pnG. 58.B(ii)(NJ 1,000

CENSUS OF INDIA 1961

VOLUME XX-PART V-B

HIMACHAL PRADESH

Report on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

(A Study of Gaddi-Scheduled Tribe-and affiliated castes)

BY

WILLIAM H. NEWELL ......

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PAGE Chapter one Introduction (Inri background 1 Chapter two Vill'Lge and caste 14 Chapter three Land, crops 'Lnd sensonallllovelllcnts 22 Chapter f}ur Co.operation between sexes, vil"'gers, castes and villages 32 Oha pter five Rites de l'a8sage 41 Chapter six Kinship and [lffinal terms 72 Cha pter seven Religious deities 76 Uhapter eight geligious speci,dists and intermediaries .. 85 Chapter uille Conclusion, social change 93 Appendices A. Bmilluinical books of l'andit Thakur Das Bari village 98 B. Description of Gaddi physiology 98 C. Weights and heights of Brahmaur area 99 D. Settle'uent 'tgreement of Goshen village, Brahmaur tahsil 99 E. Selected teohnioal vooabulary 99 B i hliography 104

PREFACE

The printing of this contribution to the ethnography of Chamba is made possible by the courtesy of the Census Commissioner of Himachal Pradesh, Shri R. C. Pal Singh to 'whom I am greatly indebted for his kindness and courtesy during my second visit to Brahmaur in 1963. I also wish to thank the District Forest Commissioner, Shri Hem. Raj 'who gave me information concerning the operation of the local forest office, lI'hich must always be the key government department in this area. I wish to thank various Gaddi and Brahmin informants especially Dr. B. C. Chowhan and Shri Nanak Chand with whom I lived in Goshen and to thank the villagers of Goshen, who never failed to answer my questions in spite of their totally unfounded suspicions that I was an agent of the Central Government at Delhi.

During my second visit to the area I '\Tas accompanied by a graduate student of the Department of Sociology of the University of Delhi, Shri Appa R::lO, now an employee of All-India Radio. He greatly assisted me especially in crc:lting good relations with Brahmins, and 'was mainly responsible for the supplementary in­ formation on Sere village. Coming from South India, he was able to see features of Sanscritic culture which I had tended to underemphasize.

Although this is an ethnographic report, I have perhaps included an exces­ sive amount of descriptive m.aterial even when I could not completely under­ stand the background of the information. To those readers to whom this is of no interest I would especially advise the omission of those sections dealing with the marriage ritual. It is hoped that within the next few years I will be able to write a more theoretical \\-'ork dealing' with some of the underlying changes in this area between 1951 and 1963 and between castes. I have accordingly not tried to reconcile discrepancies which occurred between the original descrip­ tion in the 1904 Chamba gazetteer and the variations between different castes in ritual. The process of conformity to an all-India pattern is proceeding apace. AnOl.her field in which change is proceeding rapidly is in respect to the pattern of inheritance which has been radically modified between 1951, when I first visited the area, and 1962 when I returned. In 1953 a (yet unpublished) Settlement was carried out. Also during this period many of the village heads had lost their power on account of age and the new village leaders were contem.­ poraries of mine during my first visit so that I was able to treat them as equals on my return. I was thus able to notice the change in attitude between gene­ lations of those OCCll pying the .'i£lmC positions.

I would have been unable to '\Tite this report without taking into considera­ tion thE general direction in 'which Caddi society is moving especially with respect to caste. As a result of new opportunities for nuking v,:ealth, the tendenc;' for such groups as Rajput, Brahmin or Rana to become more caste conscious is almost inevitable and it is hoped in a subsequent publication to show that the whole of the Ravi valley is changing in accordance with a long term pattern. The effect of new opportunities is to speed up processes already present rather than to change the direction in which the Gaddis ,,,"ere moving. In this connection I hope the reader will cLefully bear in mind that I have used the term caste not as an historical term bn t as an intermarrying endogamous group. The detailed justification for this use of the word "caste" "will have to wait until the census material for the whole valley has been re-assessed. Although I first visited the Gaddis in 1951 and have subsequently under­ taken fIeld studies in Malaya and Japan, my special interest in the Gaddis has never lapsed. The reason I have hesitated so long to rush into print is my belief that we have here an extremely sensitive and religious people whose simplicity conceals an extrclnely deep national character. Since I have only spent a year in the field in total, I hope such shortcomings as this preliminary SUlTCY will }"eveal will be ascribed to the shortcomings of the ethnographer rather than to the people themselves.

'VILLIA~f H. NEWELL Professor of Sociology and Anthropolugy Department of So{:iology and Anthropology International Christian University Mitaka, Tokyo JAPAN 10th J.lat'Ch, 1965 ILL USTRATIONS

1. The Tibetaa inscription below Goshen 10. The rest houses at Matra in Kashmir where village (p. 3). the records of the Brahmin pandas dealing with infectious diseases in Brahmaur are C) .\ s;lcrcd diagram drawn on the rock former­ kept. Each house could probably accom­ lyon the road between Brahmaur and the modate at least a 100 guests. (p. 70). rest home in 1952. When the jeep road II. The annual shrine festival of Goshen vil­ was built this stone was broken up to use lage in 1952. The shrine is to the left. The as road metal. (p. :J). arrangements of the participants is as fol­ :\. Goshen village in :\member. (p. ~:l). lows; In the foreground are the Sipi fami­ lies. Behind them six younger Gaddi boys. 4. A posed group of Gaddi Goshen villagers Behind them to the left are elder Gaddi in 1952 with some of their material imple­ boys while to the right are the senior heads ments. In the foreground a spinning wheel. of gotras including one visiting Brahmin Behind it is an instrument for making rope from Bari. Women are to the left out of dhora. On the extreme left is a grindstone sight behind the shrine. (p. 80). for making oil and behind again is a pound­ ing rod for beating grain. In the background 12. The same scene as the previous illustration is Dr. Chowhan, then local medical officer ten years later. In the foreground are now a group of strangers from other villages (p. 31). mostly Gaddis but many wearing plain :). Half completed Gaddi hOllse. (p. 3B). clothes. Many of these were neighbouring villagers returning from service in the Indian G. The loom owned hy Kalia of Goshen vil­ army. To the right are more senior villagers lage with his eldest son straightening out and also to the left under the shrine, while the wefts. The object in the foreground is more intermediate age groups -:lre now in used for filling the shuttle. (p. 40). the distance. The Sipi family did not arrive until later. Whereas when I took the earlier 7. The diagram (hawaII) specially drawn for photo in 1952 I was standing on grass belong­ me by the two parohits but without the ing to the shrine, in this photo I was forced material objects 011 thelll. (p. 44). to push my way through fields of Indian 8. A mother and daughter from Goa village corn which had been grown on the sacred wearing ceremonial clothes. The daughters ground. (p. 84). in the foreground are for luck with three 13. The chela, Jiddi, while, possessed, before generations in one picture. (p. 53). the shrine at Goshen village in 1952. The Tiara on the left also plays before the prin­ 9. The gotra char rile of the wedding cere­ cipal shrine at the Brahmaur maidan. mony held at Sechuin village in 1952. The (p. 89). formal connection of the bride with her father's gotra is being broken. The bride­ 14. The Brabmaur gram panchayat elections in groom continues to wear his mask from 1962. The man in the dark suit is the pre­ danger of evil spirits until after the end of siding officer and to his right is the Gaddi this ceremony. The bridegroom's father is candidate (dressed in sMrt tails) with his in on the left. (p. 58). supporters. (p 95).

iii-iv

THE GADDI AND AFFILIATED Gc\.STES OF THE WESTERN HIMALAYAS

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND The Gaddi people of the Himalayas OCCUpY ca,te system, modified by their hard environ­ an area in the Chamba district of Himachal ment, tl~rows a great deal of light on the funda­ Pradesh and along certain foothills oj the mental nature of Indian caste. Since very few Dhaula Dhar in the Kangra district of the non-Gaddis hayc e\'cr learnt the language Punjab. They frequently describe their own ;~rea competently, there is little research which ha~ as Gadaren, the land of the GaddiS or as ShlYil­ bePll undertaken all their social sYstem and it is bhumi. the home of Shiva. Administrativelv they only within the last few veal'S that there have are principally found in the Brahmaur tal;si! of bee;} am Gaddis who h~ve graduated from Chamba district along both banks of the Upper High Scl;ool. Ravi river and its tributary, the Budl Nadl, but The northern Punjab is bounded by a range since they easily merge with the surrounding of mountains named the Dhaula Dhar which Hindu population, the boundary of the strictly forms a natural boundary between the Kangra Gaddi territory covers a much wider area than district of the Punjab and the Chamba district the Brahmaur tahsil and Gaddis arc found in of Himachal Pradesh. It has a number of peaks Ulansa, Lil Bilj and in some of the Kangra t"lo'oing , UI) t-o 17,000' abO\e sea level with a mean border villages such as Dharmsala and around altitude of about 1:'),000'. From a southern as- Palampur. The Gaddis living in the Brahmaur pect, the sides of the range are almost p~rpen tahsil are partly migratory and . during the clicular hut towards the north the slope IS less winter months emigrate to the plams. A small precipitous bearing down to the Ravi river. Th" proportion of the Gaddis also look after sheep name Dhaula probably comes from dhou!a,. gre~ and goats and during the year those who are :lIld describes the nature of the range whIch IS shepherds follow a cycle of movement from predominantly a form of gneissic granite. Be­ Lahul on the Sutlej through Gadaren and dow... yond the Dhaula Dhar is another higher range to the Kangra valley. Some flocks have even been of mountains known as the Pangi Range (becom· known to travel as far north as Kashmir. But ing the Manimahesh Range near the lake of (hat whether the Gaddi farmers own flocks or not, name), which averages 19,000' in height, and the majority of them still vacate their villages beyond this range is the Zanskar range which ig during the winter. higher yet again and adjoins Tibet. Th~s from There is some difficulty in defining the exact the air, it would appear that the Punpb was meaning of the word Gaddi as the term refers hounded beyond Kangra by three parallel ranges to a territorial group, to a special class of people becoming progressively higher as one. approach­ wearing special clothes such as the dhora, and ed Kashmir and Leh. The southern SIde of each to an isogamous union of the castes of Rajput, range is steeper than the norther~ side. The Khatri, Rana, and Thakur. This makes it diffi­ snow lies for a much longer penod on the cult to form a definition and in a later chapter northem smoother side and the rainfall becomes I will deal with this question of what exactly progressively less as one moves away from the a Gaddi is. Meanwhile I will use the term Gaddi Punjab with the heaviest rainfall along the as a territorial term to describe the residents of Kangra valley .• the Brahmaur tahsil and surrounding areas. For most of my field work I lived in the Brah­ Politicallv the basin of the Ravi river and the maur tahsil, so my descriptions will princi­ Upper Sud:j River has always. been under a pally refer to that area. different administrative authOrIty from that of the Kangra valley Prior to Indian indepen­ Theoretically the Gaddis are of great interest dence, Kangra 'and the. Bara Bangahal as they are entirely Hindu both in origin and In was administered by the PunJab and the moun· their social organisation. By their own tradi­ tanious hinterland was administered by thr. tions they came from the Indian plains, driven rajah of Cham.ba. After Indian independ­ thence by Muslim persecution and adjusted ence, this separatIon was perpetuated as th.e ter­ themselves to a life in a very different ecological ritory of the Chamba rajah was merely 111cor­ situation from the plains. Their large two and porated within the Class C State of Himachal three storied houses show a high degree of tech­ Pradesh (with its capita~ in S!mla). There are nical ability and much of their material culture no contiguous boundaries With the rest of shows a degree of originality without varying Himachal Pradesh. from the Hindu tradition. Their poetry and ritual modifications of the plains' Sanscritic This administrative separation has ten­ tradition reflect their Hindu background. Their ded to mask the ecological fact that the castes of 2 INTRODUCTION AND R\CKGROUND

the Ravi River upper basin have been very close' peak visible from the hills behind Brahmaur. ly connected not so much with the rest of the The Gazetteer states as follows; "Shiva is believ­ state of Chamba but with the people of the ed to have his abode for haH the year on the Kangra Valley. Numbers of farmers from the Kailas peak at Mani Mahesh. On 1st Asuj he Brahmaur tahsil own property both ill the tahsil retires to the lower regions called Pujalpur and in Dhanllsala in Kangra. Many of the Brah­ (Patalpur) where he remains till the feast of maur villagers 'rho keep sheep and goats spend Shivratri in Phagun when he returns to his at least half the year grazing' them in what is summer residence. The Gaddis who are devotees administratively the Punjab and many of the of Shiva regulate their migrations by these two villagers in the Kangra side were once Garidi, dates." (p, 181). Another name for the land of by caste although they no longer wear any dis­ the Gaddis. Gadaren is Shivbhumi, home of tinctive clothing and hayc dewloped customs Shiva. Thirdly, Brahmaur was once the capital somewhat different from those in the Brahmaur of an independent lingdom and is now the 3d­ tahsil. It i., possible that the village of Leuna ministrative centre of the tahsil. near Pal:ll11pUr was once Gaddi in part at least and some of the villagers still 1nye relatives on Although the Brahmanr tahsil has always the Chamba side.! becn regarded as the spiritual and political hOillC of the CarIdi and allied castes, the natu- It is scmewhat artificial to L1.Ke one particu­ 1':11 topOgLlphv of the Upper Ravi basin has pre­ lar district. Brahll1aur, and to describe this area \entee! any very centralised control of their as though it were somehow entireh different ;Iffairs to dc\eIo11, Roughlv speaking the region from the surrounding areas. This difficulty has he tween the Dhaula Dhar and Pangi ranges can been accentuated bv the recent Indian census in he divided into three natural areas. (a) the 'rhich those lIlenlbers who ,,-ished to declare Tl!llc1ah section which stretches from the Kalichi rhemsel\-cs. claimed that thcv ,,-ere Gadcli bv Pa's to the junction of the Ravi opposite caste when asked lw the in'vestigator in the Chhatrari; (b) the Saho section which terminates Br:lhmaur arca. but when they '\'cre aSKed iden­ at the junction of the Ravi and Siul rivers and tical questions in the upper portion of Chamba is now part of Chamba district. North-west of tahsil returned thcmselves as Rajput, Rathi. etc .. the Saho range it is termed Churah; (c) the area In the an'a of Lal Bilj opposite Chuni, no of the upper Ravi below the Bara Bangahal member returned himself as a Gacldi. regarding (known as the Holi district) and the Budl Nadl Rajput as a superior classific:ltion. The rea~(m from Kunni to upper Kugti. Each one of these for th is conf llsion will become clearer later on sections is similar in ecology with a 40 mile in this report but here I wish to stress only thc length of river between high mountains with point that the distiw:tion between Brahmaur villages scattered along th-e banks becoming Gaddis and those people who live in adjoining gradually sparser as one moves higher above sea areas is olle only of degree ':lnd not of kil1C~ and level. Each section has a sacred village temple there has clearly been a gradual process of con­ \rhich, in the case of Tundah and Brah­ tact with the surrounding peoples. especially maul'. has a full time sadh1l from the plains oc­ Punjabis. 'rhich has considerablY modified the cupving a room. Each area has, a special religious social sYstem which I am about to describe.' ceremony held at least once a year which Nevertheless the recognised cult ural centre people from the surrounding villages attend, of the Gaddi and allied castes is Brah­ and each area has some degree of administra­ maur which is situated on a tributary of tive independence in small matters and the abi­ the Ravi known as the B udl N adl. Thi~ lity to develop its social system in slightly diffe­ cultural pre-eminence is derived from three rent directions. historical and geographical factors. Firstly, it has the most imposing and some of the oldest So each of these three sections form an in­ temples in the Upper Ravi on its maidan dedi­ dependent unit with a similar ecology, a similar cated to Shiva, Narsingh, Ganesa and Lakshmi type of Hindu religious system and a similar Narayan (Manimahesh). Secondly, the Gaddis type of local administration. This separation believe themselves to be specially favoured by i~ also emphasised by the almost complete absence the God, Shiva, who is believed to reside on a of intermarriage between the three areas. As far

1. See the Board of Economic Enquiry Punjab monograph on Le:una alt~ough the investigator did n?t rea!ise that he was partly studying a Gaddi village. In the two gazetteers dealing respechvely WIth Chamba and Kangra pubhshed m UllO, the same people are described twice making an excessive duplication of labour, 2. This is"of course no fault of the Census Commissioners who were compelled by law to return the classification which the informant desired to use. The actual words used are as follows: "Do ~ot write t~e nam~s ~f Scheduled Ca~tes in ,general te~m~ as 'Hariian, Achhut'. You should ascertain the name of the caste when it IS returned and wnte It. If a person IS neghg~nt ~nd m.l~ts on calling himself merely 'Harijan' tell him that this description will not earn the person any benefits under the 9onstitutlOn permis­ sible to Scheduled Castes and Tribes. This may persuade him to give out. the .correct nam,e", p. 12, Instruc:wns to Enumerat?~8 Oensus of India, 1961. A friend of mine overheard one enumerator at Ch_atran as~ng a Brahmm who returned hImself as ~ Br~hml? instead of as a Gaddi to change his term to Gaddi as he would thus get speCIal advantages from t.he government whIch, m thu, nstance, the Brahmin refused to do. The Tibetan inscription below Goshen village.

a 4 INTRODUCTION A:\1D BACKGROUND

as the Brahmauris are concerned, the people some of the lower caste Sipis have a tenuous ration:llise this separation by claiming that those connection with pre-Hindu Gaddiland. The liying below KUlllli and in the Tundah area are supposition is put forward in the gazeteer that inferior to those who come from Brahmaur. In the Sipis, the caste below that of the Gaddis, the period in "hich I liyed in Brahmaur I did "'ere of Tibetan origin. If this be the case, it can not find a single wife from the T llndab area. hardly rest on their customs which, although This is not to say hml"eYer that there has not different in minor respects from the dominant heen a great deal 'of unity in other respects :ll1cl Gaddis, are eertainlv -Hindu. Better evidence this ullity prior to the accession of the Slate. to might be that the Sipis own some of the best 11:e Indian Un:on 'I"as due to the folloWlllg lalld in the valley thus illustrating their pro­ factors; (a) the common history of the area: bable earlier arrival in the vallev. (b) the COllllllon adlllinistrati\'e system: (c). the The Gaddi Brahmins and Rajputs are sup­ po;i t,OIl of the rajah of Chamba as the propnetor posed to have arriyed at the time of Ajia Varm

1. cr. p. 295. H. Goetz, "History cf !'hamba State in the Later Middle Ages" in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. :XXX. Part III • No. 90, 1952. . INTRODUCTION AND B. CKCROU D 5

the resignation of the prime minister, Pandit Ramapati. The rajahs of Chamba having failed in a policy of military expansion then tried to de­ velop a policy of religious patronage and the building of temples (1582-1613). The final rajah who 'Undertook this policy had La be re­ moved from office as he became so generous in giving away his property to any Brahmin who visited him that he retained no pe:sonal pro­ perty and the state's revenues disappeared. It is said that his aim was not even to own the beu on which he lay. In 1623 Chamba was occupied by the Mogul emperor Shahjahan and by his grandson in 1641 and mediaeval independent Chamba nominally became part of the Mogul empire. The state written language became Tarkara and Chamba remained free {£om the disturbances of the nineteenth century when . the Sikhs invaded and sacked Kangta. Chamba in its present size retained its' local government when the British Look over control of the Punjab. A British advisor was appointed to assist the rajah. The last rajah before the Re­ A sacred ifffugram dmwn on the rock formerly public of India incorporated the state in the on the road between Brahmanr and the Test province of Himachal Pradesh was an enlight­ house in 1952. When the jeep TOad was built ened ruler who undertook substantial public this ~tone was broken up to use as road metal. works so that the State became more adminis­ tratively unified than at any previous time in its strengthen the links between the Brahmauris history. At his coronation, each of the "nation­ and the citizens of Chamba. Goetz states: alities" in the State participated but, on the first day, the rajah, dressed in the Gaddi uniform, "The inclusion of the early Gurjara princes was crowned as a Gaddi. The rajah and the of Brahmor (7th century) whose con­ Gaddis felt that a special relationship existed nection with the dynasty of Sahillavar­ between them. man (10th century) is open to some doubt, had to stop the gap between the From the point of view of this paper however latter and raja Maru, the 'restorer of only two points need to be mentioned. Firstly, the Kshtariyas' and the imaginary link even after the capital of Chamba State w~s between the line of Raghu and the moved to Chamba, the Brahmauris never lost Pratiharas of Maru (Marwar). But it their privileged position in the State and had had also to foster the loyal sentiments the right to take an active part in the rajah's of the autonomous Gaddis of the upper coronation and in other ways to be described Ravi valley." later. Secondly, because the State had never "Brahmor, already respected as the oldest been directly controlled by ' an outside authori­ religious centre of the state, now be­ ty, the Brahmauris could develop a social sys­ came the manpower reservoir for the tem of their own little influenced by direct out­ royal house troops. With these Gaddi side legislation. troops Pratapsinghvarrnan could flfSt (b) The Common administrative system'-The reconquer Pangi and Lahul which traditional system of administration in Chamba Tsewang N amgyall had brought back state consisted of a dlfal system of authority under the rule of Ladakh." (P. 302). emanating from the rajah and the wazirJ the This expansionist policy carne to an abrupt chief executive authority. The position of stop as soon as it came into conflict with the do­ wazir as also that of rajah was hereditary al­ main of the Emperor Akbar and in 1573 terri­ though a rajah was able to remove the wazir tories recently acquired by force by Chamba from his I?ost if he were dissatisfied with him. had to be surrendered to the Emperor. The col­ The rajah was the chief religious authority in lapse of this expansionist policy resulted in the state although always of the Ksatriya varna.

l.For further information as to changes which have taken place sin.ce, see my article, "A note on village .gove!nment i.n the Indian Northern Hill States since Indian Independence", p. 416, Economtc Development and Cultural Change, Uruverslty of Chicago vol. 2, 1954. 6 ]:\TROlJl'C lIO:\ Y\[) ILI.CKCROU:\D

He could reward members of the lower castes bv 1\ ho GllTied out the ('II([ I' and Ii/; JIlIn /(I's orders: granting them the right to wear the sac~c(l and a jlilll\(/1' ,1'110 assisted the bntu'{ll in other thread thus promoting them in the caste hIer­ 1L'{lziral,\ iJut \I'ho \I'as called a hotliel'lI in arch\'; he was the final comt in caste disputes Brahlll;!ll!', He \\.1., d .,OJ L of poJi( clllell., ;\ll til' C i o\'er' excollllllllnicat'on • he appointed

1, The Hon. H,J. Maynard in the "Influence ofthe Indian King upon the growth of castc" in the Journal of the Punjab Histori. cal ,gociety, Vol. VI, Calcutta, 1918, writes of what may well be Chamba Stu,te, "a Rajput kingdom in the Punja b Himalayas".

