe- (Pasteur, 2014). At the same time, happy the role of serendipity in mobility within such as total human capital (Williams & an’, this concept has a worldwide implica- or lucky accidents can refer to the this study, by employing the grounded Baláž, 2005), geographical mobility tion too. This chapter focuses on mobility ‘not-prepared mind’, yet finding ‘things theory approach to research. capital (Leung, 2012), and transnational rather than migration and it is evident they were not in quest of’ (Roberts, capital and transnational identity capital from the individual categories that King's 1989, p. ix), which is similar to the very The importance of studying the role (Kim, 2010). The concepts of the new use of migration is arguably applicable first case of serendipity in the mobility of serendipity in mobility is to further typologies of European migration, the to ISM, since the entire mobility cycle of literature by Ackers & Gill (2008). The the knowledge and understanding of ‘push and pull’ factors of mobility and the students often includes some typologies question is whether and how can good this phenomenon, especially since notions of risk and uncertainties were of migration. Despite the fact that King's luck be attracted, to which Virgil seems only a handful of works referred to the the most utilised in this study, because concept is outdated, it appears to be to offer and answer by stating that notion of serendipity, but without any they helped to conceptualise serendipity timely in capturing the essences of the ‘audaces fortuna iuvat’ (Maro, 2014), deeper exclamation. An extensive set of as one of the contributing factors of mo- contemporary ISM, which can often be meaning that ‘fortune favours the bold.’ questionnaires and interviews helped to bility. The concept of risk and uncertainty very individual and fluid, both planned embed serendipity within the concept then additionally helped to characterise and ad hoc, as well as serendipitous and Another stimulating thought of of the push and pull factor of mobility serendipity more in depth. The remaining transnational. The left column in Table serendipity is that of scientific research, and experiences abroad, with a focus on theoretical underpinnings of ISM were 1 is the ascribed typology, and the right as serendipity was historically, but not employability, future mobility aspirations not used as analytical tools in this re- column describes the term. exclusively historically, connected to of students, development of intercultural scientific discoveries, such as happy competence, and knowledge transfer. accidents or chance (Maro, 2014). They Table 1 Seven new European typologies of migration were detrimental to furthering science 2. INTERNATIONAL STUDENT 1. The migrations of crises Refuge, irregular and ‘illegal’ migrations in many disciplines, for example, in MOBILITY anthropology, history, literature, physics, 2. The ‘sisters are doing it for themselves’ Growth in independent female migration political science, history, literature and The field of international student mobility 3. The playing the global labour market Skilled and professional migrants astronomy (Cambridge, 2014; Merton & currently lacks an all-encompassing Barber, 2004). These explain the theory (King, Skeldon & Vullnetari, 2008), 4. The here and there and back and forth Shuttle migration existence of some popular meanings of and there are frequent calls for an inter- 5. The student migrations From the year abroad to the ‘Big OE’ serendipity, such as: good luck, lucky disciplinary approach to student mobility chance and fortuitous (unplanned) (Brooks & Waters, 2011; King, 2002; OECD, 6. The love migration The transnationalisation of intimacy events. Merton and Barber validated the 2000). Some of the concepts employed in 7. The heliotropes and rural idyllists Migrations of environmental preference notion of serendipity for sociological the chapter are new typologies of Euro- theory, as they explained that ‘fruitful pean migration (King, 2002) or one of the empirical research not only tests most recent concepts that considers risk Source: King (2002). 134 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 135