"The caste assemblage constituted upon no rigidly defined principle, but ordinarily including all respected adult males of the caste in the locality, dealt with complaints of caste offences and imposed fines for those of minor imp!Ttanc('. If a heinous offence such as the eating offorbidden food, or illicit relations with a ,,-oman oflow castc, was (lata blished by 1h" evidence of two witnesses sentence of outoasting might be pronounced. It was then open to the out casted person to go to the rajah and prove his innocence. If he did this to the rajah's satisfaction, he was restored by the rajah's orders to the caste brotherhood. If he was proved guilty he petitioned the rajah to have his offence expiated. The rajah then consulted a Brahmin or Brahmins who ascertained the proper penance. Orders were pronounced for its performance undn the supervision of a royal official. VI'hen the official rpported that, the penance had been duly performed, the rlljah passed orders for the offender's restoration to his caste".

In Kashmir, and Nepal until recently Brahmin expositors existed whose duty it was to ascertain the proper penance but it was the Maharajah of Kashmir who formulated the question on which the finding was sought. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 7

of other tribes were prohibited from were ten discovered forest crimes to every other marrying a Gaddi woman or keeping a sort of crime in the Brahmaur tahsil. Gaddi woman. In such cases, women of At the time of the rajah under the British, loose character were tried by the Dru· the Chamba Commissioner of Forests was an bujal, who exacted a penalty according extremely high official, higher in rank than the to ·custom." (p. 274, Chamba Gazeteer). District Commissioner and his interests were to This was the political system under the raj~h's protect the forest primarily. The most junior rule alone. But in 1863 the Chamba standing rank in the forest hierarchy was that of forest army was disbanded. (except for a ceremonial guard and to this official, completely out of con­ regiment) and a special cess was put on those trol of the local authorities, every Gaddi had to who used to pay by becoming a soldier in all be beholden for wood for his house, firewood, the districts of Chamba State except Brahmaur and in many other ways. To lessen the pressure and Pangi. In 1871 bcgar ,,-as abolished for on the local residents when the forests first be­ scheduled castes and others and in 1874 the came systematized there were two forest guards, principle was adopted by which all revenue was aile of 1\-hom lay under the control of the local paid individually and not collectively. villages and wh~ on his own authority could provide wood on his own responsibility from The administrative system was also modified special forests. This system was abolished, pre­ in accordance with the increased pressure of the sumably because the divided responsibility was British. The main modifications were that the unworkable, :lI1d today the power of the forest position of district commissioner and British department is paramount. The only three adviser modified the power of the rajah at the changes of the system under the present govern­ top; the creation of a forest department owing ment .is that the issuing of grazing permits has allegiance to the chief forest commissioner at !lOW also .been taken over by the department, Dehra Dun was established and a full time offi­ that permits for wood now have to be approved cial called tahsildar was placed over the by the gram j){lnchayats before being handed likhnara instead of the char and this tahsi ldar to the forest officer for approval or disapproval, belonged to the State administrative service and and that offences against the forest act may wa,s not local. To collect revenue certain villages n01\' be tried bv the local tahsildar instead of we~e joined together with local villagers ap­ being sent to Chamba. pOinted as lambardars. They were placed under the directions of the lihhnara and received a In 1951 the system of administration was proportion of. the individual revenue as pay­ fnrthe~ ~notlified' by the Indian government ment. The vanety of special servants was reduc­ when It 111corporated the State of Chamba with­ e.d. There was a gradu:ll establishment of specia­ in the state of Himachal Pradesh. At the upper lIst. departments, the local representatives of level the powe~ of the rajah was completely re­ whIch such as the medical officer, were sometimes llloyed except 1Il respect to certain ritual func­ higher in rank than the tahsildar, who was a tions and the district commissioner was made very junior official in the state bureaucratic ~'esponsible to Simla (t1~'0 days' and two nights' system and did not even have the power to judge Journey away) where eXisted the non-responsible forest offences on the spot but had to' send assembly, the governor of the State and the offenders the 38 miles to the capital of Chamba. heads of various government departments. At T~e power of the forest departmellt can well be the .lower level the agricultural land was syste­ estimated from the following table of criminal matlc~lly mapped and full time patwaris were offences brought before the courts at Chamua establIshed to take over the duties of the in 1927-32:- lambardars. The powers of the likhnara were almost entirely curtailed except to be present All offences Offences under special and when the kanungo (the chief patwari) actually under the locallaws collected the money revenue. The tahsildar reo Year Indian penal ,------"------.., t~ined his p?we~s as he~d ?f the revenue, judi­ code including (a) (b) murder and Forest Act All other CIal and pollce 111 the dlstnct but his low rank abuse offences in the administrative sys~em made him easily outranked by any speCIal officer sent from 1927.28 277 265 78 Cham.ba to investiga~e any local problem. He 1928·29 158 262 109 1929·30 171 204, 61 exerCI~e? no aut~onty over the excise officers 1930·31 147 117 36 who VISIted the Villages in search of illicit stills 1931.32 142 lI5 43 and he had no control over the development officer wIto was a gazetted officer concerned with Since Brahmaur has the overwhelming area supervising the e~penditure of money on various of fore~ts in the state, whereas most of the first development proJects such as additional schools, and thIrd. column appl~ to the State at large n.ew roads, agncultural extension, etc. The and espeCIally Chamba CIty, it would not be un­ smgle chain of command which was such a r(!asonable to say that during this period there marked feature of the rajah's government arid 8 I:\TRODUCTIO:\, .\:\D n.\CKGi{OU:\D which still parth' continued ullder the Br;ti,h (C) The IIIjllh oj Clwl/zba as the jJrDprietor (except for th~ forest departlllent) has Jlo.", been oj tile Sllltc---"Thc highest form of property re­ split into c:d1el.·eJlt d:allls of .allthOl:~t\ t~le cognised in the State is the hereditary right to source of \\'I11ch IS at Sllnia. ;1Il llllpm']Dle dIs­ cultiyate. Thi~ right is conferrecl bl a /)(11/(1 or tance for am Gaddi to travel, ('Wll i(lic bdicn~d title deed \1 hiLh in e\ery case specifies the fields chat he \I'ould be successful. or plots of ground for ~I'hich the deed is grant­ In order to deyelop some forlll of local repre­ ed as weli as the name, area and rental...... the cultiyator enjoys the right of user in sentation. the H:m

I half to the adopted son. The only case of addition the villagers had the right to hunt ill ~;;p(,on which my informants could reeal~. was the forest without a license (althoup;h they re­ in a distant village where .the owner of the lights q uired a gun license)2 and to collect loo~e brush­ to use the land was on his death bed, and .tl~ere wood, pille needles, grass and such edible pro· was only one male member of the clan hvmg. ducts as mushrooms and toadstools." In Gaddi·lalld the cultivable land only acetin Land which was used for any purpose other than the above had to pay a fee to the rajah. in the less precipitous parts of the valleys, usu~l­ For new houses a sum of one rupee per annum I' between 1,000' and 3,000' above t~e mam rlver valley, Where the cultivable land IS sma~l had to be paid and for each water mill built along the ':\\de of a stwam a ~ep3..rate tee of OI;-'C with a large number of people, d~pendent on It the size of the village is also lliluted. In such a rupee had to be paid. If this fee were not p~ld situation there may be only one or .two houses the owner lost the right to the land on which the edifice was built. occupied by the working group which usually consists of the members of one cl~n. In one or It can thus be seen that the corinection of the two places the land is more extensive an~ there ra jah with the land was vcry close and that each the group of houses might be occupied ,b.r cultivator had a direct relationship with the members of several clans and several castes. rajah, irrespective of his clan or caste. This rc· lationsh:p should be looked on as a reciprocal After all the cultivable lanel had been used, relationship, The subjects had the right to use there remained areas around the village which the land, to be protected both in the militarv the members had the right to use either as sites and religious sphere and to have their variOl{s for their houses or on which to graze their domes­ local and national customs protected. The tic animals. This land was granted by the rajah rajah also acted as a sort of Storehouse of the but no revenue was paid. I will call thi~ land national wealth and the national prestige, which "common land of the village" although It was he spent on the upkeep of roads and the pur­ really the rajah's land lent to th~ village free, chase of elephants. In return, the subjects had to Cremation grounds are also of thiS type. They pay revenue for their land, to undertake their are useless for any other purpose. appropriate service, whether religious (as Outside this area were lands controlled by Brahmins), military (as Gaddis), or labour (as the rajah's agents (such as the Forest Depart· the lower castes), and to obey the orders of the ment) 'but to which villagers had. access. Such rajah's servants. land as this was used for the pme forests, to The system of land control by the rajah which the Gaddis could turn when they reo resulted in a basic equal;tarianism because, q uired a new watermill or a piece of new timber ~;jnce no oTle could purchase land very much in for a house. The villagers had the right to buy excess of what he required for his own use trees selected by the forest g-uard for about five (since land rareh came on to the Illarket and rupees each for private use within the village. could not be used as security for loans), all rank Similar trees were sold to forest contractors derived only from government appointments who were non-citizens for about 80 rupees. In and not control of excessive wealth ..'

1 I intend to use the word village for a group of houses surrounded by cultivable land, even when this village may consist of only one house. The word hamlet is unsuitable as each group of houses h",8 an independent ex'stence and is not ass(­ eicatd politically with other dispersed houses. • Non-citizem of Brahm

Similar principles apply to the use of grazing From this chaos of gral.ing rights certain COIll­ land as to cultivable land. It has thus been des­ man principles emerge. (I) On the Kangra side cribed by the gazeteer of the Kangra district as of the Dhaula Dhar, there are three types of applying to Chamba. pasturage, motlhtainous pasturage near the tops, pasturage amid the forests lower down and pas· "The pasturable low country is termed a ban. turage on the plains. In the case of the first a Each ban in Kangra is claimed by a Gaddi as its tax was paid to the rajah but in the case of the warisi (inheritance) except in Nurpur where all second and thirtl, cert:lin neighbouring villages bans are free. The origin of this warisi is alleged were also considl'!red to have rights over the pas­ to be in a grant (patti) from the rajah. Lyall turage. These obligations were paid by arrang­ claims this arose from a shepherd presenting a ing for the sheep and goats to manure the fields nazam (petition) to a rajah, obtaining a right of the agricultutists in certain seasons. At other to graze a new ban and then uniting with other seasons if the agriculturists wished for the shepherds to graze it. The holder of the patti animals' manure they had to pay for the privi­ was often the mahlundi) master of the flock, lege either in dsh or in food. In addition the and the other shepherds as his asamian or right to graze certain of the low pastures lay clients. On paying fees· to the rajah's agent with the rajah Who granted the right to a speci­ (hanwajiri), all paid equally, but the mahlundi al herdsmen clieht who was issued with a grant acquired the mailani (money from sheep's showing his grating rights over the territory. droppings), unless it wlas paid in food when all ate. When the rajah demanded sheep and goats (2) On the Chamba side of the Dhaula Dha!" the nominal price paid went to the mahlundi) and in the Barn Bangahal, the tops of certain although each shepherd supplied the sheep in mountains are well known as grazing grotlnds turn. where the gra~s springs up every spring and Holders of warisi often exact a toll from autumn. These grazing grounds are divided into other shepherds but should a run not be taken areas and the right to collect the fees in such up by a mahlundi) after a while the right would areas was auctioned by the rajah of Chamba to disappear. the highest bidder, who was usually a Gaddi. These areas were so arranged that shepherds In the winter, on descending from the high might wander from one to the other at the ap­ ranges, the grazing tax was collected by a propriate seaSon if they found one too over­ Gaddi (who was an agent of the rajah) who crowded. The rate in 1950 was 2 annas 6 pies could allot the pastureland3 (d hans). (2td.) per goat per grazing district and one anna G pies (ltd.) per sheep. As citizens of Chamba, In coming and going from Chamba to Kangra, they had the right to graze their flocks in the three months are spent in the kandi dhans Bara Bangahal without the payment of addi­ (mountainous pastureland), each of which has tional tax (although shepherds from outside its local name and recognised boundary. There Chamba State had to pay it), and in Lahul to may be three or four gOtflS (resting places) in graze their sheep and goats on one side of the each dhan. There are two sorts of dhan) the one river only. On the other side, the inhabitants of in bare rocky ground above the line of forest Lahul may graze their animals. If Gaddis were caned nigahr; the others lower down termed to cross they would need to pay a grazing tax to lwndli or dhar. Formerly a tax, langekoru (cross­ both the Chamba and Lahuli ruler. ing tax) was paid of one or two goats and the fleece of a sheep. They were collected by a vil­ (3) 1n addition to a grazing tax paid to the lage official termed a drinkar) who was always a local tajah either directly or through a mah­ Gaddi (although an agent of the rajah). He was lundi and to manuring rights paid to local also entitled to take certain perquisites from villages, a crossing tax was paid. This tax was the shepherds himself. given to the rajah not for revenue but in ac­ cordance with his religious status as a measure Villages at the bottom of dhans formerly de­ of thanksgiving for the successful crossing of the manded payment for their use in the form of pass. In the case of the pass between Cham ba manuring but this right applied only in the and Kangra very rarely was any special difficulty autumn and not in the spring." (p. 268). encountered but over the high pass between Kugti village at the top of the Bu~:ll Nadl ~nd These rules applied only to Kangra. In Lahul, Gaddis even today never fall to sacnfice Chamba all grazing rights belonged to the rajah some of their animals which were formerly pre­ of Chamba. In the Bara Bangahal once part of sented to the rajah. This is a bare mountain Chamba State), the grazing tax was paid to the top at a height of over ](i,O~O' wit~out any government by shepherds from Mandi but not wood or trees of any sort. It IS exceptional for from Gaddis (for Gaddis are domiciled in anyone with animals to take less than three days Chamba State). actually on the tops of the mountain and should INTRODUCTION At\D BACKGROUND II

a storm arise there is 110 protection. They do the State and each village is incorporated at not sacrifice on the return journey. the beginllillg of each i)(lI11'al'i register. In the appendix is enclosed such a statement as it ap· (4) No shepherd whether from KangrHindus to places were recognised for transients (goUts). the other members of the society and are aware Thus the right to pasturage over the whole or the fact that Hinduism includes people out· of the State belonged to the rajah who could side I heir own Chamba boundaries to whom dispose of the rights temporarily. they are related by bonds of religion. These ideas do Ilot conllin with their belief that the These rights to grazing tax have now beeH Hindll g'ods (especially Shiva) have a personal taken over by the Government of India State aile! special interest in themselves which gives Forest Department. At first there was some dis­ them a sort of superiority over those Hindus satisfaction and anger because the gra/ing from outside BrahlllVishnu and Ganesa. myth of origin to validate its performance. Yet a Gaddi who wishes to offer thanks to God for some mercy vouchsafed to him will alway~ These various geographic religious and so­ offer it to the temple of Shiva and the temples to -:Ial features of the valley are connected to­ Vishnu and Ganesa are rarely used except at the gether and united by various charters, such as festival of Manimahesh which h:ls no special the story of Triloknath Dev which joins Mani­ plljari dedicated to their worship. Any pujari mahesh, the Budl Nadl, the Ravi, the bods and family can go to any temple. In accordance with the Rani of Chamba together into a unity. And this, in Gaddi tradition, there are many stories many of the local shrines were mysteriously and tales about Shiva. Shiva is a Gaddi person­ created by llags or devis who still live in some ality known to everyone but Vishnu and of the valleys. Ganesa, although known to Brahmins and occa­ sionally appearing in the hawan at marriage is I would however be doing an injustice to the not a Gaddi god in the same way as Shiva. Yet inhabitants of the valley if I were to give an all three are indubitably part of the Great Tra­ impression that the religious beliefs of the dition as described by Marriott. This feature of valley residents were somehow separate from hill culture has also been noted bv G. Herre­ their ordinary life. The whole of the valley man" where in the village of Sirkanda ncar (with the exception of those few outsiders Tehri Garhwal, he mentions the special position working within the area) have a common way of the Pandava Brothers in the village culture of thinking alld behaviour which is only now where the Pandavas (although having two gradually weakening. This unity primarily rests wives) play a special part in the society not on certain fundamental religious values and found among any ot the other gods. ways of behaviollr peculiar to the inhabitants, preserved by the language and the topography It is thus clear that to usc the words triLes and encouraged by the method of administra­ or castes as referring to the Brahmauris is a mis­ tion of the rajah before independence. 'Vhat is use of the word. It is dear both from the so interesting about this unity however is the nature of the society and its known history that impossibility of dividing the Gaddi religion into the founders and members of Brahmauri su­ the Great Tradition and the Small Tradition ciety have deliberately from the beginning been descri bed by McKim ]\1 arriou.' The only gods, determined to set up a distinctively Hindu cul­ devis and nags found in the Brahmaur tahsil are ture tied to the suims and to the environlllent those found ill the Indian continent at hrge and in a way little affected by outside changes ill there arc 110 special local gods found at the vil­ the wider Indian society although they are con­ lage level which arc not directly within the main scious of them. During the last GOO years, the Sanscrit pantheon. The rituals associated with Rrahmauris have never been compelled bv ;10 marriage and death (although somewhat elabo­ olltside power to IIlodify their beliefs in the direc­ rated) make usc of no special local gods which tion of either Moharnmadenisrn or secularism. arc not found in Indian weiety at large. There The situation is rather one where the only true are no special features of Gaddi society which Hindu State has been that of Rrahmaur, 'many cannot be regarded as "purely Hindu" within ideas of which have been adopted by the out­ the wider meaning of the term. It is true that side society albeit unconscious·ly. But whereas there arc certain customs and beliefs which arc the outside wider Indian society has changed not regarded as being ill accordance wi th the considerably in the direction of secularism, only strict teaching of the most respected Brahmins. within the last fifty years have the Indians hOIll There is no objection to widow remarriage, the the plains come back as the bearers of the true sudclloj, the custom of a bride going to her culture with money to change the Gaddi society husband's house one year after marriage, and the from its true allegiance to Shiva and the simple well established prophets (chela) of Scchuin life. Thus the Brahmauris arc not so mllch a village are not part of the Brahminical tradi­ tribe or caste as a society without definite tion of India although they certainly seem to he boundaries which formerly i~cluded groups in well within the Great Tradition as the term is Lil Bilj, the Kangra plains in Dharamsala and used by McKim Marriott. But the important Palampur and perhaps in the Bhattiyat but distinction in Brahmaur is not between those which has gradually become smaller alld smal­ customs which are found all over India and ler within the last hundred years driven b;lCk by