Student migration is itself an indepen­ more to uncertainty than risk (Williams & can calculate with. While the unknown cal frameworks (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) dent category, which suggests the in- Baláž, 2008, 2012). Thus, serendipity falls part would classify serendipity as uncer- that aids the recognition of similarities creased popularity of student mobility at under the realm of uncertainty, because tainty, when it strikes it can dash from the and differences and their relations (Dey, the time of this concepts' development. it refers to the unknown in the context unknown and bypass the category of risk. 1999). At the same time, deductive meth- King's typologies intertwine especially of mobility. This is because risk is taken ods gathered the available historical and because the motivations for studying on circumstances which are known, and 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY contemporary references of serendipity. abroad and the consequent experiences outcomes that can be understood in of staying abroad are characterised by terms of probabilities, while uncertainty The research was guided by the calls for Both data collection and data analysis the combination of the typologies' de- describes the imperfect knowledge of the complete, comparative, empirical, large- followed the logic of grounded theory, scription. Another fact is that boundaries situation and the unpredictability of the scale, longitudinal and regular research as each of its methodological tools was between these typologies blur and fur- nature of risk, for example, the typology in existing literature on student mobility developed reflecting on the results of the ther fragment. When it comes to seren- of migrations of crises. (Chaban et al., 2011; Daly, 2007; King & previous empirical data using preliminary dipity, arguably it is present in all seven Ruiz-Gelices, 2003; King et al., 2008; Riz- codes and nascent categories (Craemer & typologies of migration, particularly in There are a couple of similarities vi et al., 2010), in order to obtain credible Burrows, 2012; Creswell, 2003; Saunders, the fifth one – student migration – and, between uncertainty and serendipity, for data worth of examination. This study Lewis & Thornhill, 2009; Suddaby, 2006; for instance, the third and sixth one, as example, they both can have positive also considered it important to aim for a Charmaz & Henwood, 2008). some literature which mentioned seren- and negative mobility effects. However, more holistic approach (Deardorff, 2014) dipity highlights its role in employment serendipity usually refers to a lucky and to amplify student voices (Gargano, This was followed by constant compari- (Habti & Elo, 2019) and in forming rela- coincidence and chance. There is also 2009; Haan & Sherry, 2012) and trigger sons and references to the data, result- tionships (Williams, Chaban & Holland, a link between the European typologies the participants' self-perceptions of their ing in sampling and categorisations of 2011). It is also present in the fourth ty- of migration and risk and uncertainty experiences (Brooks & Waters, 2011). This various groups (Creswell, 2003) through pology, which connects serendipity with through the concept of edgeworker study was designed to give a qualitative a logical-deductive and interpretative diaspora networks (Solimano, 2008). (Williams & Baláž, 2012). These can be account on the understanding of the process, with highly creative input matched with the typology of student role of serendipity in student mobility, (Saunders, Lewis & Thornhill, 2009). It 2.2. Risk and uncertainty migration and/or the migration of crises, ideally capturing the whole mobility cycle also requires some amount of luck and because the edgeworker characterises of students (pre-departure, in-country is suitable for research that explains and Some of the most recent research on the type of migrant (students and experience, return home). Given the predicts behaviour (Suddaby, 2006). The migration pioneers the concept of risk backpackers) who seek adventure. Such limited conceptualisation of serendipity, method of data gathering consisted of and uncertainty in connection with individuals consider risk positively. methodology of the grounded theory was anonymous on-line surveys, which tar- knowledge­ (Williams & Baláž, 2008, employed in this case, similarly to the geted first-time abroad international stu- 2012). This concept combines the views It is argued that serendipity should be study of foreign students' learning in the dents, i.e. first-time students in the host of economics and sociology. The main included as one of the factors leading and UK, which helped to enhance the person- country. This was followed by in-depth, idea is that any migration is informed influencing student mobility (Weibl, 2015), al narratives of the participants (Bakar, face-to-face, semi-structured interviews and informs on the perception of risk and could typify a new mobility category 2015). This is because it is chiefly induc- with students who indicated in the and uncertainty. It is applicable to both termed, for example, as serendipitous tive in its nature, which suits the investi- anonymous survey that they would like migrants and non-migrants. In a way, travellers. Second, serendipity can act gative and exploratory task and because to continue their studies. The interviews migration or mobility can be considered both as push and pull factors of mobility it favours qualitative method with its were followed by 12 on-line diary type a form of knowledge that has the ability depending on the decisive substance fac- progressive categorisation of meanings, surveys, semi-structured Skype inter- to decrease the risk and/or uncertainty tored in by students, for example, admis- identification of links and relationships views and a final email survey, predomi­ of future migration and mobility (Alwang, sion to university paired with a full tuition and their further integration (Strauss & nantly with open-ended questions and Siegel & Jorgensen, 2001). Risk and and living expenses scholarships. Thirdly, Corbin, 1998). Barney Glaser and Anselm distributed to students upon their arrival uncertainty differ in that uncertainty as an unknown variable, serendipity is Strauss argued for the method, which ad- home; the last three methods were the can be considered a uniformed risk and logically closest to the notion of uncer- vocated the move from the context of the results of students' preferences chosen when it comes to mobility, it is disposed tainty, since risk is a known variable one data to development of specific theoreti­ during the semi-structured interviews.2 136 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 137

The comparative research engaged 563 of participants, especially because the Table 2 Response rates of international students international students (anonymous on- second earthquake, which was deadly, On-line diary-type surveys line survey) who studied at universities initiated an exodus of international in three destinations from three coun- students from the Canterbury region, Universities Anonym Inter. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Skype Email tries – New Zealand, the United Kingdom which is home to two universities University 127 19 17 8 13 11 9 8 5 7 6 6 3 3 3 3 and the Czech Republic (see Table 2), of (Lincoln and UC). A decision was made of Canterbury which 90 students agreed to be inter- to extend the study to international viewed. Overall, 39 students of those 90 students at all NZ universities, which Auckland 106 19 18 15 15 15 14 14 14 14 13 13 12 12 12 10 University completed the whole study. The columns proved to be challenging in terms of of Technology in Table 2 refer to the individual research getting access to students, even in Lincoln 5 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 stages of this study in the sequence they terms of having the survey link circulat- University were conducted.3 ed, presumably due to the competitive environment in terms of international University 16 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 of Otago The multiple stages of the data collection student intake. enhanced the qualitative analysis, espe- Victoria 28 4 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 cially the comprehension, interpretation 4. RESEARCH FINDINGS4 University of Wellington and understanding, because it allowed reflection on collected results, and which Serendipity interfered and influenced University 22 3 3 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 in turn helped develop each next step of the mobility events of individuals re- of Auckland inquiry. gardless of factors such as students' Massey 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 personality types or chosen length of University The choice of the three geographical study. Risks seemed to be considered University 131 24 19 16 15 14 14 14 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 11 locations was partly given and to some by students often, just as uncertainties, of Oxford degree serendipitous. The recruitment prior to embarking on the journey to of research participants was initially de- study abroad. Hence, the quest for Charles 106 16 15 9 12 12 11 14 13 12 11 12 9 11 12 9 University signed for the University of Canterbury, the role of serendipity in ISM required then to universities in New Zealand, in-depth examination and reflection Total 563 90 81 58 66 60 55 57 51 52 49 50 42 44 46 39 but was inevitably demarked by some over time. Interestingly, while there is a unforeseen events, such as the two common understanding of the concept Legend: Anonym = anonymous on-line surveys; Inter. = face-to-face semi-structured interview; 1–12 = twelve on-line diary-type surveys; Skype = semi-structured interviews via Skype, Email = survey of open-ended questions via email. major earthquakes in Christchurch. This of serendipity, it became an elusive Source: Weibl (2015). immediately infringed on the number and hard to grasp concept by students at early stages of their study abroad. It was mostly towards the end of their 4.1. Risk and uncertainty – The data shows students' perceived 2 In order to enhance the participation rate in this study, the researcher discussed the planned mobility or upon their return home after perceptions of international differing degrees of importance regarding methods of inquiry and the final version rests on reflection and comprehension of their students literature (Williams & Baláž, 2012). The a compromise between the potential participants and the researcher, where participants could experiences when they confidently findings show that the most commonly cit- choose from one of the methods (online survey, pinpointed whether serendipity played The students were asked whether they were ed concerns of risk and uncertainty were: diary entries, final email survey). a role leading to or in their mobility. aware of any risks regarding their study (loss of) employment because of leaving 3 In the case of New Zealand, there were destination and whether they were uncertain to study abroad; perception of crime/ 302 responses. The international students originated from 60 different countries. In the about anything. The inquiry was based on terrorism in the host country – study case of the United Kingdom, there were 142 4 Names of the participants are pseudonyms; real open- ended questions, as well as on multiple destination; possible political unrest in the respondents in the anonymous survey of which names if the respondent wished to use own 131 were completed, and the international name; and the third option was to use the term choice questions where the list of perceived host country; health concerns in terms of students originated from 42 different countries. ‘anonymous_no_contry code’; study destination risks and uncertainties was adopted from reliance of the healthcare services abroad; In the case of the Czech Republic, there were refers to NZ = New Zealand, UK = the United 106 respondents from 39 countries. Kingdom, and CZ = the Czech Republic. (Williams & Baláž, 2012). poor hygiene – perceived or assumed 138 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 139