1 i\["Killl Marriott. "Little (;ommnniticR in an Indigenolls l:iviliRlttion" in Village India Studies in Ihe Little Com­ muni/irs cd. McKim )Iarriott, American Anthropologist, Memoir RD. 83, June, 1955. 2 G. Bcrrcman, Hindt,s of the Himalayas, Univ. of California Press, 1963. IN'CRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 13

the more powerful Indian semi-secular culture. other Indian groups and it is the visitors from I refer to the wider Indian culture here as a the new India who have much to learn. seclJlar culture only by contrast because the To summarize this chapter. Although the in­ aims of the socially mobile in the large Indian habitants of Brahmaur and the surrounding society are no longer in term$ of religious office districts belong to a special social group tenn~d but in terms of government service and the Gaddis, they are nevertheless part of the mam making of money. Although the Indian gods Hindu tradition and have been so from the have not disappeared, they have lost much of beginning of their written history. Their dis­ their ethos in the outside world although the tinctiveness within the Hindu tradition rests on rituals associated with them continue to te car­ four factors, their history which has Leen con­ ried on in a formal fashion. tinuous for at least a thousand years, their political system and privileged position in the Thus one has to accept Brahmauri society as wider Chamba State which has given them a high essentially a Hindu centred religious group still degree of self government, the special position accepting Hindu traditional values. If present of the rajah as representative and owner C)f the day Indian society's aim is secular, then indeed national interest in land and their sti'ong con­ Gaddi society is backward with few roads, great nection with the gods especially Shivaji who overpopulation and a high degree of illiteracy. resides on a mountain within Gaddiland and Rut if present day Indian society's aim l~ plays an active part in the ritual and lUles of essentially religious, then it is the Gaddis who the social system. History, politics, land and re­ have succeeded in blending religion into their ligion all form different facets of the national everyday aHairs in a way not found among many character. CHAPTER 2 VILLAGE AND CASTE Villagcs ill Brahmaur district vary considerably enumerated 973 male houseless population and in sizc. Thc smallcst lila), consist of only one 23:1 female houseless population. These would hausc; the largest is thc capital of the tahsil, not be beggars but most likely Gujars or other Brahllla ur wi th a population of 709 at the 1%0 visitors from outside the boundaries of the dis­ census (:')th to 21 st September). The groups of trict concerned either with looking after the pcople do notliye in isolated homesteads as in the Hocks or in working with forest. contractors as Kangra valley for each village is a nucleated set­ casual labour. This gives an average household tlement surrounded by lands belonging for the size of :).8 against the Himachal average of 5.7 most part to the members of the village. I thus neglecting the latter group of strangers. intend to use the word village as meaning a In addition there were a total of 105 nucleated n udeated settlement even if the pattern is of a settlements wi thin the boundaries of Brahmaur slightly different type from that found elsewhere tahsil which gave an average of 43 households in India. At this 1960 census the total popula­ and ;)6 houses to the village. Each village con­ tion of the faILs!! enumelated was 14,10:") males tained on an average, 24g people. and 11,:')20 females making a total of 2:'),62:'). In The total cultivated area of the Hrahmaur tah­ addition there were 442 male shepherds and 1,)2 sil at the 19:;;) settlement was 10,92;) acres (about femalc shepherds who were outside the bounda­ 17.;~7 sq. miles) but in the 19;~ I census it was ries of t.he tllln;'1 making a total of 14,547 males 20.06 sq. miles so that it has possibly decreased and 11,(i:')2 fcmales. The number of houses enu­ since I ~)g I'. The amount of new land cultivat­ merated was g,7:');, and the number of house· ed seems to be balanced by the erosion process holds 4,:')2:;. A household is defined by the Census which has continued in some areas. Cultivated Commissioners as "a group of persons who corn­ area includes both wet and dry, one crop and lIIonly live together and would take their meals two crop fields but excluding forest land. In together from a common kitchen unlcss the 1910 the densi ty in Brahmaur was claimed as exigellcies of work prevented allY of them from 261 sq. mile. In 1931 the figures for the whole doing so." In addition, in the Census were also ot Chamba State were claimed as follows:

District Malt'S Fel1l,dC's Total Cultivated Den~ity sq. miles ppr sq. mile

GhamLa 20,380 18,97;'; 39,3';5 {)l·15 770 Churah 23,103 22,021 46,034 51·17 882 Pangi 4,14!) 3,885 8,034 4'!)0 640 Brahmaul' 7,ii8!) 7,258 14,847 20·06 740 Bhattiyat 20,928 18,672 39,600 47·;)4 812

Total 76,069 70,811 146,870 174·82 804

In 19GO, assuming the cultivated area as 17.,)7 brackets are the number of elementary families cultivated sq. miles the pressure of population in within the village of that f,{otra or at in 19:,2. Brahmaur would be 1508 people per culil1mted Agneta (I), Babouria (!l), Bhesisht (5), Tali (I), 5q. mile. This pressure of popllla~ion i~ so fantas­ Bannarie (2 Sipi), Hahradwaria (:l Riara), Bran tic for an agncultural commul1lty Without any (I), Juetu (3), Bisometer (I), Chowhan (1). additional industries or way of making money in the area as practically to force the population In villages of more than one gotra, the golras to move elsewhere for work. are usually of the same caste and settled ill the village at about the same time. In the case of A village mav consist of the members of only Goshen there is an exception as there are gotras one gotra. In s'uch a cas,; the village is usually belonging to three different castes, Gaddi, Sipi exogamous unless it is very large and old. Hut and Riara. Members of the same f,{otra frequently in the majority of cases the villages consist of a live ncar each other as they owned land in number (if gof1'(l.l. In Goshen a village near common at one time but this is not so todav Brahmaur which I am taking as a typical village, for there are a number of neW houses which ar~ the following got ras were found. The figures in built well away from the ancestral homestead.

1 This 1!)31 figure i~ p(BRibly wrollg::to it w::t~ :tn e3timate b:t~ecl on t:tx::ttion returll~. H VILLAGE AND CASTE 15

It is impossiblc to tell which of the golras had owner of the land having ultimate control before primacy in the village and who were the origin~l it reverted to the rajah. founders but two gof ras, that of the Chowhan golra and the Agneta gofra, only entered the The gofra has been sometimes described as a village as residents within the last hundred years. clan and the largest exogamous unit in deter­ mining marriage. This does not seem to have In the case of the Chowhan golTa this was due been its original meaning. K. M. Kapadia states: in part to a bri be offered to the ra jah's land officer about a hundred years ago, when land fell "The word gotra is used in the Rigveda in the vacmt in the village. In the case of the Agneta sense of a cows taU or a herd of cows, as well as gatra, the founder of the clan in the village was in the sense of a cloud, mountain, range or fort. one of mall\' brothers frolll lVfulkota with little These various meanings attached to the word land, and h~ thought that it was better for him gotra imply th,:!t the main idea associated with to come to live with his wife in the village than the word was that of enclosure. The word is to take his wife to Mulkota. This case has been used at all times in the sense of assemblage. described elsewhere.' The latter family has no From these two ideas of enclosure and assem­ land of its own. Originally the former only suc­ blage the word came to refer to persons living ceeded in obtaining land by doubtful means. together within the same walls",2 . These two exceptions to the general rille that The members of the same golra are people the right to use lalld can only be obtained within who have the same ritual practices in the sense the gol fa tend to strengthen the argument that that the Brahmin priest whom they patronise land control alone is the main determinant belongs to a special school. In the course of time of village unity. Prior to the settlement of the the right to celebrate domestic ritual became area ill I 9:j~\, the got m was the principal method inherited by special groups of Brahmins (para­ by which land inheritance was determined. The hits) and this seems t.o be th'e basic sense of gatra p;lttern of inheritance was sons, brothers, bro­ also in the hills. Many Gaddis do not know ~hers' sons and so on ,,,ithin the go/m with no what their go/ras are and sometimes have to ask lIlheritance by women or through women within others or their own priests. It seems uncertain the g;otm, although women on certain occasions whether low caste people such as Riaras really were allowed to hold land 011 trust for their had golras at all until Brahmin priests became children or other descendants. This rule was willing to minister to them. Broadly speaking, so strictly enforced that adoptions were one cannot marry a person of the same gatra, practically impossible even to those within the but in the village of Grer, a large village of same {iotra. To obtain an adoption every single several h ul1dred people all of one gotra, there member of the golra had to approve and, even were a number of marriages within the galla should it be approved, half the land passed to as marriages, had taken place between persons 'the other members of the golm on the adopted of the andriaI'll (inner) and bariaru (outer) sec person's father's death. None of the villagers tion. Thus it does not seem reasonable to use whom I q L1eslioJleel, had e\'cr heard of such a I he term golra as always synonymous with clan case. Under the new legislation of Govern­ as it is primarily a ritual division and not always ment of India, the adopted son has the same exogamous. rights as :! natural son and it is likely that as Insofar as villages consist of more than one land becomes more and more valuable, the num­ gotra, there is no objection to marrying within ber of disputes between got ra members and the the village provided that there is no common ~)wn.er of the lanel who wishes to adopt an heir, relative within three generations. The one IS lIkely to become more frequent. The basic exception to this rule is that families may ex­ difference is (hat Linder the rajah, land was change sisters and frequently do so, One cannot essentially regarded as nation;d land belongin~ marry into a golra in which one has a sister and to the State (through the rajah), which was held daughter married.' by individuals. in t~e State on behalf of a parti­ cular gl:OUP, In tIllS case the go/ra. But under . Althoug_h these gain!' names are usually asso­ the. I~(han. Governmen.t land regulations, the CIated WIth a particular caste, some are baSIC Idea IS tint land IS a form of property c.on­ found a~ong all castes, Since. castes are endoga­ (rolled and worked bv an individual who has mous, thiS puzzles the GaddIS and one Gaddi al~soILlt.e rights in that'soil even to the point of gave me the following explanation which is alsa alIenatIOn. The golra was thus the residual found on the plains.

1 SCP '~'illiam~. Newell, "The Suhmerg('d Descent I,ine among the Gaddi People of North India" in The J(tUrnal 0 1 the BOlml AntTir()poloql,CIIl Insfltute, p. 14, Vol. 92, Part I, 1962. ',/ "

2 K.~r. Kapadia. Hindu Kinship, Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1947, p. 56. _" For furth,"r ('xalllples of the rnles of marriage please see W.H. Newell, "Gaddi Kinship and Affinal Terms" M ' IndiG, Vol. 32, No, 2, June 1952 Bihar, India, p. 82. an m 16 VILLAGE AND CASTE

"Formerly in Gadaren there was a bad rishi. the book owned in manuscript by a former For his bad deeds horns grew out of his head and . se.nior paro~it, R:lm Ditta, then the marriage he was told that the only way to get rid of these will be forbIdden. In some cases, it depends on horns was by giving a large feast to all. Those the learning of the parohit concerned. who attended the feast became Brahmins and those who did not became Khatris or Rajputs. Conversely, certain {!,olras have the tradi­ One of the galras which took part in this feast tion

Caste Gotra Al Caste Gatra Al

Bra'1min Breth-min Bcsisht Sumpolu Utum Puktan Kelelu Timariin Mat Sesipal Sesi .Tuku Goturn Junu!] 1'Iiaratu Jirg Besisht Chupetu 13huban Bahrlldwarj Kllpri Bangrete Kalie Supial Cheddi Bahradawari Delpu Putaran Lunge Utum PalMn Besisht Servetu Bachela Knru Besisht Bardan Ootum Herseru Sadrantn Nunsan Chatameru Tulel Besisht Pargis Litkan Bagran Chupetu Patan Chabaru Slludete 'L'iperelu Barj Julkan Tenju Kalie Pataru Ratanpal Sindi Be,isht Changeru Chararu B:lhradwari Tarotu Kunkunun Loham Bachil Jogu Senkal Mukartu Gotum Khaitr Bahra(h\-ari Satalelu Besisht Bani Gang Jarete Kalia Puttran Jeterd Garete Bahradwarj Kotelu Kalie Timaretu Ratanpal Nerelu Ledde Ajin Jutiin VILLAGE ANn CASTE 17

--_._ --_.,._-- Oaste Gotra, AI Casto (ll)tra Al

Brah'nin Ka.lia Hupal TarkaJ' D,tHhe LungLl.danuu Ihhraciwari 'l'rukcl',[ Karori (;')tum (funiau- Eahraclwiiri S"relu HUll.onug :Fclknaa Sipanun l:nginas Lore Bhupal Harpt'l Abil\l I\l,kariru BesiHht ~rllr'-Lrlll l:lullt .Jelu Hthr,ulll'iirj Tel"lu K·\Spa Tanaru {~ot IlIll BatiLfU Suhlt, K,>rshc B",i>'ht. Luttn Uojelu :-iiI usela Ihhraclwiiri LUllltin Bahraclwiiri ~llketrn N lnkiau Bahran It:tkarketu lTiera l\Ionteralll Divear :--Imanu l'tum Karkeru Balll':ulwari Beran (iotU()L Xang Rajput BheHiHI; t Tr0gRl] Ihhradwiiri :-;inkran Piil Huketia Hioli Pukerll AteI' \Tawoti Harsha!! Bahraclwiiri \Vawalu Purshan 'Tu!PY{' Cheratu 'Tilrc'll Bahrnclwari P((rgiin Detean Xangle Chelledi Besisht Chakcrotll Belchher Hhia!} Un hrarilrii"i I\Iukcrotu (!hohan Rena!} '1' irkar BCHisht (!hotar Hh('niuQ Ejin \Iura I"trn l\1ltsa!} UIIlIll ~raliin Horete <:ore V'pehiitl n<'W'IP Sunldil Kol" llak('r Klulelll Hcsisht SiIlf!ran 1)(',,"il Jnriftn UtllOl .La nUl 1'Pt 11 Kiiriiretll 1111""" (ioletn Rolele l)aT'ilsar Bundll Kokiin (:uhl'1 t 'helniTjan Altar Lahti Trcnan Terotu UtlLln 'l'ark('l'u Karketn Uiheln .lnp"l1tn Ballliraill .Juein Dongcte (:uHKnp Fakir Gungran Utum 1~\lketj Sawn-Iu CUKKUp Yltrhthi :'.Iukrete BahT'neLl'a"i Ho\p(p Grie lira" lkriin KaRil Briimanun I)"RI,,' Saliin .Julian GW~Sllp (!hnrl1 Utum TORoru lIar"n Chotera llrinii'l Raraln Celtil Hucifin G ):'''1('11 l{umeit(,]u Knnclelu Agasani UIITIIl JJange1u Bancliirn Kuckln H",i Motu!} GlltUtU ( :orn Dukan DaHlre Chura] (;ularan KUHup KI1YCran Utulll Junwar Balll'tldn-iiri G"hcrcru Kuwetu Dashc (:llrkerll Barj Karcliin A.gaRani Maranll HahradwlLrj (Jhoru :-;umelu H,.rde J\1(,l1sllr .Tirrll Amhirk Minelli Utlllll l'adrctc ])etai Trigarelu Ajin Cheta Bahrac]wari Haringu Tissar R"kn N'anketll (luRSUP Munclu Atl'lr Itanan Kashen ( :lltclc Ahimanu Martan Karen BahradwlLri Ponan 13llrlelu 'l'uretu Miaru KIIllc]clu Eaderu Ningrei Sissuhal Kangeru I:olu Bahradwari Potete Ousip Turcret 11 Drober Kunjprelu PCI'm Rarete r~rash,in l'\all'nll1 l~llksaJl Kllresi r:hl1nker~ ~angle Nanglellu 18 VILLAGE AND CASTE

Caste Gotra Al Castes Gotra Al .Raj put Manser Kingan Kibelu Angletu Khatri Bahradwad Danaru Utum Kawetu Bandar Kachinga Shankashar Luni Gibelu Punjaru Kasharpar Didialu Pandaru Duran Silian Basurie Kulsan Utum Kinderu Sangal Bhesisht Aurial Sinjan Utum Chenun Atar MandaI Dundetu Ratanpal Kananul} Utum Sanu Je>gete Kapur Patatru Junjian Bhesisht Tratangeru Bahradwari Nakareye Karete Dundu' Utum Palnial Atar Sortaru Kaletu Utum Jenjilatu Barunu Dinretu Kanalo Tilel Khatri Barj Jugaru Utum Guruas Busere Bandaru Micheretu Burian Ktmdelu Hilal Kalian Utum Hangolu Bahradwari Churian Bahradwarj Kanete Nangaletu Rajput Bandalu Kohan Hotum Kipeleg Kundel Tilal Bargetu Utum Kundias Pukkal Bancaru Micheretu Utum ])ugiu Korel Hilal Bahradwari Sundu Bharj Gorete Sidan Poletu Bahradwarj Gurgantu Baharj Dangran Utum Assar Rhete Bandaru Kian Bahradwari Dunkeru Bahradwarj Bagete Suker Utum Potu Atim Pukolu Atri MandaI Kasip Chorungu Ratanpal Buksiin Bahradwari Dorkere Kang Nosu Utum Randan

I have transcribed the list as it is written in Khatri this parohil's book. In addi tion to this list there Changeru Ancestor came from the plains (changer) Chupetu A quiet person. is a list of the meaning of the al names which I Bardan .. Good bowman (Barn). have not completely transcribed. The author of Sadrantu Wealthy (8han). the Chamba gazeteer apparently had access to Chatemeru Well built (chat). portions of this book. Here is a free translation Pargis .. Got caught in the thorns for three days. Bagran .. Lived in Bari village (above Brahmaur). of some of their meanings. Batan .. Lived in Bathiath (Chamba district). Rajput Sundete .. Sell sunda (used with dal). Tregal} Used a measure of yurn in place of an Bari 'Vise man living in an oak tree. arrow. Muradu Killer of men (mana manda). Suketia Said "I am always happy" (Suki). Lutu Holder of a stick (lathu). pukeru .. Liking for killing birds. Chakerotu Maker of baskets for utensils. Flershan Father said "Her, Her" (Shiva). Chotan .. Died over the pass (chota). purshan Stout. Singran Lived at the top of the village (Sing. Cheretu Suffered from scabies (Chereda). horns). Aurial .. Ancestor lived in village Aura (in Lower Ravi valley). Khatri In addition to being born into a particular Tratangeru Ancestor tutta (dumb). golra, one is also born into a particular caste and I(orete .. Lived in Koreta (village name). because admission to these social groups is by the Brahmin same method, by birth, there is frequently a Sllmpolu Sell sump (aniseed oil). I(olelu .. Chronic cough (Tcungda). confusion in thinking that the gotra is a sub­ Mat Ancestor met (head of coolies). division of a caste. This is no more true of the Juku Gambler (.Jua). Indian hills than of the Indian plains. The Marantu 'Vinner of wrestling (marna). family and al and theoretically the gotm are Jirig Slow in doing things (jilingen). Buksan Good at enjoying things. essentially exogamic groups within which one Lungi .. Good at crossing rivers (lungna). cannot marry. The subcaste is an endogamous Chupetu Calm and quiet. group within which one must marry, interdine, Chaboru Liked to play in mud and water (chaker). and intersmoke. Of the numerous villages in the Tiperetu Village of Tiperi. Brahmaur district, only three or four have more VILLAGE Al'\D C.\STE 19

than one caste residing in the village. It is princi­ died and the pallchayat. consisted of their sons_ pall y a one village one caste area. Goshen village, In the process those elderly people who had unlike most villages. has three castes, two lower formerly attended and who were still living (Riara and Sipi) and a higher Gaddi caste. The ceased to be present at the informal meetings houses are mixed together, but each caste wor­ and were not always consulted. ships at its own shrillc althou~h all participate in The local village jmtlchayal has no authority worship but 1I0t in donating food at the princi­ to carry out rules of caste behaviour unlt'ss it is pal shrine of thc predominant caste. supported by the village consensus. The sort of The castes ill the llrahmaur district are as problems that it deals with are those connected follow: I with allocation of ghals for burning, with the arrangement of J!ll'ers (work groups) for domestic Casto tasks and the delimitation of respollsibilities for village ceremollies. It cannot make decisions on (,I) Brnhlllin Brahmin conflicts between different villages and it Glllllot (0) Ua(ldi RajJlut Thakur deal with problems of inheritance unless asked Khatri to mediate by both parties and even then, after J!ana arbitration, it GUlnot enforce its judgement. (,.) 1iipi " :-;ipi It is this group that is mainly responsible for (d) Hiara enforcing caste rules and, in coming to :t deci­ Halli Lohar sion it has to take into co))sideration the fael OthprR that most of the womcn who come into a /2,01 m will have to come from neighbouring viI· (a) and (I» arc termed the upper c:lstes, (c) and lages. If the rules arc broken in one village, (d) arc termed the Iml"Cr castes. ;\;0 intermarriage all the mCIll bel'S of that village will have difficul­ takes place bet wcen the upper and lml'er castes. ties in arranging future wives for their sons. The No intermarriage ever takes placc bet\\'een the Illost recent excommunication for breaking caste Sipis and other low castcs. l\larriag'c takes phlc is that of a certain Gaddi in Penshei village. Two bctween mcmbers of the upper castes both ill generations ago he insisted on marrying a low giling and receIving Il'omen in certain areas of caste girl from a neighbouring village. He was the Brahmaur IlIhsil alld in neighbouring IlIltsils forced to move to his wife's village and to cut sllch as Ulansa ullder certain circllmstances, in off all commensal relations with his own family which case the child takes the caste of the father although of course he still retained rights in his onlv. There has been no inter-marriage of any own land in his village and did not suffer expul­ sort bet ,,'Cen a nv of the castes in Goshen village sion from his golra. There seems to be no way within the meln'ory of any of the villagers. Off­ in which one can get expelled from one's gOfra spring of marriages between Brahmins and a~ one can from one's caste. (~addis are freely accepted in "illages within the The situation is thus that there are two main Brahlllaur valley by their caste fellows and an horilOntal divisions of groups within the Brah­ individual of OIie s'uch marriage holds a junior maur valley which are called higher, castes and position in the Brahmaur administrative system lower castes. The higher castes consist of Gaddis I\'ithout any disacl\'antages from so doing. But and Brahmins; the lower caste consist of Sipis in villages that do not allow intercaste marriage, and bottom castes. Intermarriage within each such a marriage would undoubtedly result in group is frowned upon but not actually prevent­ excommunication frolll the caste (but of course ed by the larger Brahmaur community although not from the gOlfa). The enforcement of the village panchayals may try to prevent it. caste rules re,ts in the hands of the village Within the upper groups there are two main t)(1I1clifl)'al concerned. In most villag'es the basic divisions between Brahmins and Gaddis which unit of village gm'Crnll1ent consists of an infor­ are nearly always endogamous. There is no vil­ mal j)(llicliaval consisting of the male leaders of lage (other than upper Kllgti and Brahmanr) the p:olras in the dominant caste plus anv others "'hich has both Brahmins and Gaddis in the who are invited. This is usually but not always same village. Brahmaur is an administrative the most elderly person. \Vhcn I arrived {n centre where nearly all castes are represented. Goshen in l!l:i2, it consisted of older pcople. In Kugti is a special exception which is dealt with I ~}(i2 about half of these more elder! y people had separately.'

1 Fo,' th" general arguments on whi('h this s('<'Iion is hasP(1 Rep 'V. H. N"woll "Tho Brahmin and C!aste Isogamy in North TIl(lia" in TIIf JUUfllll/ (~llhr HO!lIl/ Anlhl'ojJ01o'liffil [Ilslillll('. 10[);3. Vol. 85. Part [and TI, PI'. 101-110. 2 :-;(,P III ,I' r('port OIl "rnter-l'as!e lllarriag(' in Kugti \'iI11l/,:e. Fpp<'r Bud Nadl. Hrahmallr I,,"sil, Chamba Distrkt, Himachal Prad('sh. India" in :-;llOrter :\,otes in J[IIII. :\'n. :i!I. ,\pril. I!Hi'l. London. This has heen reprinted as an appendix in the Village ~ltr·y('\· lllollograph Oil /Jrahmollr. ('ens\l:-; of India, 1001 YolUJllP XX, l'art VI, No, D. l)hararn Pal Ka.pur ,vas my assistant and t"a,,,/at,,,, \\hil<· in KIIgti to who III 1 wish tn ofj'l'r Ill\' thanks. p. :1. Pllllj(/1! il'lhllfJ(l/'{/l'''!I :\fonograph Xn. ~, "TIll' Kangra Caddis" hy E. O'Brien and M. Morris, Lahore, Punjab Governe_ IllPllt I'n',", J !JO(i, 20 VILLAGE AND CASTE

There is no necessary connection between a an isogamous union over the course of many person's caste and his occupation except in the hundreds of years. The term Brahmin Gaddi is case of a jJarohi I and certain tasks associated with an impossibility. About 80 per cent of the castes the handling of leather. Herewith follows a list in Brahrnaur are of Gaddi origin. For the reasons of the more important occupations. why Brahmins did not succeed in being included into the Gaddi group I mllst refer the reader to (I) Tasks exclllsitJely performed by Brah­ my article on this question in the JRAI! mins-Priest. [ quote "In the village of Kunni, there exists (2) Tasks exclusil!ely performed by Gaddis -N iI, formerly soldiering. a caste called Thakurs, formerly petty chiefs of the district but now ordinary cultivators. In (:1) Tasks exclusively performed by SijJis­ Goshen there are members of the Rajput caste, Blacksmith. related to the Ksatriya of the traditional four­ (4) Tasks exclusively j)erformed by (fie fold classification. In Penshei Village, there are lower castes-Basketworker, brasswor­ some families of Khatris, traditionally related to the Vaisyas. All these three groups may freely ker, boot repairer, silversmith. interdine, intersmoke and intermarry, giving (5) Tashs performed by anyone irrespec­ daughters to sons and sons to daughters. What­ tive of caste-Agriculturists, pastoralist, ever the origin of these groups (and there is a tailor, government official (including certain amount of historical evidence as well as forest guards, postal runners, caretakers tradition that they came from Lahore and Delhi), of government buildings, etc.) workers they now form a single caste instead of three for forest contractors, school teachers, castes. In the History of the Western Hills by carpenter, packhorse carrier, ordinary Hutchinson and Vogel (191.5 p. 24) there is a coolie for private hire, shopkeeper, statement that in documents and land inscrip­ servant, barber, stone-mason. tions they 'find the term Thakurs and Ranas (6) Tasks performed by low castes when (originally used with the meaning of local chief) present officially but otherwise by used as a caste name, but with gradually decreas­ Gaddis-Musician. ing influence until the 11 th century'. Presum­ ably these terms were being replaced by the term This table refers to tasks not to occupations. Gaddi where it applied. Thus in the Brahmaur Those tasks which can be considered an occupa­ district of Chamba State instead of the sub­ tion insofar as it can be carried on for the whole castes following a process of splitting into year and will support the person concerned, numerous smaller groups, there is the opposite are underlined. The absence of very many caste process of the middle groups of castes amalga­ specialists (because the dominant caste does not mating. This process does not apply to the Brah­ have the money to pay for them) means that min group, who remain an endogamous group most Gaddis are handy men dealing with any­ at the top of the ladder. It does not apply to the thing that comes their way. For example many groups at the bottom of the caste ladder". Gaddis play musical instruments quite well and will sometimes perform at informal gatherings Thus the term Gaddi is a caste term in Brah­ it.• the absence of riaras without any objection. maur. If one looks at the caste classification of previous censuses as reported in the Chamba 1 have refrained from defining the word Gazetteers the caste classification in Chamba State G-addi. It is, however, necessary to do so varies considerably. In the 1921 gazetteer, there as there are three popular usages which conflict. were alleged to be 10,411 Gaddis and 59,452 Firstly, there is the definition of Gaddi used by Rajput and allied castes. In the 1931 census the the census in which any person who wishes to caLI term Gaddi was disallowed so that there were himself Gaddi may do so.' Secondly, there is any no Gaddis in Chamba but the proportion of permanent inhabitant of the Brahmaur tahsil. Rajput and allied castes had risen to 72,564. In Thirdly, there are those people who still consider the 1961 census where Gaddis are regarded as themselves belonging to the Rajput, Thakur, scheduled tribes (but not Brahmins or Rajputs, Khatri or Rana caste, who wear or have the etc.) the number of Gaddis has suddenly increas­ right' to wear the special G:Jddi clothes of which ed to 12,701 males and Il,047 females, a tota-l of the dhora is the main symbol and who are 23,748. It is clear that the term Rajput and Hindus. There is no doubt that the term Gaddi allied castes, ,:md Gaddi are synonymous terms can only be applied to the third of these three in the Brahmaur tahsil but that these numbers definitions and that the Gaddi caste is a result of are sometimes being increased by Brahmins and

1 S'le page 1.

2 Ot,her castes sometimes also wear the dhora. 3 "The Brahmin and Ca,ste Isogamy in North India", p. 101, .Journal of the Royal Anthroplogical Institute, 1955, LondoIl , VILLAGE AND CASTE 21

Sipis who are now calling themselves Gaddis. Low accordance with the practice understood III the castes may be included as a scheduled caste in­ hills.' stead of a scheduled tribe but in Brahmaur onlv 40:; people returned themselves as a scheduled Thus the basic territorial unit is a village caste. It should be mentioned that inhabitant-> mrrounded by its cultivable lands. The village of Brahmaur tahsil who call themselves mem­ is composed of a n umber of households having bers of a scheduled caste or tribe are entitled to as their nucleus a famil\', which traces its des­ financial benefits such as free education and free cent through (lIs and go/ms. Each family also medical ':lttention. In the neighbouring territory belongs to an endogamous group known as a of Chhatrari, ecologically an area similar to caste and the caste tics stretch outside the village Brahmaur but not a Block Development Are:l, to unite people together of the same caste. There Brahlllins return themselves as Brahmins and arc four principal castes in the Brahmaur area Gaddis ntUrIl themselves as Rajputs and arc hut the largest and most extensive is the Gaddi hence not entitled to government benefits. So caste which consists of an isogamous unit of that although in Brailln'll.Ir certain castes such as vanolls caste divisions known as Rajput, Brahmins or Sipis sometimes return themselves Thakur, Rana and Khatri. This isogamous as Gaddis in the census, the term Gaddi IS a situation is possibly due to the extremely limited caste term consisting of an isogamous union of cultivable area available to each village and the Rajput ami Allied castes. rhe extension of this limitations on holding land in excess of what terin to include a territorial meaning is not in one can work oneself.

1 This difficultv of IIsill" t hc I ~flL! (; "Lli Its " territoriill inHte"d of It """t,e eLtssitic

1 '1'110 CCnf'UR C()nlllllR~[OIH'l'~' fAp(lrt, on Brahmn.ur provides ROmE' Rt.at.iRti~R of migration frolll Bral11na1ll' to the plains. Since thiR iR an ethuogra phi (1 survey, I will not give a detailed description of the cconomi(1 hackground of the villlCge here.

~ See Newell, "8uhmcrgell dcscpnt line 8.mong the Gaddi people of North IndiR", Journal ofthc Roya.l AntMopolo(Jic.a.l Institute, Vol. 92, 1962, London, p. H. 22 \ . • • , t I~ " I

t •

... ..c'" i:: ;:;, '"a ~ .!::

'"bJ) :§ ·S 11 >:: tl' J " ..s:::'" , a'" <.) 24 LAND, CROPS AND SEASONAL MOVEMENTS attained his land by some doubtful method. On the settlement officer claimed that unless they the settlement report of Goshen village this surrendered their common land to the govern princi pIe was IlOt clearly understood and certai tl ment they would have to pay taxes on it. They Brahmins 'sho acquired land below the Brah­ did not understand that if they did not pay taxes rnaur-Kugti road were registered as being mem­ they could not control it. An example of their bers of the Goshen village community for difficulties can be seen ill the case of reasons of administf

1 As a matt,pr offact it is not at »11 clear whether villagers did not at one time have definite rights in the government land by virtue of living in the village. In my enquirieR the'y definitely believed t,hat they could use wood for burning corpses at. a funeral and could collect wood for chltei at Ill'lrri;tgc without a permit. Their obtaining a permit for tho latter was only a m'1tter of polij('­ ness. Bllt conversE'ly, trees on their own land could not be ('ut down completely without the permission of the rajah. On p. 27;; of the UllO Clul1nha gazetteer op-cit. the following statement appears: "The cultivator enjoys the right of usor (barton) in the wastrs r,ear his holding. These rights are "hiefly as follnvs:-the right to p»sture sheep and goats and also ('attle; to Cllt grass (yhal) and the leaves of certain trees for foclder amI thorns for hedges; to gather or break dry wood £0<' fuel; to ('nt pine or eedar splinters for tmches (iurll1i) from dry and fallen trees within the barton. to fell sm'111 trees of infori or quality ealled bans(/Ii for fuel at marriages lind funerrtls. Other rights rtro also enjoyed sueh as the grant of timber for building purposes, but for this '1 written permit must be obtained f!'Olll the central iLllthority at Chamba. These pri vi leges are not confined to the aetual cultivators but are also enjoy€(l by the [al'lnservant~ and other residents in the v:Ilage, who do not own land but keep a few sheep and goats ...... The cultivators may not cut t,rees the timber of whiuh is valuable even when they grow within the limits of their arable land". The actwd worcling of the Hlf)3 settlement is as folJows- "In our vilhcge there is no comll1DJlland (skamilat dell. This is a tcchniea 1 Urdu expression). In our village there is also no such land, whose ownership has been aequired by the village from the government.

2 As there is no common land for the village, we have no individual grazing grounds. No we use the grazing grounds of the govC'I'nment as we used them previously". This settlement document will be discussed in more detail subsequently. Every village hILS an almost identica,l document as though the whole copy were drawn up for the whole of Brahmaur and a few words only changed here "wl j h(']'e. But although the Urdu word "karnilat dek is not used in Gaddiland, there is eertainly a c1Istom»ry use of common 1al1(1 which differs from government lanel. This question of 8harnilat deh arose fLS an important question in a pl'('violls seUl('ment and the original (lc'('ision of the government was subsequently reversed. It is unfortunat.e that the l~and ~l'ttlclll<'llt Offi(,pr did not-Io!']( up the prpvious remarks hy Mr. Lyall for KfLngra. This is Mr. Ly»n's st»tement critieising t,he 111'st sE'ttlement ofMr. Barnts in I tl(JD referring t,o iqrarnamah (settlement, papers). "It will not do to fLecuse the landholders of putt.ing in the "iqrarnarnahs" the olt'l1nit,ion of the waste l1S "slwmilat dch" or joint property of the village, and thereby manufl1cturing their own title, for it is a ffLet that they did not, and in most eases do not even now, understand t,he words. They have now generally adopted the word sliamo'lat as a muno for the unenclosed waRte, but as often as not they fLdd the epithet sarkari (i.e., ofthe Ntate) and thus arrive at an aluusing ('ontmciiction in tenHS. I believe that the real inventors of the definition were the native officials and elerks who worked under ]\[r.lhrnes. 'rhLS(' men were all tmillt'd in the Korthwest Provinl'es, and had their minds full ofthe regulations and routine adapted to a ~pttlcment on the plains. \Yh('Tl tht'y found themselves in front of a hill circuit seeing that it was neit,her zomindar; nor plIttidori they dubbed it as a ""aichura estate, aIHI it followed in the ordinary course thfLt the waste lands were a1l8harnilllt dfh" [po 31 REport oj the Lamr Reunllc Settlement oj the Kanqra District, Punjab. By J.B. LyalI- 181j5-72 Lahore Centml Jaill'ress, 1874. (Published l87(j)].

There was thus f], clear distinction in lR(lO in Kangra between common land, government lalld and private lanel which was misund<>rstood by ;\fr. Barnes ill his first settlement aJl(I the mistaJw was not noticed untillR72 by Mr. Lyall. The same misunder­ standing has been PC!'})('tllatcd in tIl(' l!)i)3 scHlelllcllt in Brahmanr. In a. rocent uook 1,y C. ]krreman, Hind'lIs of the Himala?Jfl8 (Univ('rsity of en lifornil1 l'ress 1\)63) studying a hm village in Uttar Pradesh ten miles from Dehm Dun, the villagers' rights in land were registered as bhaicharn in 1815, after an early Settlement and now a humlre'l and forty yel1fS later it is possible to study the effects of this fundamental »nel unintentional change in the land system. L\:>;D, CROPS A:\D SEASONAL l\WVEMENTS 25

all th e villagers. This would be rarely given. nuts are used in various ceremonies as a substi­ Ihis change in the category of land usc -affects tute for coconuts implying reproduction. Some the nature of village rights. of the walnuts trees are very large and valuable. The statement in the settlement agreement is as Thus Goshen village is composed of a village follows: Clause 12. "The ownership of a tree centre surrounded by large houses three or belongs to the persoll from whose land it de­ four storeys in height, a "village" shrinc, rives its sustenance". 'i lookout house in which people can sit and talk This statemellt is a grave oversimp:ification as and a number of public trees, where one Gill sit. far as walnut trees are concerned, 'rhe roots of Every owner of a house si te has the righ t to lise waleI' hom anv one of five springs provided the tree often spread over two or three fields but they keep certain general rules. These rules the person in whose land the tree itself stands have no rights either to demand compensation or are that catlle ell I olllY water themselves at the lower spring 3l1d the h'igher sprillgs can be only to claim partial ownership, The trees are invari­ abh divided up among several owners, one of '"ed for drinking water. All washing has to be in the lower springs so as not to dirty the whom is usually the person on whose land it is. source of supply. The trees often spread away ten or fifteen feet frolll the trunks and under the Lree nothing will Surrounding the \'illage is the agricultural grow because of the shade and because of the Ialld on which the cliitivator Gin grow anything destruClioll caused by the falling llutS. If a he wishes subject to three restrictions. (a) In plough and pair of bullocks can be 'driven under order that animals Illay not destroy the standing the tree without touching the branches, then the crops, while the upper section of the village lies owner of the I:llld cannot touch it but it a fallow. the 100re'J" half grows crops and vier: versa: branch is below th is le\'el it may be. cut off. If alld allimal, mllst be kept to the fallo\\' or the rallill~ nuh destroy crops Llnd(~r the tree then a !read v han ested secLions. It is lIot nccessarv the owner of the bnd lIlust be given compensa­ for th~ animals ollIY to relllaill in that part tioll cq lIal to t he value of t he crops destroyed. of the section 0\\ lied by their O\l'ners. (b) Since lIut he gets no compen~ation for land which I he fields :Ire steeplv terraced, even field could h;l\e groll"n anything but [or the tree's 011 ncr Oil I he upper side of a field has al wa', s oyershadowillg. A walnut tree is classified sepa­ the respollsibility of replacing stones which fall rateh into O\\'lIers, and any attempt by an owner on to the lower field and to compensate for allY of land from which it derives sustenance, to cut damage dOlle ill C

1. AmaNnthu8 sp. 2. /<'(f.(/r>p'lr'Um psculenfllln mocneh. ". l'hasl'olus f11lreUS Roxb, '. Possi hI.v dolichos b~fiorU8 L. 5. Paniclim miliaceum L (millet) •. ,<:etaria italira bean (Italian millet) 1. (.'hrnoJ!()dimll SP, I am indnbt.c(110 t,ile Kcw Gltrdcns for t,hcsE' i,i<'ntifications. 8. The follo\\'!ng go()(is nre associated with di fl'crent grain". J)cvi, chan1(!; channd, maize; Kailang, wheat: Kotcru, pulses; nags, bartoy, M/P(N)5SCO(HP)-3 26 LAND, CROPS AND SEASONAL ~IO\,E~IE;-';TS

used when fasting instead of ordinary food. carried out by the women twice a year from the In addition, potatoes, cucumbers, tomatoes, cow bues on to the fields before ploughing com­ pumpkins, red peppers, green chilis and certai 11 mences and at the end of SUlllmer. A great deal western frllit such as apples are grmn1. Not all of the value of this sort of manure is lost how­ these vegetables will keep. In addition food is ever as the manure for the SUlllmer crops is laid oftell SL.lpplemel~ted by wild food. Honey is often in the grollnd just before the snow falls, and the [0l!nd Ul the Jungle and a variety of non­ lllallUrC for the autumn crops is laid on the ()OlSOI](~US toadstools c~lled chamjJa/wnull, which groulld \"ithout the addition of any dried vege­ tastes lIke meat and IS very pleasant. Walnut table lllatter so that it cannot form a compost. trees are valuable items of property. There is. a roll~h understanding of the placc T he seasonal crop cycle IS as follows. The of lllanure III causll1g crops to grow. Cow dung is months are given the local names.