issues concerning the state of hygiene; and expected to move abroad for my PhD 4.3. Risk and uncertainty versus through effective communication. and in the case of New Zealand, weaken- for years (virtually before I even started serendipity The chance I cannot produce, but the ing ties with family and friends, which is my BSc), the only question was where.’ On chance I get I can convert. Chance: usually the case because New Zealand is the contrary, Jeff (NZ) represented a risk Data reflect a close relationship between random. Conversion was due to commu- geo­graphically isolated, unless students taker or edgeworker as he stated: ‘I enjoy risk, uncertainty and serendipity; for nication.’ Raj's testimony was as close are from neighbouring Australia or the taking risks but had absolutely no doubt example, Cesco (NZ) said: ‘I came to New to serendipity as it gets without spelling Pacific Islands. Many students mentioned as to the fact that going overseas to study Zealand with neither a student visa nor a out the word serendipity; however, when that the geographical proximity of Oxford was the best decision I made,’ which PhD position available, so I was relying asked for the very first time about se­ and Prague to their home countries characterises the concept of edgeworker. on a bit of luck’, ‘the project I started my rendipity directly, he recorded: ‘I think lessened their concerns when they were PhD on – which ended up not being good me being an Indian, and people in my weighing the factors influencing their The findings were also confirmed by litera­ fortune and was subsequently switched, country having the pre-empted tendency decision to study there. Students were the ture, which emphasised a strong link be- but now it's great, so no problems;’ to use ‘divine disposition’ and ‘coinci- least concerned about the different cli- tween previous and institution organised represent­ the turning of good fortune dence' has turned me off that aspect of mate or weather, local customs or religion, mobility and the likelihood of future mo- into a less fortunate situation, and then it. Even if it were a coincidence, I would and natural disasters, which was an inter- bility (King, Findlay & Ahrens, 2010). For back to good fortune. In the case of Leslie not have noticed it: because I am averse esting finding with respect to New Zealand example, ‘no risk; I had to go on exchange (NZ): ‘Looking back, the only certainty to it.’ This statement stresses two points. because of the two major earthquakes the as part of my undergraduate degree, and that I had was that I wanted to research First, that serendipity can have different South Island suffered in September 2010 the decision to stay felt right’ (Benoit, UK) squid, everything else was up to chance.’ cultural connotations, which should be a and February 2011. and ‘no, not much risk involved as it is Similarly, Heather (NZ) declared: ‘I did subject of future study. Second, when it part of an organised programme’ (Carlos, not leave any financial aspect of my stay comes to study of such elusive concepts 4.2. Risk and uncertainty – CZ). Risk and uncertainty were by most up to chance or good fortune, but I left as serendipity as well as experiences of perceptions of international students perceived in a cluster or inter- my fate in terms of earthquakes up to mobility, there is a need for a thorough students – pre-departure twined; for example, Eric (NZ) had several chance or good fortune.’ It needs to be in-depth and longitudinal approach in concerns: ‘I was never sure whether or not explained that New Zealand was hit by order to get as close to the perception of The following part considers students' I would be able to 'fit in' socially; would I two major earthquakes at the start of the the participants as possible. reflections on risk and uncertainty retro- be able to be financially responsible and data collection in 2010 and 2011, which in spectively from the times of their pre-de- whether or not I would have the willpower the second occasion cost the lives of ci- 4.4. Serendipity – perceptions of parture and then their perceptions of risk to work hard academically. I didn't know vilians, and in both occasions diminished international students and uncertainty during their stay abroad. anyone in New Zealand, and there was the number of international students' en- In all three study destinations, there was a always the risk that my chosen field of rolments at the University of Canterbury Students were asked on several occa- similar proportion of students, usually one study was actually not the one that was (Campbell, 2016; Harris, 2018). sions whether their pre-departure and third to one quarter, without any encoun- suitable for me.’ experiences abroad contained an element ters of mobility related concerns of risk Raj (NZ) offered a comprehensive ex- of serendipity. This was done using both or uncertainty. In one case, a student's Some of the students' testimonies planation with regard to risk: ‘It is fair positive and negative examples of seren- initial holiday in New Zealand by chance identified a number of categories, which to say for me I did leave a lot to chance. dipity, single event and/or a sequence of turned into a PhD study, which she later were not captured at the time of research Personally, I have always found that ran- incidents or co-incidents, serendipity in considered serendipitous. ‘It was a leap by the concept of risk and uncertainty, dom events or chance decisions (which terms of luck and the mix of coincidental of faith, not a risk’, another student stated such as: study (assignments, supervisors, for me is something that occurs out of events with open-ended questions, with on this account (Ghislaine, NZ). On the exams, content of study, returning to unnatural circumstances, unexpected and without any definitions or examples other hand, Raj (NZ) believed in thorough study from professional lives, style of meetings etc.) have always worked posi­ of what is considered serendipity in order preparation, not chance: ‘I don't believe in education, degree recognition); sense of tively in my favour, but what I cannot to map the understanding and triangulate formative opinions before I go to a place. right decision; living alone far away from produce is chance. That is a random the methods of inquiry on the micro-scale I didn't think there was an element of risk home; unspecified/general worries; and event. If it happens, I will convert that and be in compliance with the grounded and I felt no uncertainty and had planned the previous mobility experience. chance into something posi­tive for me theory of enquiry. 140 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 141

According to the responses, when reflect- I was surprised with the traditions and Awareness of lucky events leading to a (Imko, NZ). Several students, shortly upon ing back on their half year into their mobili­ quirks of the place (…) but nothing par- graduate programme, which was almost their arrival home, moved away and found ty experience, 19 out of 39 international ticularly happened to me other­wise.’ These cancelled for Jess (NZ), she believed that new homes that finally felt like home, for students at New Zealand universities could be the arguments for and against the this experience ‘encouraged me not to example, Noelani (NZ). Many students encountered serendipity in their mobility literature that suggested a prepared mind. pursue further education in marine eco­ ‘grew up’, became more mature and experience and 18 did not. In the case of On the other hand, the ‘lesser’ prepared logy, but pursue my PhD study in a dif- self-confident and got to know themselves Oxford, 13 out of 15 students remembered mind experienced several occasions of se­ ferent specialisation’. On the other hand, better thanks to their foreign study expe- some serendipitous circumstances leading rendipity as well, on more occasions than students had lucky encounters meeting rience. From this end, students confirmed to their study abroad, and two students did the examples listed above. their supervisors. However, when it came that their perceptions of risks and uncer- not at all. As for the students at Charles to personal encounters, most students tainties as barriers to mobility diminished University, the ratio was 50/50 with 12 A question comes to mind and some mentioned meeting their partners abroad. or disappeared with more experience students on both sides. The most frequent students spelled it out, whether the very For example, Michael (UK) found seren- abroad. The most positive outcomes of references were unexpected scholarships same event may classify as being or not dipitous ‘the fact that after being accept- the overseas experience as opposed to (6 times) – only in the case of NZ universi- being serendipitous to different people. A ed to the same college and same degree the time before studying abroad, were ties and Oxford (4 times). Scholarship was more interesting question then is whether course, one of my very good friends also increased independence and self-reliance followed by students' personal encounters or what serendipitous events would have became my girlfriend’. Seven research as well as possible future mobility or mi- (falling in love, finding partners or friends, happened to students if they had enrolled participants found their spouses while gration aspirations for employment. family present or accompanied students elsewhere or stayed at home. Emma (UK) studying abroad in response to the ques- while abroad – these are reminiscent of at explained: ‘I made friends but I don't tion of a lucky and positive coincidence. In addition, this research confirmed the least one European typology of migration), see how that would have been different Moreover, Benjamin (UK) found his calls of ISM literature for studies stretch- which can be considered the most seren- had I stayed in my home country’ and a spouse at the Royal Wedding ceremony ing to a longer period of time because, in dipitous events – five times in the case of bit more sure was Jed (UK) who thought and Anna's (UK) relationship determined this case, it helped to obtain meaningful NZ, four times at Oxford and three times at that ‘got to know a few people which her multiple future mobility endeavours, information and gradually helped to gain Charles. The remaining serendipitous ex­ results in such a fruitful friendship even from the UK, her being German, to New trust of the participants. This was then of- periences concerned: admission, visa, after they have left the UK. I am also fully Zealand, then back to Germany, and then ten rewarded in more comprehensive data, receiving crucial information on a study aware that this could have happened France being the latest. On the contrary, which offered greater insight into stu- pro­gramme, or being in the right place at elsewhere.’ On the other hand, Benjamin Imko (NZ) believed that his mobility event dents' negotiations of experiences abroad. the right time and with the right and/or (UK) considered any ‘friendship always ‘ruined’ his relationship, but in the long In some cases, they testified that their in- pre­pared state of mind, as suggested by somehow unexpected.’ In respect to all run, this led to an improvement of ‘gene­ volvement in the study and its longer time the three Prices of Serendip. three examples, the experiences would ral skills with women from different cul- span turned out to be beneficial to the have been different, perhaps with or tures’. Finally, life-threatening situations participants, because it served them as a Some of the findings reflect a connection without any serendipity involved, because were experienced by both, Ghislaine (NZ) tool of self-reflection. For some students, between serendipity and students' expec- different locations come with a different and Noelani (NZ), one escaped deliberate it created the sense that somebody cares tations with regard to their mobility event set of people and circumstances. food poisoning, the other a knife attack. about their feelings and that universities or study abroad. Simon (CZ) said that he are interested in their experiences. This ‘generally had the mindset that most issues Turning to the one-off versus a sequence There were some interesting findings at was sometimes also a reason to partici- would be able to get solved on the spot (…) of fortuitous events, Debbie (UK) experi- the final stage of this research, based pate in this study, namely to help improve accordingly, most uncertainties were left enced a ‘mix of coincidental events’ and on Skype interviews and the final survey the well-being of international students. to good fortune.’ Similarly, Tom (NZ) ‘didn't Anna (UK) considered ‘most of my moves emailed to the participants. Many of them In effect, the interest in their stories was know what to expect, (so) most things were to new places were combined with much were reached at the end of their student also very helpful to them at moments ‘unexpected.’ Matt (UK) experienced a luck. You have to organise a lot, but it mobility cycle and reintegration home. of homesickness and loneliness, which couple of serendipitous events: ‘I didn't go also has to work out really smoothly, Some of them returned home and were in is something the recruitment (agencies, into it with a tonne of expectations before, which is luck,’ which is reminiscent the process of job searching, others en- study fairs, the international offices) and because I didn't know what to expect (…) that fortune favours the prepared mind. rolled in the next level of study­ing abroad academics could bear in mind. 142 Gabriel Weibl Gabriel Weibl 143