Emopean month Sanskrit month Gaddi Month

April Chaitrft l;,th Chet :WO!l commpneClUcnt of the Ncw ypar. Ploughing starts afln the first really hot day. Vaishakh Haisakh l\L1king up of work tcams (!.:i("pr) to repair I'('(aining walls hrokpll down by snow during the winler. l;,th Baisakh Sowing of millet (qudm), "ajar I,/wng, Ploughing IllW;t have finished by this date. June Jyeshtft Jeth Sowing of maize (makk'i) and tohacco. Flocks arrive from helow and after a forlnight proceed on to Lahul. .Tuly Asha,lrt Reaping or wheat (knnnllrk) planted lll'pvious }par. August SrrLvan cawan ]\fanming an,l ploughing of w]u'at, fiel,k Planling of dal (Iwan s(apl('). Tlm'shing awl storing grain. Septemher Bha'lmpada Hhado'l Heaping of mandai (uspd for making lwer)"" aJul lllai,,·. Hellll'n of flocks ft'om Ihe- upper valleys at },ahul. Octoher Aswija Asuj :Manuring and ploughing Ihose iiel,ls ,,,hich formerly grpw m!mdal awll1wizp. Novemher Kiirtik Kartik Heaping of mao flllilln, "hates. r/",ina mlln!]i a 11<1 quilli (in ,j,ort all auxiliary (,rops). Planting ()[previous maiz,' fields wilh \I hpat I kpal'tnl'e of slwep and goats for gra" high "I' on the mountains amI thpnce 10 Ihe Kangm plains. Decemher Miirgashim J\Iaglut~ :-ipason of wedding." fe:-;lin11,;, aIHI so on. Litt.l!' \l"ol'k and ph'nty of fun. All ,lppChaitra Chet Snow tinisltes. ]>popl(' return. Tho,,,, who still hay!' food nRC it to gpt, eOll11HlInal 1,ru·;ks }H'I'f'onnp(l Hu['h ;1::-; getting IH'W (TOSS­ beanl'; for h()w·.;es, repairing \\T,ltcr lilills and so on. The \\"Olncn start to bring out manure for the fie I,ls. *This is fermenled with a root nailed bujltln. The Kew Gardom; identify this as gerhrro 1(,nllfjino8a lkllth.

Rain/flll rcgisterl'll at Bmhmallr for the !f'(!)" 1.~,j!)­ l\Ionth Rainfall Snollfa II

January R1·:! mm. 4' 4" , -II Februa~v lIb' n mill. 1 oJ March' 132·0 mm. April 41)·2 mm. May 82·0 mm. Juile 70·n IlllU. July 20U·2 mm. August 117·6 nUll. NeptemhC'r 113,;' mill. October 7!l'2 mill. ~ovemher 7S'3 mill. Dec('mher * o·n"

rrota 1 11 ~7 . 7 J1l.nl. (i' :r' 'rllis rainfall is very much less titan on I.he opposite ,j,le of tlw Dhaula Dhqr in the Kangm Valley, *The rain gauge Was overturned but usually little rain at this time. LANO, CROPS Al';D SEASONAL MOVEMENTS 27

The 15th Chet. 2009 started on the 27th festivals which are 'national' festivals, in the March, 1952. Each month has between 29 and sense that they are celebrated by p,ilgrims from ~2 days. The calendar is based on a combination all over India, who visit Brahmaur at this time. of the sun and moon's rotations. Since it has 12 They are the festival of Mani Mahesh on the months in a year the above table is practically II th Bhadon (26th August in 1952), and a equivalent to the western calendar. festival at Brahmani on the 28th Saw an (12th It will be observed from the above table that August in 19:12). These two festtv:lls are pilgri· there are two planting and rC:lping seasons mages to the two spots mentioned and they occur within the nine months of the agricultural yeal. when the year's work in the fields has been COlll­ Nevertheless out of one piece of soil, only one pleted for the most part. A village festival is major crop is obtained each year. In one piece one where the villagers or the majority of vil­ of soil, wheat is sown in the autumn just before lagers are each expected to contribute food to the snow. This gTOWS in the spring and is reaped be eaten communally before the local shrine. In in J ul y. Subsidiary bean crops are then planted addition, there are a number of "private" festi­ which are reaped just before the snow falls. The vals where some member of the village, finds land 1ies fallow ,meIer the SIlOW in the second he has more food than he expected or to com­ year and is planted with maize and mandal in memorate some special event, decides to invite the spring. This is harvested in the early autumn the villagers to an all-night vigil to ShiYa to be immediately sown again with wheat. In (nanuala). This vigil must however be perform­ ed at an :luspicious time, just as the rites asso­ order to facilitate this rotation of crops, along a line approximately running through the ci~ted wit~ marriage and with the sending away of the bnde (sudelwJ), Blust be usually under­ middle of the village, the villagers all agree to taken during the auspicious half of the months plant only one sort of crop above the line and of Kartik and Maghar after the harvest. another crop below. Thus when the upper slopes are thick with new wheat, the lower slopes are It can be seen that the allnual Gaddi cycle of bare, so that cows, goats and sheep can wander festivals is Illore or less evenly spaced over the at will among the dry stalks without trampling s~mmer and completely mspended during the down someone's field. In the autulJln the Wll1tcr, .when the people lIlay be dispersed in arrangement is reversed. This is a village custom lllany dIfferent places. The double sowing and based on convenience. There are usually three the double harvesting and various festivals are ploughings for each preparation of the land. The evenly sp:lced throughout the summer until, in first is called oghar after which manure is ap­ November and December with work completed, plied. The second ploughing is called jet after the ,,:alley gives. i~self up to a month's feasting, which the seed is SOWll. The third ploughing is marnages and VisItS. When field work is at .a low termed berak after which the ground is levelled ebb, the Gaddis spin wool and weave and make off. This levelling off is called soilage or dah. their own clothes. This spreading of work over Times and seasoll5 vary with the l~eight and t~e. whole year ?oes away with the necessity of conditions of the village. hIrIng peak penod labour that prevails on the There are five different types of festival. Punjab plains. The only time that outside sea­ (I) "National" festinls in which non-Gaddis sonal labour is required is when families have from the plains come on pilgrimage and in I_Jo man old en.ough to ~ake the responsibility which Gaddis may join. These are Manimahesh for the pioughlllg. Even 111 mch families it is and Brahmani. (2) Feasts held by Gaddis through­ often possible to obtain an in-law to do th; work out Gaddiland simultaneously in their villages. without payment. These are B:lsuah, Sero and Holi. (3) Festivals ~ollle of the agricultural implements found in held by. one particular village on the feast day t,llls ar~a are called sandal', h~/a!ra, jUllf5ra, phal, of t~c vlllage ~od, _or as thank offerings which a /,hll:/n, suhagar, kuhan, hzlm, has!lI, lwdal, particular famIly gIves to the whole village, or to lialllo, ('haj, iJ1lOra, damtl, and janna! Both sexes celebrate the conclusion of a village communal can. use all these implements except the plough task. (4) In the exceptional vilhge consisting of which can only be used by a male, the reason more than one caste, a feast by that caste to a apparently being that an impure woman might caste god. (5) Family festivals. The two latter offend the earth by cutting it up. will be dealt with later. Bu~ as November and December approach, II_! Goshen. village, there are four main village the Villagers of the .Brahmaur district prepare festivals dUrIng the ycar. They are Basuah on to leave for the plalT~s. Before departing they the 1st Baisakh (13th April in 1952), Sera on make. arrange. ment.s WIth one of their neighbours the I1st IASllj (16th Septemher in 1952), Pattru or Wit h a f nen d 111 a neighbouring village to on tIe st Rhadon (16th August in 1952) and look after their. cows and bulls at 2 rupees a ~he leJ~(21)ofIH()1~ O~l ,the 30th Phagan (l~th March month per animal (1952). In Goshen every 111 .J. n auditIOn there are two Important famil" working land has bulls and Th IF d .. ~- -.-- ; cows. e . or eSCrJptlOlls of the Implements please see Census Commissioner's Rc port on B ra hmaur op. Cit. . 28 LAND, CROPS AND SEASONAL MOVEMENTS

bulls are small, black and hardy and are mainly autumn approaches the shepherds travel slowly from Kangra. A bull was estimated by the owners down the valley below Kugti to Brahmaur whcre to be worth about 50 rupees cash in 1952. Cows they remain two to three weeks. During this are worth less than half this sum. Each bull and period, they allow their flocks to rest on those cow is believed to have its own familiar spirit lands whose owners pay a fee for the sheep (Jahh), and when an animal is bought or sold, manure, and join in the various festivities of this \he name of its familiar spirit is also transferred. season of the year. As autumn continues, they A calf acquires its mother's spirit. On the suc­ travel up the Ravi over nearly all the passes bet­ cessful birth of a calf or at the sickness of thc ween Holi and Baijnath. They remain on the bull or cow, gifts of clarified butter (ghi) arc' tops until snow drives them down to the Kangra offcred to thc spirit. 1 In addition to the name plains, where they arrive as late as possible. of the spirit, cach cow has also its own personal There they pasture their flocks on the fields be­ namc. A cow's purchase moncy implies the ap­ fore the autumn (hharif) crops are planted, and proval of its spirit to the sale. Some families also receive payment from the landowners for so own one or two sheep which remain in the house doing. They remain in the valley all the winter, all the year. Sheep have no guardian spirits. until, as the spring approaches, they return to After seeing that their animals will be well Brahmaur either through Dalhousie and looked after during the winter, the Gaddis shut Chamba along the main road, or over the first up their houses to prevent a wild animal break­ snow-free pass. In the middle spring, they ing in, and as the first snowfall strikes their again stay for two or three weeks at Brahmaur homes, make haste to descend thc track to and on the hills on each side, before passing up Charnba or cross over the Dhaula Dhar to the valley to Kugti and Lahul. The shepherds Palampur, Dharamsala or the Kangra valley. are not nomads in the sense that they do not . They leave in family parties and at different know where they are going. They have a definite speeds. Where they are bound for, and how fast cycle of movement and in different places build they travel, depends on their aim and how fit up relationships with the local inhabitants, espe­ they are. cially those who, not keeping animals themselves, require the sheep and goat droppings. Of the 22 elementary families at Goshen 1Il 19;)2, six remained behind. Of the sixteen who Caring for the sheep and goats is an isolated went away, 2 had land at Dharamsala, where they and lonely occupation, and, during the spring and autumn, often dangerous with bears about. could work for winter crops, the three III usician families begged, one family found employment On these trips the wife usually accompanies her on the new Jullundur railway laying sleepers, husband for whom she prepares and cooks the one who owned a packhorse went to work at meals and looks after the children. The husband Kangra and stayed with relatives. Another family collects the firewood and looks after the sheep. Cllt wood at Pathankot, four other families either There are usually recognised shelters under an were looking after sheep or accompanied people overhanging rock. which have become well­ who ,rere looking after sheep. Thus during the known in the course of time, and, along well­ winter the village community dissolves. The known routes, there may be as many as twenty proportion of families leaving Goshen in 19GI to thirty families camped under the one rock appeared to be about the same although in cer­ each with a separate cooking fire. Children too tain villages obtaining government work, the small to walk are carried on their father's back. proportion staying was higher. A family with enough sheep is self-sufficient, not requiring rights in land for subsistence. The Although the term Gaddi is etymologically sheep and goats are shorn in June and October. collllected with the word for "high pastures" and The largest clip is in October.2 In February, the ill comlllon usage refers to shepherds, by no clip is sold to Kangra tr:tders and the money lIleans all Gaddis have any association with the lIsed to buy food (0 support the family during care alld pasturmg of sheep. But amollg those the winter. In J llne and October the wool is Gaddis who own flocks, there is a definite cycle exchanged with other Gaddis in Brahmaur for of activity which repeats itself every year. food, and to provide the wool staple to be made During the summer, the sheep and goats are into cloth by members of the family remaining pastured on the mountains on the south and west at home. Yet, to a Gaddi, this self-sufficiency of the Chandra Bhaga river (Sutlej) in Lahul or hardly makes up for the dis,:tdvantage of the in the pastures on the Bara 'Bangahal. As wandering roving life away from the centres of

1 'l'he gift to ajakh is termed ahri and is one ser (about 2Ibs.) in weight after the first birth, ~. ser for the second birth and the third birth and 1 scr suhsequently. This applies whatever the sex of the calf. III Kugti arc also found .'Jun!" a eros,; bree

I 'l'his outline of the former rights in pasturage for gheep and goats varies considerably in different parts of the state. For example in Kugti although the rajah owned the right to collect fees from the shepherds for pasture, he apparently had not the right to allow shephprds other than local shepherds to graze there. Dhars were held direct from the rajah but "the inhabitants ofKugti which is surrounded by large tracts of waste, boast that they have always held from the Rajah the lease of all th" Kugti dhars, with power to aam;l wit a t, shepherds they please, and they do not admit that the Rajah could now lawfully alter this arrangement. They cbim in f;l(·t :t kind of corporate property in the dhar limited however to sheep grazing; the right of netting or snaring musk deer in tlw "une trad i, lpa,cc1 by tho Rajah (lirect to Bangahal men or other outsiders" (p.142, Punjab District Gazetteers Vol. X, A Knn7rr1 Di8/ri('/. Part ,\ UJO.J, nivil and Military Gazette, Lahore, 1906). ' 30 LAND) CROPS AND SEASONAL MOVEMENTS

Grazing statement of sheep and goats in the Brahmaur tahsil ot Himachal Pradesh who have paid the recognised grazing fees. By courtesy of Hem Raj) Brahmaur Forest Officer.

Year Bheep Goats Remarks by the author

19;;2-3 42,176 31,6_95

1953-1 40,515 28,301

1954-;; 41,220 30,831

1955-6 41,117 32,458

1956-7 40,600 30,896

1937-8 38,346 28,921

19';8-9 35,733- 25,098

1959-60 30,828 24,864 This is the year afLer the sheep were struck by disease.

1960-1 30,715 24,629

1961-2 30,515 24,406

Please notice the approximately constant proportion of sheep and goats during the whole of this period. .4. posed group of Gaddi Goshen villagers in 1952 with some of thelT material implements. In the foreground a spinning wheel. Behind it is an instrument for making rope dhora. On the extreme left is a grindstone for making oil and behind again is a poundin!! rod for beating grain. In the bachground is Dr. Chowhan. then local medical officer. "

31 CHAPTER 4 CO-OPERATION BETWEEN SEXES, VILLAGERS, CASTES AND VILLAGES. Occupational tasks of each sex in 1952 in the (!illage oj Goshen, Brahrnaur tahsil.

Male Female

(1) Field work Beat!ng ROi.1 afte~ plough with a T shap~d implement, manuring, ::lowing seerI. ploughing, preparing soil, digging, building reapmg, wmnowmg (chanrlr). retaining walls, reaping. (2) Clothes .. Teasi~g and spinning the wool into thread, embroidery, repairing Twisting the three threads together on a spmner*, weavmg, clothIng (but not making which is a tailor's job), dyeing. m[Lking dhoras (rope). (3) 1<'ood Carrying tho tlonr to the mill, cutting-and storing the firewood Pounding dhal (beans) and other foods, making oil (from collection of wild fruit and walnut,s, etc. Making sur oilseeds)', stirring [Lnd m[Lking ghi (clarified butter), preparing (beer) except mixing ingredients together. all the food which has to be cooked at the chmla (house stove) washing clothes'. Mixing ingredients for sur. ' (4) Children Imtruction of boys in male tasks after they can walk. Everything else. 'ii) Auxiliary taskB "Nhintenn,nce ()f the house structure'. Keeping the house olean and periudical plastering with cow dung. Pcrfnrnnnce of communal work outside such as building Cattle grazing (with the [Lssistance of children), sweeping wiLter channels for mills, c[Lrrying of the main beam for a the courtyard, Ill'W house', construction of such things as a wooden yoke Cutting gl'iLSS for the winter. for ()xen, storing grass for the winter and feeding the cattle. All auxiliary trades held by men such as carrier, tailor, car­ penter or wood workers usually but not always of Gaddi easte.

These tasks are not fixed definitely within the family but in a normal family of mother, father, son and d[Lughter they will be divided in this fashion. The only exception is that no women will ever plough. In the chart above can be seen the division of of the other party. This emphasis on the sexual labour between the sexes for most of the normal division ?f labour is an important question in duties undertaken in the village of Goshen, such an Issue as education. Education is mainly There are three main points to notice about seen as a means of upward social mobility for this chart. men. Women become mobile not by moving up (a) The division of labour between men and themselves but by marrying someone who is women is just about the same but there are .cer­ likely to be socially mobile. Thus it would be tain seasons of the year when men have hale :tgainst common sense from the Gaddi viewpoint work to do while women's work is more even for a woman to become educated because it will throughout the year. But in the men's li~ht not affect her position in the society. Thus only working season, many of them take up weavmg boys should he educated and one can almost add clothes and blankets, th.e ~or~ sC.hoo1 to, the male occupational tasks. (b) There is practically no task other th~n DlscnmmatLOn agamst women being educated is minding small children which does not reqUIre not on the grounds of the intelligence or ability co-operation of both sexes. of the female sex. In fact for the most part Gaddis have a higher opinion of women than (c) The tasks marked with an * arc duties carried out by caste specialists on the plains. men. It is jl:st that it. is a waste of money since Because there are very few caste specialists on only the SOCIally mobIle member of the family account of the poverty of the people, duties have will ever require education. I am aware that there to be undertaken by ordinary Gaddis as part of is one Gaddi ~emale . graduate. of Chamba High Scho?l but thiS partICular glrl comes from a their normal dULies, I have even seen CI group of Gaddis burying a dead animal in a field with· reJa.tl.vely we.althy family and has gained her out any caste contamination. Only the duties pOSItIOI~ agall1st a great deal of opposition. of a lohar are usually undertaken by a low caste Most girls never reach this stage. Politics in the person. sense ~)f votin.g was also regarded as essentially a man s duty In the first general elections where The family is an economic as well as a sexual I think only about 30 women voted out of a unit and in choosing a wife or husband, the total poll of about 500. But at the present time first qualification is the economic ability of the an increasing number of women actually vote spouse rather than the beauty or intelligence although no woman as far as I am aware has yet 32 CO-OPERATION BETWEEN SEXES, VILLAGERS, CASTES ANIl VILLAGES 33

Ha/j-cOIllj;/r/l'r/ Cae/eli hOllsc been directly elected to :llly local t)(lllchaya/ gain the sU]JpOl't of his LIlllih in the project. from the whole of the voting block. Usuall, this is dOlle either became the old hOllse is falliilg dO\\'n; or iJecause there arc a 1I11lllber The Gaddis own :lgricultural equipment, of brothers ill t he house. \Vhen all are water mills and houses. Among the illustrations Illarried. t here is i I1S IIfficiellt roo III for t hem to there is a cross-section of a small half-completed h~(\'e a I[(lor each: or a lIIall wishes to marr\, Gaddi house. Built 011 the side of the steep hill­ wille p:lrtiCl!l:ll girl ami Ihe fJc.,t ",a'I' side, hOllses have rarely fewer than three stories. of COJ]\ ill( illg her Pdl'Cllts 11i;1l the lllarriage With solid walls three to four feet thick, stuffed \I'olild be a success is to produce visihle evidence with stolles, carried from the fields, :\l1d support­ of a good property. ;\fter the decision to build ed by planks laid across each other. they ['eq uire a house has beei] made, the capital has to be a great amount of skIll to complete successfully. raised, which is uSllall~' done 1)\ trying to get the On the side of the diagram there are a number support of as man, gronps as possible. The of technical terms dealing with different parts of mother's iJrother is ,he lirst pel'son to wholll one the hou5e. These terms are by no means goes, hut hrothers,in,law arc also illlportant' exhaustive and the various parts of the hOllse pcople to approach. There arc no professional are put together on recognised principles. To money-lemlers in the district in the ~cllse or ':1 build a three-storey house of rough stones and perlll;in(,lIt O(TII p~1 t iOIl. largelY, I expect, bcra IISC planks so solid that it can withsta!lcl ,more tl~all lalld cannot he used as security, and houses, the two gcncrations of the snow and WIDe! s }wfl.ctl.llg ]a rgest form of i II vest lIIen t. Glllllot be lIlo,'Cd. is no easy task, and is a matter for the speCIalist. Caddis have little je\\'cllen' or all\ I'allle. and In fact, in Gaddiland we find the carpenters sheep, although lI1ovable, arc lIot owncd by mainly occupied in building houses. C\'CrlOIlC. (Ill "Ill' case sheep call lIIeet with a The prospective owner of

Statement of trees sold to right-holders (that IS citizens of Chamba State), Brahmallr Range.