CONCLUSION dents would be perceived as serendipitous as explained in the work of the Princes of of Learning, Teaching and Educational also by other people. Serendip. Yet, there were things that hap- Research, 14(1), 20–38. Baláž, V. (2009). Riziko a neistota: úvod do behaviorál­ The records of serendipity in human histo- pened out of the blue without any prepa- nej ekonómie a financií. Bratislava: VEDA. ry and science, in particular scientific dis- Serendipity helped to prove that student ration. Further research should focus on Beck, U. & E. Beck-Gernsheim (2002). Individualiza- tion. London: Sage. coveries, are abundant. There is a scarcity mobility often represents a life-changing different types and intensity of serendi­pity. Bourdieu, P. (2012). The Forms of Capital. In of serendipity-focused research in the field experience, perhaps due to the wealth This is especially so, because there were W. Longhofer & D. Winchester (Eds.). Social Theory Re-Wired: New Connections to of mobility and migration. Factors influ- of experiences, their diversity, new inspi­ well-prepared mobility events that were Classical and Contemporary Perspectives, encing the decision to undertake a study rations or instances of learning. Hence, it is halted by bad luck or misfortune which is Oxon: Routledge, (pp. 168–181). Brooks, R. & J. Waters (Eds.) (2011). Student abroad vary according to time, as their debatable whether one encounters seren- serendipity too, because it was unforeseen. Mobilities, Migration and the constellations may be perceived differently dipity or only an abundance of differen­ces Internationalization of Higher Education. in the pre-departure period in contrast to or awakening of senses. Nevertheless, REFERENCES Houndmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Butcher, A., Spoonley, P. & A. Trlin (Eds.) 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146 148 ABOUT THE AUTHORS ABOUT THE AUTHORS 149

� Rafael Ahlskog in Springer or the articles Migration as a of Management of the Slovak University of � Miroslava Hlinčíková Department of Government, Political and Public Phenomenon: the case of Technology. Her recent bibliography includes Institute of Ethnology and Social Uppsala University, the Slovak Republic (Bolečeková & Olejárová, the articles Connectivity as a Facilitator of Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Box 514, 751 20 Uppsala, Sweden 2017) or Migration Policy Instruments: The Intra-European Student Migration (Baláž, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, [email protected] Case of the Slovak Republic (Bolečeková & Williams & Chrančoková, 2018), Building and Slovak Republic Olejárová, 2018). Transferring Human Capital Via Migration [email protected] RAFAEL AHLSKOG is Assistant Professor (Karasová, Baláž & Chrančoková, 2018) in political science at the Department of � Martina Chrančoková or Risk Attitudes in International Travel MIROSLAVA HLINČÍKOVÁ works as a Government, Uppsala University. His re- Centre of Social and Psychological and Migration by Young Europeans (Baláž, researcher at the Institute of Ethnology and search has centred on fields as disparate as Sciences, Chrančoková & Karasová, 2018). Social Anthropology of the Slovak Academy of vaccination policy, altruism, fiscal impacts of Šancová 56, 811 05 Bratislava, Sciences, where she received a PhD in 2013. migration, and political behaviour genetics. Slovak Republic � Zsolt Gál She has been member of various research His recent publications include a report pre- [email protected] Department of Politology, Faculty of Art, teams regarding different minority issues: dis- pared within the REMINDER project Fiscal Comenius University, advantaged groups in the society (migrants, effects of intra-EEA migration (Nyman & MARTINA CHRANČOKOVÁ is a researcher Gondova 2, 814 99 Bratislava, minorities, and women), social exclusion, Ahlskog, 2018) or Essays on the collective ac- at the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Institute Slovak Republic equal opportunities, civic participation, inte- tion dilemma of vaccination (Ahlskog, 2017). of Forecasting – Centre of Social and [email protected] gration, human rights and diversity in urban Psychological Sciences. She previously environment. She has cooperated as an ana- � Martina Bolečeková worked on the international YMOBLITY ZSOLT GÁL is assistant professor at the lyst at the Institute for Public Affairs; Citizen, Matej Bel University, Faculty of Political Project (part of the Horizon 2020 Project) and Department of Political Science, Faculty of Democracy and Responsibility and Centre Sciences and International Relations, two national VEGA projects. Her VEGA pro- Arts at Comenius University in Bratislava, for the Research of Ethnicity and Culture. Kuzmányho 1, 974 01, Banská Bystrica, jects 2/0117/15 and 2/0010/14 were entitled Slovakia. He holds an MA degree in Political She is the author and co-author of several Slovak Republic ‘Variations of Corporativism and its Effect on Science from this department and a monographs and studies, such as Integrating [email protected] Economic Outcomes and Outputs in Middle PhD degree in Economics from Corvinus People with International Protection in and Eastern Europe’ and ‘Institutional and University in Budapest, Hungary. His Slovakia: Seeking the Starting Points; MARTINA BOLEČEKOVÁ holds a degree in Technological Change in the Context of the research interests include public finances, Migrants in the City: Present and (Not) Visible International Relations from the Faculty of European Challenges’. She is currently work- economic aspects of European integration, and Beyond the Borders of Science? Applied Political Science and International Relations, ing on national VEGA project 2/0002/18 en- economic transformation in Central and Anthropology in Society. Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, titled ‘Institutional Framework of Slovakia's Eastern Europe and international migration. Slovakia. Currently, she is an Assistant Economic Development in the New Phase Zsolt teaches several courses in these fields � Pär Nyman Lecturer at the Department of International of Globalisation’ and another APVV-17-0141 at Comenius University. He is the author Department of Government, Relations and Diplomacy. In her teaching and project entitled ‘Analysis of Barriers in of the book The 2007–2009 Financial Uppsala University, research activities she focuses on interna- Access to Employment for Marginalised Crisis. What Went Wrong and What Went Box 514, 751 20 Uppsala, Sweden tional migration and international develop- Groups of Population: Selected Regions of Different? (2011) and numerous other pub- [email protected] ment issues. Since 2008, she has been lec- Slovakia from Socio-Economic, Geographic lications. His recent publications include turing the course on international migration and Socio-Anthropological Perspectives’. chapters analysing the impact of various EU PÄR NYMAN is a researcher at the and migration policy and supervising numer- Her research interests involve qualitative crises on the political and economic devel- Department of Government at Uppsala ous students' final theses on this topic. She methods and the migration of Slovaks, their opment in Slovakia, for example, Slovakia University. His research focuses on fiscal is the author and co-author of several pub- experiences and tacit knowledge abroad. farewell to a passive policy-taker role? policy, migration and political behaviour. lications on migration, such as monography Prior to her current academic post, she (2018) written in co-authorship with Darina Before his career in academia, he worked as The Non-Profit Response to the Migration studied Statistical Methods in Economics at Malová and published in 2018 in Routledge, an economist at the Swedish Fiscal Policy Crisis: Systems-Theoretic Reflections on the the University of Economics in Bratislava be- or Slovakia's Elite: Between Populism and Council. His most recent and relevant publi- Austrian and Slovak Experiences (Valentinov, tween 2010–2012 and later obtained her Ph.D. Compliance with EU Elites (2016), written in cations include his doctoral thesis Austerity Bolečeková & Vaceková, 2017) published in 2016 in Spatial Planning at the Institute co-authorship Soňa Szomolányi. Politics: Is the Electorate Responsible? 150 ABOUT THE AUTHORS ABOUT THE AUTHORS 151