Concessional Year No. of tree. amount received Remarks by author in rupees

19;'2-3 678 807·50 1\);;;)-+ 5!l8 701'15 1!J54-:) 162 172·37 This is the year after settlement when private ownership of land was introduced so that owners could sell trees on their land without the rajah's permission. The forest officer refused to release many government trees for sale on the ground that the Gaddis were a wasteful lot selling good trees under the prices they should have received and would then buy government trees cheaply. 1955·6 433 439·00 1956-7 349 358·12 U)57-8 321 336·00 19r;S·9 4ll 406·(;0 (Unofficial table provided by Hem Raj, Forest Officer). l!):i9·60 409 357·44 Ul60-1 514 531·84 Hlfil-2 4tH 505·39

There arc thus kwcrs for men, kwers for sense of public feeling, the organisation of a women and liwers for children. They are not kwer has always been possible. KIllers do however reciprocal in the sense that one keeps a careful only take place at a certain period of the year record of whose kwer one attends, for the whole for the most part, either in September just be­ village is expected to have one representative fore new crops are harvested when the food from each chula and they may be used for pri­ left over from the previous year is consumed, or vate or public purposes. In the case of public else at the return of the people from the plains "wen the whole village provides the food for the after the snows when retaining walls must be participants or some important person himself strengthened. provides the food as a public service. A kwer If One were to ask the Goshen villagers as to was at one time the normal method bv which the why they carried out their obligations in kwers stone walls on public paths were maintained. often at great personal inconvenience to them­ Under the Block Development Scheme a certain selves they would answer that each of the families amount of money may be provided for repairing in the village had birton ties with each other. stone walls on public paths. But this is an in­ In an earlier article I defined birton as a "system novation for as long as the village retains any of traditionally sanctioned mutual obligation 36 CO-OPERATION BETWEEN SEXES, VILLAGERS, CASTES AND VILLAGES and duties between individuals usually belong­ tively well off and does not depend on these ing to different castes".' After further investi­ gifts .for his subsistence aud is quite prepared to gation I wish to modify my definition to include modIfy them by mutual agreement with his all forms of mutual obligation between indivi­ clients if they wish. He regards them as a birton duals or families other than obligations con­ which makes him a sort of member of other cerned with kinship relations. These birton obli­ families in the village. The Sipi is a highly res­ gations can however be sub-classified into pected member of the Goshen community, If he different types and the following are the most were not a good carpenter and was not respected I am not sure whether this relationship would im portant. be ~ept up, Most Gaddis are quite capable of (a) Bersorrl is the relationshi p between a maktng wooden ploughs themselves if they so falllily and its Brahmin /Jaroftit (priest). At the WIshed. 1 main sai /iranl s (festivals) parohits may receive up to 10 sen of the :> grains. Each seer consists of (c) In Goshen there is also one group of Riara (j chhalahs, not the usual 16. In exchange the tal~lllies. One mel1l?er of the family is a silver­ /Jarohil is expected to carry out all rituals to do smIth, another pall' play musical instruments with riles de passage for all members of the and sing special religious songs not known to the dient's family at only the nominal pay laid Gaddis in the village. They own no land and down by the nature of the ceremony. However depend all their profession for living expenses. he may also be asked to carry out extra duties ~hey themselves declare they have been in the slIch as casting horoscopes or performing extra vlllage fo~ ~nany generations while according to services such as the ceremony to Sat Narayan for oJle Gaddl mformallt they were invited to settle extra payment, Description of his special pay­ in the village by the great grandfather of one of lIlents will be seen in the section on riles de the pres~nt villagers. They definitely have jllLlsage. (:'lome Gaddis do not wish to use the blrlon WIth the other villagers in Goshen. term liers(mi for this relationship but the Urdu At the fou~ main festivals they can playa few term (I(IZlIrana). This is a true birlon relation­ notes Ol~tsldes ,the houses of the viH::lgers ship as it implies duties and obligations on both and receIve gram and pulse, While the vil­ the patron's and client's part and the agreement lage is occupied during the summer and GlIlllot be dissolved by either party irrespective autullln they frequently receive gifts of various of the performance or non-performance of the S~Jfts from th~ villagers to keep them from starva­ obligations and duties. This relationship must t~on. S.ome VIllagers declare that the village rela­ he distinguished from the gifts given to tIonshIp to them should be defined as hutei, a Brahmins and to one's bltallcrja (sister's child) wrt of begging .. In my opini_on th!s is dearly in­ "'hieh is :1 religious obligation termed dhan and correct as by vutlle of theIr reSIdence in the does not im pI y an y birlon relationship.2 Bra~n)aur tahsil, and because of their ability at plap.ng they ~ake turns at playing at the main (b) Kaman bi rton is a general term for all Mal1lm~hesh Jatra. They thereby acquire a right forms of birlor! between different castes. In t<:> receIve money from the bystanders. The Goshen there is one Sipi family, whu has ade­ naras the~selves declare their relationship to the q uate land and who is deeply respected by the Goshen VIllagers as one of bateshri or hulana other villagers, It is possible that his ancestor

rately wealthy group and all. ordinary ,speci.alised It is clear tha t a statement such as the above technical group. Although lI1term,arnage IS nor is an oversimplification and that there are ~ll1d forbidden, it c10es not occur. 1 here are only have been relationships between people of dltle­ four Sipi lohar groups in thc whole of the Bralt­ rent castes in the village ·which have continued maur. tahsil, Brahmaur, Gaggal, Garob and for a cOlISiderable time. The relatiollships bet· Kugti. Thc lohars at Brahmaur alJ(~ Garc~la come ween parohil and Lohar and t~eir cli~nts are pro­ fro III the same go/ra. The l~har I tlltervlewed at bably found among- all the vlllap;es 1l.1 the Brall· Kllgti came from the Pulam golra. nUllr valley. l'crha ps the rcla tHJIlshl p be t,,'ecn According to the Brahmauri fohar he received the Gaddis' and the Sipi and Riara families are one sup of maize or wheat per plough but thcre not found ill every village but it is clear that was no hard and fast rule. He charged one these relationships are all oj the saIll~ iundame!l­ IUpee for making an ,~xe. (I %2). He W~IS able tal sort and to register some WIthout regIS­ birton to make a tJlial, hudall, SIckle, drat, klllfe and tering the others was an oversight on the part big and slIlall grassclltte~s and wOl~ld make these of the settlement officer. if their client first obtatlled raw IrOIl from one There are also a number of other iJirlon rela· of the merchants in the maici(fll at Charnba. His tionships of this sort fOllnd in the. Br<~hJlla~l,r family gods wcre Kail and Kaling and he worl~­ valley. Two wh ich caItle to IllV attelltlOn III I !b2 ccl onh during the summer season from Apnl were; the custom by which ~ertain families at to l\T o\:ember. On the start of the new furnace weddings used leaf plates provided free hy cer­ each year he presented the furnace god with tain families in the lowcaste village of Guggll sOllie luchi alld gharu. The technical terms used when they often received a certa.in pro.portion in his trade were as follows:- of the h':lfvest; and another fanllly whIch was Hearth nilllll i or t){lham building its house also received fre~ labour for carrying up tiles for (he roof from the Bellows hal Iron tip of bellows nali quarry from another fat~lily ill Guggu ~vit~l Wooden pot Iwllla which it had [nT/ull re);ttIOlls. In the raph s Hammer badon time before the abolition of hep,ari (forced Small hammer {hom la bOllr), Gaddis used often to ask low caste Tongs :sanSl people (0 undertake their beg([ri for th.em and Chisel chini ill exchange would ofler to protect thelll III other A borer which is circumstance, this being a clear {)It/un arrange· struck by a hammer Derdi pulell hallsl ment. These obligations are probably becoming File 1:(/lIa.11 weaker as tillle goes 011 but they are as yet by no Ploughshare lw lIaSI mcans extinct. The lohar classifies his hirlull relationship a~ (d) Thc arrangements based on bir/ull des· one of Iw/an(( as docs the lohar family at Kugti. cribed abovc are dosely connected with constant At Kugti according to one Haru Ram, the face to face relatiollShips. In a \'cry extended blacksmith's family is paid one maund fmlilia sense, the tJarohil and the riams and the Sij'" of the following grains, lwhri, rnuhhi, IWlllluch, ploughmaker are members of the client's family jlm'ar, chellian, sl'ul, brash, ph ullan per house­ and would resent a rite de tJassage to which they hold with lalld. In exchange, he makes 2 phal­ were not invited Hut the [ohar in Brahmaur lies, H Iwda!is, 10 sickles, 2 axes, 1 large sickle, who uIHlertakes tlte making of plough tips and a metal holder and tongs for the hookah certain iron instrulIlents for the Goshen villagen (uehar) and the metal drivil1g shaft. for ~he has no personal relationships ",:i(h his clien(s waterrnill. The patron prOVIdes the Iron hlIn­ and, according to his own statement, rarely self and the client is always invited to all wedd­ attends rites de passage in families which he does ings, ctc. The area of his .birlon relationships not know personally. was liJIlited to Kugti and dId not extend as far All Goshen farmers deal with him at BraIl· down the vallev as Harser. Assuming that the maur where he lives on the outskirts of the vil­ information de~ived from these two fohar is lage. The luhar belongs to the Sipi caste. There correct, it is clear that the Kugti lollar is in a is no special lohar caste in Brahmallr. His llluch more firmly established position than in parohit is Lala from Goteru village. This BrahmauL At the village festival held to parohil is the same parohit as deals with the Sipl Bananewalah, the lohar by right received a group in Sechuin village. The Brahmaur lohar portion of the contributions it;I Kugti. My own claims to come from the Japatra golm and the casual impression of the relatIve wealth of the wife of the present lahar comes from the Sechuin two families was that the Kugti [o/tar was com­ village. Othet' affines arc from Grim, Kngti, and paratively well ofr. and a verJ: integrated rnem: Chhatrari. He has Hever married into the Sipi her of lhe Kugtl COlllll1Ul1lty whereas the family at Go.~hcn. It is clear that within the Sipis Braluuaur {olLar only just made ends meet. there are two groups, an upwardly mobile mode During the winter the Brahmaur lohar spent 38 CO-OI'ERATlON BETWEEN SEXES, VILLAGERS, CASTES AND VILLAGES

the winter at Basohli with a Tarkur family in the efficacy of the god concerned, will make just supporting himself, but the Kugti lohar a pilgrimage. These other shrines are, in most did not leave the mountains and produced cases, merely village caste shrines which have enough food to feed himself all through the ~ecom.e important through repeatedly perform- winter. The Sip is in Kugt.i (12 elementary mg mIracles. Only in Brahmaur are there large households) also collectively paid Rs. 25 land lax permanent temples with a full time staH of whereas the principal lohar family in Brahmaur sadhus to attend to visitors. paid only 8 annas. In addition, certain villages have common Thus from the point of view of the Goshen arrangements for certain festivals, Oue oTOUP villagers, birton relationships between castes of such villages is Palni, Pulni, Dhorenk~ ,md existed between some of themselves a'rid a Grer. Another natural grouping of snch vil- parohit, with some ploughmaking Sipis, with lages is Goshen, Gaddi Brahmaur, Mulk:)ta and some riaras, with some distant castes in Guggu Sechuin. All these villages are of Gaddi caste . . and with the blacksmith in Brahmaur. It is At Holi, for example, the Goshen villagers dear however that as far as the Goshen viHagers climb up the hillside to Mulkota through are concerned the relationship could be better Brahmaur. There they are sprinkled with led enforced by the artisans if they should happen water and eat gifts of walnuts and dried rire to live in or near the village of Goshen and powder and drink sur (beer). From MlIlkota there is a tendency that the more remote or they descend to Sechuin where they drink the more infrequently such ties were exercised more beer and return to Brahmaur. But the the weaker they tend to become neighbouring villages of Goa, Rajaur and (e) In addition there is one obligation which Palda do not take part nor do they have any may be called a birton between two families such common arrangement among themselvc~. who have intermarried. If one's daughter's son The supplying of food to this joint festival happens to be born in the house of her comes out of a levy 011 all of Gaddis caste in husband's father, then, when the child visits Goshen still residing. I cannot explain why some his mother's parents for the first time, the of. the Gaddi. villages are associated together in father-in-law must call with a special gift thIS way while others are not, nor can any of termed galeren. This gift may be received by the Gaddis. In the case of the Grer, Palni, Pulni the girl's father, mother or brother but no one and Dhorenka circuit there is a tradition th3t else and is a means of repaying an obligation these villages were settled about the same time. creat ed by the loss of the girl to an outside If this be so, the arrangement for common feast- family. It does not apply to girls nor. to second ing IIlay be a reminiscence of the time when the children. I include the report of thIS cllstom valley was under-populated and these vill.ages here as birlon as two families are of course not were the first to be founded. As other vilbges interrelated finally until a male child is born grew up, to include them would make the feasts and the continuity of the family guaranteed. too unwieldly. The close ties between the For certain purposes different villages unite different villages have been naturally streng- together. The great festival for the worship of the ned by the affinal tie when one tends to Shiva at Lake Manimahesh at the foot of Mt. marry one's daughters to those people with Kallas sees Gaddis from all over Gaddiland whom one is most friendly. 40 per cent of all journeying to Brahmaur and Manimahesh. One marriages in Goshen were into or from these of the words for Gaddiland is Shivabhumi, land villages. under the protection of the God, Shiva. The The remaining 60 per cent were prin::.ipally administration of this festival originally rested but not entirl!lv distributed within five miles with the Brahmin pujaris of the Brahmaur, of Goshen its~lf. The head of the family Herser and Kugti shrines with the advice of where I lived in Goshen could clearly rcmem- the Religious Endowments branch of the b~r that. he had links ~hrough kin ()~ a!llnity Chamba temples and certain traditional local WIth reSIdents of the Villages of Grer, Kanantu, representatives such as the chelas at Sechuin. Palui, Mulkota, Paranghal, Sechuin, Brahmallr, In recent times however other groups have Penshei, Dakanauta, Pulni, Sini, Siri, Kholera, tended to try to take responsibility such as Chobia, Lala, and Grim. These were all direct the permanent sadhus of the Brahmaur temple relationships but they could be extended in a and the tahsildar and other government repre- classificatory sense if neces~ary. For the funda- sentatives. However the connections betweEn mental importance of affinal ties .:lI1d ties different Gaddis at this festival is very loose through the mother's brother please refer to and the nature and time of the festival has been my article elsewhere! Since there is a strong fixed by custom. In addition certain other feeling that all those with a real or classificatory less important shrines have their week or status of hhanerja (sister'S son) have rights to days of festival when those Gaddis who believe claim assistance in the homes of their mother's 1. See my article "The submerged descent line among the Gaddi people of North India" P. 13. Journal 0/ tke Royal Anthropoloqi, Gal Institute vol. 92, Part I, 1962. CO-Ol'ERATlON BETWEEN SEXES, VILLAGERS, CASTES AND VILLAGES

brothers, the affinal links form an extremely In this collnection mention must be made ot powerful network between the different villages the gover11ment established gram panchayat within the endogamic restriction of caste. Where svstem. This was established by a Himachal real kinship links arc missing obligations can Pradesh Act in 1953 and started in Brahmaur be established by various forms of brotherhood in I !1:'i4. There arc three levels, gram !wn­ or brother / sisterhood. clUlyat, nai b panchayat and la!wl jJancliayaf. The tahsil jHUlchayat has 14 members and is There seem to be certain restrictions on fOlm­ presided over by the tahsildar. Details of this ing marriage links with certain areas. A propor-­ council will be found elsewhere. The gram tion of marriages around Brahmaur take place pallchayat represents a group of villages. This with Gaddis Oil the Kangra side and a slllall group does not run along the natural boun­ 1lI11nber ,,"ith emigrant Gaddi families in daries of birton relationships but is identical Chamba. No marriages ever take place with with the administrative boundaries of the G:.tddis in the Tundah or Lil Bil; areas. patwari circles, a purely ad~inist~ative unit. Marriages of Kugti families take place any­ In the Brahmaur panchayat It consists of the where in the Brahmaur area as far clown as following delegates. Seri (Brahmin I repre­ Kunni but no marriage below KUllni (except sentative), Dhaknauta (Brahmin 1), Goshen and one Kugti jmjari girl who married a Brahmin Goa (Gaddi I), Hrahmaur (Gaddi and Brahmin in Chamba). There seem to be certain marriage 2) Bari (Brahmin I). Malkauta (Gaddi 2), "areas" which do not have definite territorial Sechuin (Gaddi 1)_ The scheduled castes have houndaries but more or less grade into each their own representatives. Although the Seri other. Neighbouring areas all regard each Brahmins, at their own request I understand, other as being similar in respect to caste were included in the Brahmaur circle, their but yet make distinctions alllong each (;ther clients all come from Grer with whom they have in respect to either wealth or ritual purity. the closest connections. In disputes in Grer the However, where daughters marry, the original Seri Brahmins have played an important part families of the girls have special advantages; in arbitrating between different factions. They bllt owing to the marriage restrictions on conti­ have IJOW been moved from their important Iluing to marrv illto the same family such ties role there but, because of their small size, cannot telld to becollle weaker and weaker through even with the help of Bari village, influence time unless specifically continued by making the Brahmaur proceedings_ On the other hand, cOllnections wi th other families in the same Penshei traditionally associated with the \illage. Brahmaur Gaddis has been transferred to Grer panchavat where they have few connections. At These connections arc reinforced at the time the 1962 panchayat elections they played an of marriage by two ceremonies called saj, ;JIll! active part in thwarting the dominant influence {ambol, when birlort obligations arc rcinf._lfced of Grer villagers in the panchayat elections but bet\\Ten those who attend a wedding ,,'ho arC th is only became possi ble because of the rise of not kin.' Brieflv speaking. each famih owns a strong factionalism within the Grer village. hook in which -are recorded all those friends The unfortunate result of arranging gram paJt­ who arc regarded a, having hiTton with the cliayat boundaries on purely geographical lines family either on the bridegroom's side (tambol) results in excessive factionalism between difter­ or bride's side (saj), and who contribute some ent villages and between groups in villages. These money. Initiallv the amount is small but ,·;hen traditionally were resolved by the mutual obli­ a fanJily lIlem';er attends a llIarriage subse­ gations of lion-kin members. Some of the diffi­ quently at the contributor's house be is expect­ culties of organising the panchayat system in ed to subscribe in his turn 11l'ice the amount he Brahmaur have undoubtedly been caused by gave. The amount continues to double until a regarding the boundaries of the gram panchayat maximum of about J rupee is reached when as a purely administrative question and not a the obligati.on is cancelle~l. o.r the relationship social question. It does not mean that the gram created agam at a small miLl'll payment. The pancltayat system is necessarily a failure; only purpose of this ceremony is not so much to that it is a difficult thing at the best of times to defray the costs of a wedding but to assert create a higher political unit than the village publicly the number of biTtun relationships a without running into some difficulties from neg­ family may have. The greater the amollnt the lecting the local social organisation. One ex­ m~)re important the family. The parohit re­ planation for this arrangement was given to me ceives the money on behalf of the bride and by a government official who argued that the gives a t ilifl (red spot) on the forehead to each panchayats all ought to be the same size. I do dOJ)or at s{/ i, J>Il~ at lalll bol _the ceremony is not know of a single reason why identical size purely seclllar WIth no tJaroJIli. present. should be considered in the chOice of units.

I.For detaib piea."c ~Ce chapter five for the full rites de passage. •

40 CHAPTER 5

RITES DE PASSAGE There are two main groups of rites de pas­ thrown over all the clothes in the house and sage) that to do with passage through the life drunk by all, both young and old who helong cycle from birth to death, and that to do 'with to it. Then they go to the parohit to ,Isk him passage through time only, such as the jatra about the child's future paying him from 2 to Manimahesh. III this chapter I will deal with annas to one rupee. If he says the child was the first of these groups of rites de passage. In not born under a favourable influence they composing this section I have drawn on four resort to such charms as he may direct; hut if sources, (1) An early J\lS by Dr. Chowh:m. the influences are favourable they lie a haoht­ (2) The Chamba gazetteer for 1910. All page dhata (8 metals), a satyara (anklet)) a surajgrah) numbers are from this work unless otherwise a hall[!,an (bracelet) and a grain of ratini (red mentioned. (3) Some notes collected by my grain) round its wrist. For 5 or 7 days no one assistant, Vaddadi Appa Rao of the University eats or drinks in the room in which the child of Delhi. Most of these notes deal with the ritual was born, and the mother remains unclean for of death. (4) My own notes in I~)!'i2 altered that number of days, the ceremony for pnrify­ where necessary by my later sojourn in the ing her being the same as that observed all the valley in 1962. . third day. Generally no horoscope is cast but The principal rites de jJossage are those to do rich people get one prepared by a Brahmin with: and pay him from one to five rupees. Some also give new clothes to Brahmans." (p. 123). (a) Birth (b) Brotherhood rituals "In Brahmaur omens are taken when a child (c) Attainment of adulthood and mani,lge is fed for the first time. He is made to sit on (d) Death and death memorial cerem.)llics. the ground and before him are placed a darat (sickle), hodal (hoe), paper and khir (rice) in a (a) Birlh-My information about birth is in­ vessel. If he touches the khir first he will be ~l(lcqllat(' as I han: never attended a I)irth and a glutton (jJeta rathu), if the paper, a learned I had difficulty extracting information from man; if the darat a shepherd: and if the Iwdal, W(JIlIUl about the ritual. The t}(lrohit is not a cultivator and a successful man. On this present however although he may be asked to occasion k hir is also given to girls (3 to ~) 111 cast a horoscope. According to Dr. Chowhan:- number in Churah) in Brahmaur as well as to "The pregnant woman is asked to support the jmrohit. It is then given to the child in her body weight by placing the palms of her Chuah" (p. 124). hands Oil the ground behind her back, while (I» Brotherhood ritllals~Brotherhood ritu­ hoth legs are stretched out so that the entire als are of two main types; those between pcople weight is on her legs heels alld buttocks. \Vhen of the same sex and those between f)cople of she has given birth to the child, the father of the different sex. Both of these rituals are religious child according to his means distributes money in intention. In the case of those between while his female relatives take some ',veets and persons of the same sex one of the most com­ distribute them amollg the neighbours. The mon is Manimahesh Brotherhood. Two people, father and other famil)' members stop \\'orking usually men, make a pilgrimage of Manimahesh for a day or so ...... For child birth the im- together, enter the water together at the same purity of the mother lasts from five to seven time during an auspicious moment, exchange days "!ld fOl: Illen~trnatioll three days. (At the sweets or some small gifts and dot each other's end of the Impurity) both father and mother forehead with a red tiha) which is a sign of a ta~te ~m~'s urine in which money given to the religious dedication being successfully accom Illldwife IS placed.'" plished. The subsequent obligations may be The woman is not allowed to cook or come either firm or very weak depending on the close to .. the stove during this period of Im­ circumstances but at the very least imply the purity. The gazetteer writes as follows: right to stay in each other's house for a short . "I~ Brahmaur the gunt or gunlrar (gontrala) period. flte IS ohserved on the .fifth (for a girl) or tenth The other type of brotherhood is betwc~n a (by (lor a boy) after birth. All the mother's man and women when the relationship becomes clothes are washed, the house cleaned and a one of brother and sister. The main practical mixture of gaurtlular) milk and Ganges water, obligation of such a ceremony is to create such a

V 1 1 ;, N32, Bish:1mbJ,,:r, I) 18 Ch:, .Vhftll., "CorslU'lnil11Iife among bn.e Gd,li pO:Jple of Bh'1rnpur, Ch'1111b:1 State, HilU'1chal P1'aiesh" o. 3_, o. I., Jan. H).L, JEan ~n Iwba, Rarwhi, Bihar, India. .' L/P(N)5SCOHP-4 41 42 RITES DE PASSAGE

relationship between the man and the new new wife within the family of her husband "nd sisters's child that the child can always the reassertion of birlon ties with the new claim assistance from his mother's brother. The falllilv. I will deal first of all with the tradi­ ceremony consists of an exchange of s\\'eets, the I iOlla! form of marriage before dealillg with llIan is given a silver coin usually a rupee and \'arialll forms or the general backgro~lI1d of a leaf is hung up ill the roof tree to witness sOllle of the rituals. For comparative purposes I the agreement. Then the man and woman dot include a table showing the various stag-es of ~ach other's foreheads '\'ith a liha. the marriage ritual. I have compared the cere­ lIIonies descri bed in L. Middleton "Custollury The first type of ceremony makes the two Law of the Kangra district excluding Kulu", people of the same sex dharm bhai and in the ml. XXVIII Lahore 1919, p. 112 seq. with the second brother and sister. A person way also Gaddi ceremony described by the Rev. W. become a dhanll bhai of a newly lllarried lHan Hutchillson in the Chamba Gazetteer, idem. bv taking the (11I[1,allo. the black thread, alI This a ppcars to be a description of a Gaddi the wrist at an appropriate stage or the !J1arriage (CrelllollY held ill CiJalllba in which IlIany of Ihe cerelllOIlV. Therc is no caste rcstriction on terms ttsed arc Urdu terms rather thall Gaddi making' ;myonc a brother or sistcr (although terms. He omits some of the most important the salllC 1 estrictions on food which oD~r:lte pre­ cerelllonies but expands others. viously c,lltinue to operate). The principal description is a compendium (c) Attainment of adulthood and marril1ge­ of various weddings I attended in i 932 and Marriage is the lIIost important and elaborate 1~)(i2. about twentv in all. Since the same of all the Gaddi rituals. In the course of time, jJaroliils conduct 'the ritual for both ~ipi and differcnt aspects of Caddi life all seem to have Cachli marriages, I have described a certain becollle included in this ceremony inciudillg Sipi marriage held at Sechuin during the 1-;) thc attainment of adulthood (the wearing of Septell1 ber I ~):)2 with additional rites where the the sacred thread), the main Hilldu ritual of ritu;tl appears to difler from ordinary Gaddi marriage and the ceremonies incOrpOLI[ing the weddings.

Comjmr/son of P{mrlS Hindu Rites and Gaddi Rites 111 Marriage

Name or deseri ption of Brahmanri marriage Chal1lha Gazctt.!'cr 1910 Middleton, "Customary general Hindu rite (Rov. W. Hutchinson) l_aw ot the Kangra Distrid." 4 ------(I) Betrothal Arr;Jl1C'elllcnls vcn' infornwl. J{urrnaye Not mentiollcd. XI) eo,n!nf'nsalit~T"

(2) Choosing on ;11181'i(', , >11'; (1;;.\, All "''',l,ling,; hel,l in anspieiolls R'II'(ln mnhllrat Ruvan mahurat. p:1l'1 oj' j he Illonl h chosen II,\' both rmrohils. (3) Ghhei ntte [,,;p(l by l'arohil bul i ( Not tn{'nt ionerl, Cut! ing of a mango tree rneans «ltHing of ordinary to put on the sacrerl diagram. wood fl)r Ihe wedding foaHi.

(i) Informing relatives of tlrr,\' ()j' Very inj',nnal announcement.. Messengers CHrl'Y 2 lbs of f1hi. Nendra. ceremonies. (ii) Writing of ditte shnet Not (lone. Undertaken, Lakhnofri. (6) Srtmhnl Rite includes wearing all,l Ri( l1al wnRhinp; and rite of S"mh~tt. removal ofsaered thread. All aggrcgatiOl~ with own family. barber's functioJls performed by pnnchaink. (7) Exhibition of gifts to bri,l,,­ Omitted. Not. mentioned. Nendaru. groom. (8) Nandi,mn/,!! Perf('rJlle(1 htcr. 'Worship of!) planets and goat 'Worship of dcceaRcd ,mcestors. sacrifice. (9) Shandi Sandi Shandi Shanti. (l0) Exhibilion ofbri,lP-,>!l'OOlll an,l Rite of I,,'<'oming rr yogi per. Rile of becoming n yogi. Parslihi. bride 8cp:tmtely. fOl'med "fLer ril(, (j(l). Trt./awai (oil from bridl'groom poured Oil bride's head). (II) Sonding ofpreocllh 10 bride's Acoompanici4 brid",grl)olll. Accompanies bridgroom. Barasui. houso, (12) Tel. Trl. Tel performed earlier with (9). Not mentioned. RITES DE PASSAGE 43

Name or de«riptio" of Brahmauri marriage Chamba Gazetteer 1910 ~Iiddleton, "Customary ge'lcral Hindu rito (Rev. W. Hukhillso'l) Law of the K,mgra Di"trkt."

1 2 3 4

(13) Separation from hearth Sctme Not mentioned Arti

(U) Fanning of bridegroolU SlLme Same but called Kajalbahana Upyatra

(W) Arrival of bridegroom S'lIue Same Janet

(16) \Vorship of now bridegroom Omitted Included Agaya

(17) House light ill bride'" house A rti corOluony by lIew mother- S'tme [LS column (2) Utak worshipped by bridegroom. in-law

(IS) Giving aW[Ly of girl. Lagan. (plus chiehari rit~)

(10) Worship of Shiv", Omitted Omitted

(20) OirCllln;tlllbuhLion rOUIld Bedi Bedi Round the fire 4 times stopping fire. at 3 placos

(21) WLJf.,hip of ohject.s. \Vorship of kamdeo Not mentioned,'

(22) Htndil\g of iho ,.:; gif;s" Aho pro.iollted No mention Handing of the 5 grains staple foods.

(23) Breaking of rebt ionship Breaking of relationship by Breaking of relationship by No mmltion brenking twigs disarrangement of gntin

(2t) Sopamtion from the gotra Gotra Ch!M' Gotra char Gotra char

(%) Paylll'"lt to b''''her" 8(f,j Sa;" 8 aresht char

(2(j) \V;tlk :trount! "pric!)!. t reo Omitted ~I)t montioned SIt/a.tar

(27) COiubing of ~il'l:-; h tiro P~rft)rm(,11 eMlier Performed e,ulier Sirgundi

(28) Doparture of hride ltlld l)cp"rture of bride and bride­ Departurc of bride and bride­ Bard han depart nrc together bridegroom togol,]wr. groom soparlLtoly groom toget her

(29) Finding of g()(ifnJher :tIvl Omitted ~Iot mcntioned Ulatar bridegroom.

(:10) Eutering house n,t, :\ll;picious Bl'idogro.)tU rcl:urns by different Rl'itiegroom ret.urns by clilforenl. Andran and repeat of satatar moment. route route

(:II) Bridegroom feeds bride Alhlai ceremony Athlai Ghaturthu havan

(3:!) Bride distributes flour as Omitted. Sho receives presents Not mont.ioned Bride distributes flour as presents. from hor now "sister". But presents the bridq.(room distributes pieco3 of his f,cemask (chirri)

(n) No religious ceremony Tambol. Ta1l!bol. Not mentioned

(3 () Final complei ion of cero- Sudenoj. }Jot montioned. Not mentioned monies. RITES DE PASSAGE

The Marriage Ceremony of the other side. But assuming such a suit is successful then the boy's parohit is asked to The upper portion of the page is my own choose a su itable day for the betrothal ceremony. observation of a marriage ritual performed at The bride's father on this occasion, owner of Sechuin village. 4th-5th September 1952 plus only 100 sheep and goats and paying 5 rupees some Rajput (Gaddi) ceremonies observed sub­ of land revenue, distributed 10 rupees in charity, sequently. The lower section is a reprint from while the boy's father put flowers and gra.ss the Chamba Gazetteer Lahore, 1910 from p. 140 on his head Gnd gave one rupee to those about which is a Gaddi ceremony.1 him. Payment is made to those singing girls (1) Betrol.hal (Kurmaye)-This upper section who sing during the ceremony and red dye is is derived from inform~tion rather than direct t;prinkled over them from the boy's side. A observation. It is less elaborate than the dt:!scrip­ girl once betrothed i not supposed to shew her­ tion by Dr. W. Hutchinson below. self to her would-be husband nor to his parents Once a boyar boy's parents decide a certain or brothers. girl is suitable for marriage, a respectable person (3) Chhei (fuel cULLing)-On an auspicious is chosen to go to the girl's house to make a few day determined by the parohit from one day to cautions enquiries. In every village there is 3 weeks preceding the ceremony, the friends of usually some person who has got a better the father of the bride and bridegroom in their name than others for this type of work. He respective villages meet together to cut wood for usually goes by himself armed with a large the marriage feast. Any wood over can be used quantity of cigarettes and in his best clothes. I as the host wills, There i a feast in the evening atfended on one occasion when the girl's parents for those who help. The villagers attend for were not very keen about such a marriage and birton reasons. the girl's father, mother, two uncles and nephew Before the marriage of the girl, all the women all told the middleman just how unsuitable such of the different gotra of the same ca te as the a marriage would be. Th is middleman is a de­ bride in the village give a feast in the evening vice for saving the "face" of both sides and to at which the girl and women weep for an hour each side ~e says only the favourable r·emarks or two. Only women are present.

(1) In betrothal, the boy's parents or gU~lrdians send their parohit to negotiate for a girl about whom they have information, and he brings back the parents' reply. If it is favourable the boy's paren ts send two or more respectable men to the girl's home to complete the bargain. Then, if it is clinched, two of the boy's family go with the parohit to perform the ceremony. If the betrothal is dharma puna this consists in the bride's father giving the parohit a bunch of drub grass with four copper coins, or more if they' please, to be handed over to the boy's father in token that the alliance is accepted. The parohiL hands over the drub and the coins are returned to the parohit with a rupee added by the boy's father. The night is spent .at the bride's house and., after a meal, her father gives the boy's father eight copper coins and these he places inl a vessel as a perquisite to the servant, who cleans it. In a betrothal by exchange (tola) the' first observances are the same, but when all gol finally to complete the alliance, a grindstone'

and sil with 3 or 5 roris of gnr, supariJ bihan and roliyan (red flour for marking the tika on the forehead) are placed before the party and The diagram (haw an) specially drawn Jor rr:e by the tuo parohits but without the matenal objects on them.

1. You will notice that very often the terms used in the gazetteer ceremony differ from those in the BrahlllaUl'i ceremony' In all oases however the author of the gazetteer has used the more literary term rather than the Gaddi coll oquial term. In the ab~ve passage a siZ is a whetstone, a parohit is a priest, (Jur is treacle, 8upari is a betel nut, bihan is coriandar. The drub grass is ea~lly f0w:'d as a. variety of grass and is distinguished hyits round straight stem and leaves sticking firmly out from the main stalk. rt 1S espeo1a.lly efficacious in religiOUS ceremorties. . ]1

Kumbh

j I

-

I - - J

0- w E I I -

I

I -

.. I j c.haHat" 8 ShiUe

(

-()Drub(or wd/er} ~hAAU.!irBI _~

-----

Diagram durmg. Samut45 ceremony. 46 RITES DE PASSAGE

(6) Sannlt ceremony (3 p.m. on day before articles in the hawan and holds his hands with main ceremony)- the fingers crossed pointing downwards. T~e:. position of the hands resemble that called ngzlz A. Bride's ceremony: The parohit arranges the alma on p. 52 "lHudras, ritual handposes of diagram on the {jooi·, Red thread was tied Shiva jJriests of Bali" by Tyra de Kleen, Kegan rOllnd the bride's sisters' wrists and around P:ml 1924. She says, "The Shiva priest (officiant) her younger brothers', Red thread was also tied take a flm\-er and dips it in the rice (represent­ ·:uound the waterpots. I could not see what the ing vital power) and in the sweetscented chen­ parohil was doing. All the women huddled dana power. Then he holds it first over the in­ together under one cloth with the bride weep­ cense and then between his interlaced fingers ing bitterly. While weeping the two girls (sisters) while he pronounces the mantra. Then he have a little lmilla (mixture of turmeric, Hour turns it downwards and throws the consecrated and oil) smeared on their foreheads. They scoop flower into the holy water vessel". The red water out of the pot with th e coin to wash their thread is also tied round the piece of planed hands. The bride leaves. Ashes are placed in a wood (jJattcra). dish before the bride's sisters and overturned. Everything used in the ceremony is then placed A piece of black wool (hangana) is tied around ill a heap on the Hoor and mixed together. the bridegroolll's right hand while red thread is B. Bridegroom's cerelllollY: On the bottom tied around the wrists of all the young girls and boys in the room. All the above are given one floor of the house, which will be the future home of the married couple, the parohit before pi~e each. the diagram (haw an ) chants the various names The bridegroom strips (I noticed he was wear­ of Vishnu, adds 2 aJl!1as to a heap of money on ing a white cord round his shoulders and the floor and worships. The bridegroom takes the thighs. 1) He is then taken outside by his incense into his hands and also worships. The lIluther and other ladies and washed all over. jJaro/iil wraps red thread round the walnut and The black thread is broken. After the bath the sprinkles the rice, a 2 anna piece, a piece of grass bridegroom is escorted back to the same room and some water 011 it. The bridegroom then in wrapped up in a blanket with a headcloth con­ his turn sprinkles rice and a little water on the cealing his face and that of his mother. The then the j)(i/o/tit places sUpllli, bihall and yoli)'a/l tious date is not fixed but a lucky day is desir­ 011 the skirt of his sheet and puts them on the able, and Tuesday, Friday and Saturday are con­ silo Before tappitlg them on the sil with the sidered unlucky. grindstone he receives four atlllaS from the boy's (Cl) After having the date for the wedding fixed fat her and mentions the name of the boy and cby a jJarohit two Illen are sent to the girl's girl whose alliance is to be formed, and' then people with a ser (2 lbs) of ghi (clarified butter) taps them. After this the sUjJari, etc'- are placed to notify them of the date and if they approve, in a vessel with the balls of gur broken up and messengers from both sides go to the parohit distributed to those present aiter the girl's father and get him to write the laklmo(eri. For this.he has takell a hit. The elder members of the girl's is paid ~ Chamba coins or 1 annas in cash, nee, familv do Ilot take ;lIl\C as it would be considered and S0111e red tape (donO). At the wedding itself COlltl-;try to clistom. the boy's father puts olle the sltrllllllra/ rite is first performed by worship­ rupee four allllas in this vessel alld this is made ping Gallpatti (Gallesa). Kalnbh (a small pitcher over to the hride's parellts who gct jewellery to filled with ,nter) is placed oyer a handful of that amoullt made for her. ;\fter this the bride rice and peach leayes containing a few blades appears before the boy':; father and he gives her of drub. It is worshipped exactly like the other a rupee. The rest of the Cere1ll0llY is exactly as gods) and the nine planets. Then the sutJari de,;cribed above, but in this case the coins put ill purified by charms (mantras) is rubbed on the {he vessel come oilt of the boy's father's pocket. boy. There black woollen threads are also tied The cerell10llY in the other house is performed rolmd the right wrist to protect him from the in exactly the same way, though not 011 the evil eye. lIe is then taken Ollt of the courtyard same day for the sake of convenience. A propi- by his mother with part of her red sheet thrown