(Nyman, 2016), or a report for the European of Global Security Environment 2017–2018 and Slovakia (2018), published by ICMPD � Michal Smrek Commission prepared under the REMINDER (Stratpol, 2018) and Migration Policy in and written in co-authorship with Martina Department of Government, project within the Horizon 2020 Fiscal ef- Crisis (TP London, 2018). Sekulová. Uppsala University, fects of intra-EEA (Nyman & Ahlskog, 2018). Box 514, 751 20 Uppsala, Sweden � Mădălina Rogoz � Martina Sekulová [email protected] � Barbora Olejárová International Centre for Migration Policy Institute of Ethnology and Social Ministry of Defence of the Slovak Republic, Development, Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, MICHAL SMREK is a researcher at the Kuzmányho 8, Bratislava, Slovak Republic Gonzagagasse 1, 1010 Vienna, Austria Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia Department of Government, Uppsala [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] University, where he obtained his PhD in Political Science in May 2019. His research BARBORA OLEJÁROVÁ is an analyst at the Mădălina ROGOZ is a research Officer MARTINA SEKULOVÁ is an anthropologist focuses on political parties and their candi- Ministry of Defence of the Slovak Republic. at the International Centre for Migration with more than a decade of experience in date selection practices, political candidates She holds a PhD degree in international re- Policy Development in Vienna (ICMPD) migration research, specialising in care work and their career longevity. lations from the Faculty of Political Science with a decade of experience in conducting migration, gender issues, integration and and International Relations, Matej Bel research in the field of migration policies. human rights. She has been involved in na- � Gabriel Weibl University (Slovakia), having graduated with At ICMPD she has been involved in several tional and international cooperative re­search Institute for Forecasting, Centre of Social a thesis focused on the migration policy collaborative projects on migrant integra- projects. Martina currently works as a scien- and Psychological Sciences, Slovak and geopolitics of Turkey. Her geographical tion, migration data collection, anti-traf- tific researcher at the Institute of Ethnology Academy of Sciences, expertise includes the Middle Eastern ficking policies and, more recently, care and Social Anthropology of the Slovak Šancová 56, 811 05 Bratislava, region and the Transatlantic sphere. She work mobility. She has been conducting Academy of Sciences and is a long-standing Slovak Republic further specialised in defence and security extensive research on trafficking in human collaborator of the academia and non-gov- [email protected] policies, non-military security threats beings and related areas, with a particular ernmental organisations such as Institute for and international migration in the Eastern focus on data collection and the relevance Public Affairs from Bratislava, Open So­ciety GABRIEL WEIBL has worked at the CSPS Mediterranean. Prior to her current position of addressing demand in the context of Institute in Bratislava, Citizen, Democracy SAS since 2017 and is currently engaged in at the Ministry of Defence, she worked trafficking. She was the main researcher and Responsibility in Bratislava, Migration the ENLIVEN – Horizont 2020 project focus- as a Conference Project Coordinator at in the ICMPD-led FP7 project ‘Addressing Policy Group in Brussels (MIPEX and ing on adult education and lifelong learning. the Globsec Academy Centre. She was a Demand in Anti-Trafficking Efforts and European Web Site on Integration), and the His research interests include internationali­ visiting researcher at the Department of Policies’ (DemandAT). Mădălina was also International Centre for Migration Policy sation of higher education and international Sociology, University of Vienna (2016), and involved in one of the first efforts to assess Development in Vienna. Her recent publica- student mobility with the focus on the idea of Trinity College, Dublin (2017). Ms. Olejárová the extent of trafficking in Europe, con- tions include the monography Crossborder cosmopolitanism, intercultural competence, is a former trainee at the Representation cluded with the first in-depth analysis of Care: Lessons from Central Europe (2019), knowledge transfer and employability, as well of the European Commission in Slovakia 17 national anti-trafficking data collection published by Palgrave Macmillan from New as political communication through social (2014) and was active on behalf of the systems. Her research interests range from York in co-authorship with Miloslav Bahna, media and queer geography. Gabriel studied Institute for Cultural Diplomacy in Berlin traditional topics in the area of migration – on circular migration of care workers, or at the National Centre for Research on (2014), too. She also spent some time travel- such as integration policies and migrant a research report on the effects of care Europe at the University of Canterbury, New ling China (2012) during her early career and rights – to challenges in policy-driven mi- mobility and institutional policy responses Zealand (BA, BA with Hons. and PhD). As a studies, while working for the non-govern- gration research. As an IMISCOE member, on countries of origin The Perceived Impacts visiting scholar he lectured at the Charles mental sector to raise cultural and language she co-organised a series of workshops on of Care Mobility on Sending Countries University, University of Oxford, the University awareness of the local population. Her reflective dynamics of knowledge transfer and Institutional Responses: Healthcare, of Primorska, the University of Valencia latest policy publications focus on security in migration research. Her recent publi- Long-Term Care and Education in Romania and the London Metropolitan University. concerns over third-country migration cations include The Perceived Impacts and Slovakia (2018), published by the Inter­ He also works at the Institute of European in the EU, Turkish migration policy and of Care Mobility on Sending Countries national Centre for Migration Policy Devel­ Studies and International Relations – Faculty coercive-engineered migration waves. She and Institutional Responses: Healthcare, opment in Vienna and written in co-author- of Social and Economic Science at the recently co-authored the books Panorama Long-Term Care and Education in Romania ship with Mădălina Rogoz. Comenius University in Bratislava. 152 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES SERIES ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES SERIES 153

ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 1 [Identity of Ethnic G. Kiliánová, K. Köstlin, ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 13 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 16 Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology Folklore in the Identification Communities. The Results R. Stoličná (Eds.). Bratislava – Malé dejiny veľkých udalostí Slavkovský, Peter: Svet na SAS – VEDA, 2014. 128 p. Processes of Society. of Ethnological Research.] Wien: Institute of Ethnology v Česko(a)Slovensku po roku odchode. Tradičná agrárna ISBN 9788022413985. G. Kiliánová, E. Krekovičová G. Kiliánová (Ed.). SAS – Institut für Europäische 1948, 1968, 1989. I., II. [Small kultúra Slovákov v strednej (Eds.). Bratislava: Institute of Bratislava: Institute of Ethnologie, Universität Wien, History of Great Events in a južnej Európe. [The Vanishing ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 20 Ethnology SAS, 1994. 165 p. Ethnology SAS – SAP-Slovak 2004. 229 p. ISBN 3902029102. Czecho(and)Slovakia after World. Traditional Agrarian Vanovičová, Zora: Autorita ISBN 8085665328. Academic Press, spol. s. r. o., 1948, 1968, 1989. Volumes I., II.] Culture of Slovaks in Central and symbolu. [The Authority of a 1998. 128 p. ISBN 8088908035. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 10 Z. Profantová (Ed.). Bratislava: Southern Europe.] Bratislava: Symbol.] E. Krekovičová (Ed.). ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 2 Slavistická folkloristika na Institute of Ethnology SAS – Ústav Institute of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology Burlasová, Soňa: Katalóg ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 6 rázcestí. [Slavic Folkloristics at pamäti národa – Tomáš Písecký- 2009. 216 p. ISBN 9788022410861. SAS – VEDA, 2014. 119 p. slovenských naratívnych piesní. Dekoratívny prejav – the Crossroads.] Z. Profantová ARM 333, 2005. I. – 283 p. ISBN 9788097097523. Typenindex slowakischer tradícia a súčasnosť. (Ed.). Bratislava: Institute of ISBN 8089069134; II. – 193 p. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 17 Erzählieder. Band 1. [Decorative Art – Tradition Ethnology SAS – Tomáš Písecký- ISBN 8089069142. Slavkovský, Peter: Svet ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 21 E. Krekovičová (Ed.). Bratislava: and the Present Day.] ARM 333, 2003. 116 p. roľníka. Agrárna kultúra Popelková, Katarína et al.: VEDA – Institute of Ethnology O. Danglová, J. Zajonc (Eds.). ISBN 808906910X. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 14 Slovenska ako predmet Čo je to sviatok v 21. storočí na SAS, 1998. 225 p. Bratislava: VEDA, 1998. 179 p. Malé dejiny veľkých udalostí etnografického výskumu. Slovensku? [What is a Holiday ISBN 802240506X. ISBN 802240523X. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 11 v Česko(a)Slovensku po [The World of a Peasant. in Slovakia in the 21st Century?] Beňušková, Zuzana: Religiozita roku 1948, 1968, 1989. III. Agrarian Culture of Slovakia Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 3 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 7 a medzikonfesionálne vzťahy Naratívna každodennosť as a Subject of Ethnographic SAS, 2014. 320 p. Burlasová, Soňa: Katalóg Identity of Ethnic Groups and v lokálnom spoločenstve. v kontexte sociálno-historickej Research.] Institute of ISBN 9788097097530. slovenských naratívnych piesní. Communities. The Results of Bratislava – Dolný retrospektívy. [Small History Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2011. Typenindex slowakischer Slovak Ethnological Research. Oháj. [Religiosity and of Great Events in Czecho(and) 135 p. ISBN 9788022412056. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 22 Erzählieder. Band 2. G. Kiliánová, E. Riečanská (Eds.). Interconfessional Relations in Slovakia after 1948, 1968, Burlasová, Soňa: Naratívne E. Krekovičová (Ed.). Bratislava: Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology a Local Community. Bratislava – 1989. Volume III. Narrative ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 18 piesne o zbojníkoch. Príspevok VEDA – Institute of Ethnology SAS – SAP-Slovak Academic Dolný Oháj.] Institute of Everydayness in the Context of Slavkovský, Peter: Slovenská k porovnávaciemu štúdiu. SAS, 1998, (pp. 227–441). Press, spol. s. r. o., 2000. 164 p. Ethnology SAS – MERKUR, Social-Historical Retrospective.] etnografia (kompendium dejín [Narrative Songs about ISBN 8022405094. ISBN 8088908728. 2004. 198 p. ISBN 8096916351. Z. Profantová (Ed.). Bratislava: vedného odboru). [Slovak Brigands. A Contribution Institute of Ethnology SAS, 2007. Ethnography (Compendium of the to the Comparative Study.] ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 4 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 8 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 12 207 p. ISBN 9788088997412. History of a Scientific Discipline).] Bratislava: Institute of Burlasová, Soňa: Katalóg Traditional Culture as a Part of Folklór v kontextoch. Zborník Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology Ethnology SAS, 2015. 118 p. slovenských naratívnych piesní. the Cultural Heritage of Europe. príspevkov k jubileu Doc. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 15 SAS – VEDA, 2012. 127 p. ISBN 9788097097547. Typenindex slowakischer The Presence and Perspective PhDr. Ľubice Droppovej, CSc. Od folklórneho textu ku ISBN 9788022412797. Erzählieder. Band 3. of Folklore and Folkloristics. [Folklore in the Contexts. The kontextu. Venované pamiatke ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 23 E. Krekovičová (Ed.). Bratislava: Z. Profantová (Ed.). Bratislava: proceedings to the jubilee PhDr. Márie Kosovej, CSc. [From ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 19 Čierno-biele svety. Rómovia VEDA – Institute of Ethnology Institute of Ethnology SAS – of Assoc. Prof. PhDr. Ľubica the Folklore Text to the Context. Slavkovský, Peter: S nošou v majoritnej spoločnosti na SAS, 1998, (pp. 445–682). Tomáš Písecký-ARM 333, 2003. Droppová, PhD] H. Hlôšková (Ed.). Dedicated to the Memory za industrializáciou krajiny. Slovensku. [The Black and White ISBN 8022405124. 143 p. ISBN 8089069096. Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology of PhDr. Mária Kosová, PhD] Tradičné podoby dopravy na Worlds. The Roma People in SAS – Department of Ethnology E. Krekovičová, J. Pospíšilová slovenskom vidieku. [With Majority Society in Slovakia.] ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 5 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 9 and Cultural Anthropology (Eds.). Bratislava – Brno: a Back Basket towards the T. Podolinská, T. Hrustič (Eds.). Identita etnických Ethnology in Slovakia at the FA CU – Národopisná spoločnosť Institute of Ethnology SAS – Industrialisation of a Country. Bratislava Institute of Ethnology spoločenstiev. Výsledky Beginning of the 21th Century: Slovenska, 2005. 215 p. Institute of Ethnology AS CR , Traditional Forms of Transport SAS – VEDA, 2015. 600 p. etnologických výskumov. Reflections and Trends. ISBN 8088997208. 2006. 214 p. ISBN 8096942743. in the Slovak Countryside.] ISBN 9788022414135. 154 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES SERIES

ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 24 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 28 Komunita medzi budúcnosťou Salner, Peter: Židia na Slovensku Vrzgulová, Monika – Voľanská, a minulosťou. [The Jews po roku 1945. Komunita Ľubica – Salner, Peter: in Slovakia after 1989. A medzi vierou a realitou. [The Rozprávanie a mlčanie. Community between the Future Jews in Slovakia after 1945. A Medzigeneračná komunikácia and the Past.] Bratislava: Community between Belief and v rodine. [Talking and Institute of Ethnology SAS – Reality.] Bratislava: Institute of Silence. Intergenerational VEDA, 2018. 144 p. Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2016. Communication in the ISBN 978-80-224-1624-5. 216 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1510-1. Family.] Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2017. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 33 ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 25 135 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1621-4. Krekovičová, Eva: Piesne Vrzgulová, Monika: a etnická identifikácia Nevyrozprávané susedské ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 29 Slovákov v Maďarsku. Výskum histórie. Holokaust na Slovensku Panczová, Zuzana: Konšpiračné z obdobia 1991–2017. [Songs z dvoch perspektív. [Unspoken teórie: témy, historické and the Ethnic Identification of Neighbours' Histories. The kontexty a argumentačné Slovaks in Hungary. Research Holocaust in Slovakia from two stratégie. [Conspiracy from 1991–2017.] Bratislava: Perspectives.] Bratislava: Institute Theories: Topics, Historical Institute of Ethnology and of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2016. Contexts and Argumentation Social Anthropology SAS – 141 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1542-2. Strategies.] Bratislava: Institute VEDA, 2018. 264 p. of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2017. ISBN 978-80-224-1698-6. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 26 160 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1546-0. Za hranicami vedy? Aplikovaná ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 34 antropológia v spoločnosti. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 30 Divinský, B., Zachar Podolinská, [Beyond the Borders of Wiesner, Adam: Jediné, co je T. et al. 2018. Globe in Motion. Science? Applied Anthropology na světe stálé, je změna. [The Patterns of international in Society.] S. G. Lutherová, Only Certain Thing in the World migration: Similarities and M. Hlinčíková (Eds.). Bratislava: is Change.] Bratislava: Institute Differences. Bratislava: Institute of Ethnology SAS – of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2017. Institute of Ethnology and VEDA, 2016. 168 p. 215 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1622-1. Social Anthropology SAS, ISBN 978-80-224-1543-9. Marenčin PT, spol. s r. o., 216 p. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 31 ISBN 978-80-970975-7-8. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 27 Beňušková, Zuzana: Občianske Voľanská, Ľubica: „V hlave obrady na Slovensku. [Civil ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 35 tridsať, v krížoch sto.“ Ceremonies in Slovakia.] Luther, Daniel: Bratislava Starnutie v autobiografiách Bratislava: Institute of Česko-Slovenská: putovanie v Bratislave a Viedni. [‘Old Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2017. z monarchie do Slovenského Bodies, Young Minds.’ Ageing 136 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1623-8. štátu. [Czecho-Slovak Bratislava: in Autobiographies in Bratislava Journey from the Monarchy to and Vienna.] Bratislava: Institute ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 32 the Slovak State.] Bratislava: of Ethnology SAS – VEDA, 2016. Salner, Peter: Židia na Marenčin PT 2018. 152 p. ISBN 224 p. ISBN 978-80-224-1544-6. Slovensku po roku 1989. 978-80-569-0146-5. ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 36

GLOBE in MOTION ❷ Multiple Shades of Migration: Regional Perspectives

Miroslava Hlinčíková, Martina Sekulová (Eds.)

Reviewers: Alexandra Bitušíková, Miloslav Bahna

Compiled by: Boris Divinský

Authors: © Rafael Ahlskog, Martina Bolečeková, Martina Chrančoková, Zsolt Gál, Miroslava Hlinčíková, Pär Nyman, Barbora Olejárová, Mădălina Rogoz, Martina Sekulová, Michal Smrek, Gabriel Weibl, 2019

Language Proofs © Mgr. Judita Takáčová

Graphic Design and Layout © Matúš Hnát

Publishing house: Marenčin PT, spol. s r. o. Printed by Finidr, s. r. o., Český Těšín

© Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava 2019

ISBN 978-80-970975-9-2 (hardback) ISBN 978-80-973372-0-9 (PDF) DOI 10.31577/2019.9788097337209