1 ThiK thren (1 "OlllHI the shoulders is "the twice horn thread". All the Sipis wear this thread as 11 mark of t hpir caste affiliation. On thn OLlH'l' h'1I1(1 Kljput.S awl higher c:l,stcs, although they are entitled to wear the thrend never Lothn. ThC'rp is no special cnl'''lUnllY by which U"'Y ol,t.nin it hut m",ny go on a pilgrim:lge to Man; Mahesh where there is a special Brahmin from the plains who on p"'ymcnt of 1''''', will invest 'myone. Only the Sipis however hother to obtain it" J should imagine however that if a Ralli weTe to aKk this Bmhmin to il1','cst tlw1l1, he would refuse. According to the Gazetteer, formerly Sipis w('re not allowed to wear the en['1 but, in e"ch:ln~c fn' ""rb:tin services don') to t'le mjlth they woro granted the right to weltr it. 'Yhatevcr the truth of this IDltttcr l111l,Y be, I have not. yet ,;cen a Sipi who dops not wcar this cord. Some l~ajputs weal' it Rnd some do not. It is regard{'c[ i" my opinion less as a Cltstc mark then ltS an honour presented to the gotra by a previous rajah. RITES DE PASSAGE 4'7, women are singing meanwhile. On his way back girls. The father and brother continue he overturns a tray of ashes placed ncar the to sprinkle water and rice over the entrance of the courtyard. He is then given goods. The parohit waits a few minutes, sweets by the jJarohit. I then asks the bride's brother to set a­ light the small pyre built on the dia­ (9) Sandhi ceremony: Suns~l (Bridc's house)­ gram on which a pice piece had been This ceremony is in two sectIOn: placed. The parohi t then puts a red (a) Blessing of the water by stirring it with spot on the boy's forehead. Then three drub ?;rass by the parohit. Blessing of people of the bride's own gotra receive the b~'ide by throwing water and rice a mixture of barley, incense and ghi over her. Blessing .')f the bride's father. in their right hands and throw it on the Giving of rice to the father and bride's fire "to present a seed" presumably hroth~r. Invocatiotl to Vishnu and 'wishing her to be fertile and relating Shanti (peace) and 9 planets to be it to their crops, Then the parohit present. Finish by scattering rice sprinkles water on the fire once again over the diagram. Invocation of the and blesses the twigs. The women names of Vishnu. Women start singing. start singing again. Grain is finally Break. Parohit smokes. thrown on the fire and with a sudden The parohit declares that this part of shout all the men raise the cord shout­ the ceremony is specially dedicated to ing "Mani Mahesh ki jai". The cord Durga. is tied in an N shape above the fire. (b) Blessing of grass in the bride's father's (Figure three). and brother's hands. The brother in As I could not also attend the bridegroom's turn blesses the diagram by dipping house I give a similar report on a wedding I the drub twig in the water and scatter­ attended in Goshen of a Rajput wedding. ing it. Then all follow suit. The Bridegroom's house-~After the sandhi the parohit ties a red cord round the bridegroom is dressed up in a yogi's clothing wrist of the bride's brother, then round with a begging bowl covered in white flour and the wrists of some young boys and with a staff. At the back of his head is string over his head, to bathe. At the bath the black (bow for carding wool) to the black rope and thread is t()rn olf and he is led back by his take a stick in his right hand with a Brahmini­ mother. Next he must upset an earthen lid con­ cal thread tied round his right thumb. This taining burning charcoal and mustard placed dress is assumed so that he may appear a regular at the entrance to the worshipping place, and yogi. After this the presiding priest asks him. this must be thrown away so as to counteract "Why hast thou become a yogi?" His answer is any evil iniluence in the courtyard. The parohit "to receive the Brahminical cord." Then he is then tics nine red COltOll threads round the boy's further interrogated by the priest as to what kind right wrist and gives him glli and gur to taste. of cord he requires, i.e. one of copper, brass, These wristlets are called Iwnlwna. silver, gold or cotton, and he asks for the latter. (10) This is preceded by the tclsand ceremonv. The priest then sends him to bathe at Badri­ narain, cJ'riloknath and Mani Mahesh and these Again Gallpatti, Brahma, Vishnu, Kllmbh J rlia (a slllall eanhen lamp with a wick) and the supposed baths are taken in tum by dipping his nine planets are worshipped, and then a he-goat hands and feet in. and pouring some water on is sacrificed to the planets by the boy, its blood hi~ face from a vessel put ready for the purpose being sprinkled on the sandori (bagar grass rope) in the doorway. After these ablutions the pre­ and rnllnj mala (a ring of hagar grass). tended hegs, fil";t of his relations and then at the house. ;\llr! they give him a piece of bread The sandori is then spread around the room and promise him cattle, goats, etc. according to alollg the cornice and the bridegroom made to their means. In conclusion the priest asks him don a white dhoti or sheet round his loins, to whether he wishes to devote himself to jatera rut flollr 1/Iundras (yogi's ear-rings) in his ears (world bw;in~:;s) or rna/era (an ascetic life) ;md sling a satchel over his shoulder, tie a black he invariably answers "To jatcra" and then the w()ollCIl rope round his chest and cover his hut­ priest makes him takc off the yogi's clothes, tocks with an animal skin, slIspend a fanani receiving 4 annas as his fee for this. The cattle,

, 1 Tn M. N. Srinivns, Reliqirm a'nrl S(){'ir/!I (fill,,"rl thp (Jol)r(!" (~r Soulh 11l({;r'. ('hr{'n,loll 1'],(,8$.0,,[,,1'(1. HI4(i, l'. 72 in the m,uklia (f(1J'S"(lfl, ('f'rClllilllY he knyR "The bri{1c'gl'OOlll (a::- a j()qi) has tf't'lllinnh'lllI1f'< ::;tlldirs alHl i~; anxinn~ tn go to l1f'nnrC'f4. Rtnff in hand h_fllelLvcH hiH hpIIH{,. The hridc'8 parcntH mce!, J:ill' on the ''"

(del) and round him is the Gaddi rope (dhora) After all those who wish have given pice, the Three times he goes around a basin of water at bride weeps "Everything is completed". The the end of the room (the last time it represents women rub their hands with yellow turme6c Mani Mahesh lake) while the women of his and rub the bride. A little cooked rice is offered house beat him. He then shoots an arrow back­ to all the women to eat, including the bride. wards at a coconut placed on the diagram and The bride's feet and hands are then washed and finally is asked certain questions by the parohit she is fed a little rice and milk. The money as to whether he wishes to remain a yogi or not (about I rupee) goes half to the parohit and half to which he gives fixed answers. to her bhanerja. (In the Rajput wedding an additional variation is that the bride shoots a This ceremony is omitted in the wedding of coconut with bow. In this wedding before the a widower. bride comes out to tel, her mother sprinkles the (12) Tel (8 p.m.)-I did not observe this cere­ bride with water. Round the main entrance mony in the bridegroom's house and doubt through which the bridegroom is to come a red whether it was performed either in the Sipi or cord is tied and it is then sprinkled with rice Rajput marriage for males. Here is a descrip­ and water. Two young girls are given ghi to tion of the ceremony in the bride's house. eat).

There are no objects on the diagram. (15) Arrival of bridegroom (10-30 p.m.)­ A dish is held out by the parohit on which NOTE-Before the bridegroom arrives the party is some maize and a drub twig. With the twig, responsible for erecting the bali arrives, namely water is sprinkled on the bride by her mother that accompanying the mother's brother. At a and her youngest sister then by two men and a ceremony in Rajaur all those of the mother's lady. A knife is held on the bride's head by her brothers' golra went carrying 2 kerosene tins of mother's brother. Then those who wish, come l~si (sweetened milk for chapattis). On arriv- forward, throw a pice on the dish and sprinkle 109 an old lady at the entrance held out a dish water on the bride. The women sing while this wi.th water in which one paid a pice and re­ ceremony proceeds. ceIved some sweets. Then the men of this party etc. which the relations promised go to the boy his brother's wife put antimonv in his eyes and and not to the priest. This over, the boy is his sister fans him. After this' the boy gets up made to sit on a wicker basket or on a sheepskin and the arti is then waved thrice from right to bag for carrying grain (hhalru) and a dagger is left over his head by his parohit and his mother placed on the rnunj mala (a small rillg or throws three round cakes (II/chis) on three sides wreath made of bagar grass above his head). Then of him. The arti must be sanctified by mantras the people drop oil over his head with a few before being used at the door. After this the blades of grass (drub) taken from a vessel con­ boy's father gives him the lambol of one rupee taining oil and held by the mother's brother or and four copper coins, the latter being the in his absence by his sister. After this the bride­ jJarohit's fee. The boy then gets into a doli in groom fits an arrow to the fanani (bow) and the courtyard and the mother gives him her shoots it at the head of the dead goat which is breast to suck. The palki is then carried by four placed over the nine planets, thereby pretend­ bearers to the entrance, beneath the wooden ing to slay them. The rite of tasting gUT and ghi parrots called loran which the boy, his mother cllds th is ceremony. and the parohit worship, and then the bearers The bridegroom is thell dressed. He wears a present the boy with a /ulIllblt filled with water, white i){lgri and lmwa, a red lwancha, and a white and put a copper coin into it. The bridal proces­ pallw with gUl bruian sUlhan and a jaul (all arc sion consistillg of the male members of the house parts of a dress) thrown over the shoulders. The and preceded by tOIll-toms, goes to the bride's present (suhag-jJalari) is then arranged. It COll­ house. Oil arrival the boy with his followers is sists of a hharbas (a dopatta of white cotton put up in a house other than the girl's or stays cloth), luanchari (bride's dress) ghagaru (colour­ out in the open air. The boy's father or uncle, ed doth f01 a skirt), nau-dori (9 red cords, 4 on with one or two more people, then take a either side at the back, plaited into the hair and ba.sk~t full of round cakes to the bride's parents; cOllverging 011 a ninth which hangs down the thIS IS called baljJartana. They return from the back), ullgi (of iron with which the h':lir is parted bride's house af~er ~ating something al1d putting in the front), chwuli (antimony holder for the four copper C01l1S 111 the plate, ana rejoin the eyes worn on the back of the head) fwngi (comb), procession. This observance is called juth pai. manihar, 3 roris of gur, dates, grapes, almonds, Two respectable men are also deputed to the rice and 7 luchis .. and these are carried by the bride's !Jarohit, to settle the amount he will take parohit to the bride's house with the brother; for performing the rites at the lagan, and then RITES DE PASSAGE

immediately started working making the scat in the jJalhi and leads the procession t.o­ chapattis for the feast. wards the girl's house. When the procession This part of the ceremony is like that of arrives at the girl's hOllse, they wait outside in Rajput weddings. Here is a Rajput description the courtyard until the jJarohits of both sides from Dr. Chowhan's original manuscript. After annouilce the time whell the bridegroom is to the erection of the bcdi by the bride's mother's be admitted into the hOlIse. A sort of gate is brother's relatives he says "The S:lIl1e relatives of erected at the entrance of the courtyard to her the girl bri ng a red sheet or lingra for the girl hOlIse. It is at this gate that the bride's parohit and a pair of llew shoes for the boy. The marri­ offers red Lilah to the bridegroom for which he age suit of the male consists of a red cJlOga and receives a small present. Then an offering of pyjalllas and a white safe and kamerband. This [mit, red thread, dania, oil, cash and a little dreos is put on after the bridegroom has been duli grass ",ith a red sheet is tied to the bride­ given a bath with due rubbing of the body ,,,ith groom. The dry materials are divided and a buLlia or 11ljJri. He has also to get himself shaved portion tied up in each corner of the red sheet. before dressing. Then he is fed on milk gruel and The oil is given separatcIy, but at the same time. bread. Thus clothed he distributes cash, clothes, The offering is carried inside the girl's house by etc. among his female relatives all of whom are the father, brother, or uncle of the bridegroom. his classificatory sisters. This is regarded as a On reaching the hOllse both parohits take some reward for fan~ing him which act'is practised wetted rice which is kept outside in a dish, and immediately after the eldest brother's wife has after repeating some 1IlUlltras put it on the red finished her duty of lwjalbahana, the smearing sheet. Then all this is taken inside by some of the eyelids from within outwards with a female relative from the bride's side. The girl's semisolid oily preparation of soot made by burn­ head is oiled and her hair plaited with the red ing IIlllstard oil in a lamp. Just before setting thread. The new dress which is brought for her out for the girl's house one of the doolibearers from the bridegroom's side consists of (1) fetches a brimful latta of water to the bride· Lrll:chri a. (hola of cotton cloth (2) ghagru, a groom. This is thought to be an act of great petticoat of the same cloth, ('I) hharbas, a sheet propitiation and for this the man is paid in little of long cloth and (4) a dhoria, saffron coloured coins. Having done all this the boy takes his cloth for the bride's forehead. First the kharbas

reJOIIl the camp. The boy's j){lroltit thell pro­ arc held upwards, with both thumbs joined and ceeels to the bride's hOllse to deliver the /J(lr.lllhi held up by the father-in-law in his hands, who (bride's dress). It consists of the same articles as brillgs the bridegroom into the verandah while the slI/wg-jJlltari. The {Jar.lllhi consists of a wbite the IIIOII/ras are being relited. After this the sheet (dopatta), l 11(1 II c!t ('1'1, glwp,al'u, IUIil-duri, bride is brought in and made to stand face to IIIIP,i, IW",",i (articles of aLtire), cllllndi, ;; balls of face with the. bridegroolll. The priest then takes gur, cocoa, dates, grapes, almond~, one ser of hold of the boy's neck with his right hand and rice and nine 11lchis, ,I wheat cakes, 7 jlllris of of the girl's with his left and makes their e!tall ria II chllra (sandalwood chips), roliyan, shoulders thrice touch, first pressinO' the boy's hesar, sandhur, llahani (a sweet-smelling grass), right shoulder to the girl's left. This is call~d l/llith (root of a kind of grass) and 5111)(11'1. The chall I)({!' chall. After this two torches are held priest thell comes back to cOlld llet the bride­ on either side. Seven small pieces of malti groom and his followers to the bride's house with (jasmine) twigs arc then put in the girl's hand; tolll-toms playing. The hoy is received at the drops them into the boy's hands and he breaks entrance by his mother-in·law \\'ho performs the them c ()n~ by on~, placing the.lll ~mder his right arLI ceremony over him, waving il seven limes foot. I IllS breakll1g of the tWIgS IS called chirri. over hi.; head with her right hand, holding her It is preceded by giving bihan into the hands of left over his turban. Four turns arc taken from the couple and they blow it at each other. This the boy's right to his left and three in the reyerse goes hy the name (;f jarllri. direction. Three cakes placed in the plate with the (ll'ti arc also thrown out towards the cOllrt­ (IR) The pair arc next made to sit down and yard. The priest then gives four chahlis (far­ the bOl's father-in-law oITers 5allhalap, that he things) to the boy who then places them in the gives his daughter away, and then washes the art i after clasping his hands before it. The COUplcf: feet as they sit before him. CertClin minor mother-in-law then retires, while the father·in­ rit.es called chich~ri are n.ow performed by the law comes to the spot and placing a j)([t ha (white ImdegrO()1ll and IllS father·m-law. (Description of cloth) round his own neck, washes and \\'orships dllclulII-Two or three blades of drub arc tied his son-in-law's feet. The hoy's priest then gives together with red cotton and placed in a cup a duna (leaf plate) with some rice, a walnut, of green leaves. The clwkli, til, rice, YOlian drub and flowers into his hands. Both the palms (turmeric), some flowers, water and a walnut are 50 RITES DE PASSAGE

is handed on to the mother of the bride who upstairs. Then the mother comes out­ puts it on the bride taking every care to keep side and ties round the ceremonial door the face of the bride covered. After this the feet (toran) a red cord which is then of the bridegroom are washed by the family sprinkled with rice and water. Then barber. Then the bridegroom is led into the yard two young girls who are standing inside by the bride's father or by some female relative. the door ready are given gILi to eat. Then he takes his place on a sheet or doth Vlter the mother-in-law performs the placed under the bedi ...... (description of lagan). arti ceremony to welcome the bride­ The bride's parohit then gives about fourteen groom. Leaf cups in instalments of three, five and six (b) Sandhi-Almost the same as previously or seven to the bride's father, reading mantras described. The women inside the house at every moment of handing over the cups. In are olIered sweets and sing "Laria e the first cups arc placed betel nuts, in the second sandhi ha, sandhi kea laria ha, tu meri pice, in the third rice". aji jo" (The bride is now doing sandhi) In the Sipi marriage, the bridegroom arrives Watcr is sprinkled seven times. A red in a red dholi covered with a red cloth with a thread is tied on thc briclc's brother's sIllall child in his lap. He is dressed in a red right hand. Bride's father and bride's skirt down to his ankles with a white cummer­ brother sprinkle rice on evcrything. bullC!. All his retainers dance. Before the bride· Thc fire is lit and the ceremony is the groom enters the palhi he is given his mother's same as the Sipis' described above. breast to suck. Before enlering the bride's house, (c) T el---'Slightly difIerent froUl above. The a punchaink spears a walnut with his knife. bride shoots a coconut (Coconuts do However during the Rajput marriage in Goshen not grow in north India so presumably in the bride's house the order is as follows. It is it is kept in the family' for ritual occa­ called thoren and takes place at the same time sion). The bride's brother anoints a as. the sandhi ceremony which precedes tel. young girl's feet with rice. This girl (a) Thoren-The bride is sprinkled with then drops drub grass and 4 annas in water by her mother ill :lcr own house the dish and with the grass and maize

also placed in it. This cup is put in the bride­ by one of the bridegroom's jan and givcn to the groom's hands and his father-in-Iaw's hands are drummer. The jan returns to the bridegroom laid over them. The priest then recites some and after bcing purified by mantras is allowed mantras after which the drub is taken up by the once again to mix with the othcr men. fathcr-in-law and with it he sprinkles water Then Ganpati (reprcsented by the walnut in a thrice over the heads of the pair from the cup. green cup, placed before the boy under the can­ This is called pahla bishtar or first char. This is opy on a heap of rice), Brahma (Br:lhma's effigy) rcpeated, but the second time some blades of is made of a few bhdes of drub which are turn­ grass, hesar (saffron), sarvan, shadhe and flowers cd down twice, the ends being fixed in cow dung are thrown into the water. While the priest ,md placed in a grecn cup, Vishnu (represcnted recites mantras the father-in-law sprinkles water and worshipped like Brahma but the blades are on the couples' feet. This second rite is called only tumed down once from the centre), parill. Thc third or argh ceremony is si~nilar, KIl/fl{J!t, d:a, and the nine planets are worship­ but this time the mixture is made of dhaln, til, pce!. After this, one cnd of the girl" s shect is held drub and rice, and after reciting mantras, it is ant by her brother and on this, red tiha is sprinkled over the boy's head. The fourth char sprinkled thrice by the boy. Similarly the boy's is called dua bishtar and is an eXact repetition waist band is held out and anointed by the girl. of the first char. The fifth char is called achmani The girl then holds up her hands ':md into them and is soleIIllliled by putting water, til, and rice four copper coins, a walnut, drub, flowers, til III a cup which is placed on the ground as was and rice are thrown by the priest and then the done in the other chars but at thc end of the boy is made to lay his hands over hers. The ceremony, the priest thrice throws a few drops priest then takes part of' the bride's shec~ and of water front the cup on to the father-in-law's in it wraps both pairs of hands by l'llnIllng a hands, and thc boy and they drink it from his tape (dori) round them.' The girl's father then hands. Thc sixth and last dtar is called madhu­ performs the Iwnia dhan (giving the girl away) jHlrali. The cup is filled with milk, til and rice with the proper mantras. At its conclusion the and put in the boy's left hand; he daubs the four girl's rnaula (mother'S brother) touches her fingers and thumb of his right hand with it and wrapper with a copper coin and it is then un­ then lifts his hands towards his mouth and knotted, the things in the girl's hands. being putting it again into the cup, sprinkles its con­ taken by the boy and given to the parohtt. Gur tents on to thc ground. This cup is then taken and ghi are then tasted and this concludes the (bri~5 falhey) bride

6 anna.,

wafev pot

bYide~rooWl

heap of wood (foy buvl'li~) IIH.e nse

(ei{ht QnndS)

V (BYdhv"'d)

\'ed ball

Diagram dlll'i Ilg Laga II ceremollY oj Sipi lIlarriage.

51 RITES DE PASSAGE 52

anoints the bride's forehead. Note that sprinkles water and red tilah on the objects the bride's feet were all the time rest­ under the bedi. This is done five times in all.) ing on the pattens (pattera) after The bride's father then presents the bridegroom her being blessed by her brother. with a growing shoot which is taken back thrice. (This shoot is of the malti tree.) Then he touches (18) Lagan (10 1J.m.)-Before Lagan a short the bridegroom's feet. The fourth time he pre­ ceremony is held inside the house in which the sents some wheat and small beans (dhal) and bride and bridegroom eat from the same dish. sprinkles the bride and bridegroom with water. The fifth time the bridegroom receives these The bride is brought down, weeping, placed things and touches it to his lips three times and under the /Jedi with a white cloth over her head. The parohit blesses the bride's father. He invokes (hen it is burnt. This fifth time w3ter ,vetten­ ccl with honey is also raised to lips and thrown Vishnu, Divdang and Shanti. The bridegroom away. Bride's father whispers in the bridegroom's holds his hand in the worshipping position ear and vice versa, then rub hands. holding the incense, some old thread~ walnut and rice and with the patten under his feet. Then the bride's brother comes forward and (All this time the hridegroom's mask is up.) The wets the bridegroom's dress in order to smear bridegroom, bride's father and paTOhit bless some of its red on the bride's white garment. everything live times. The ·women start singing The jJal'ohit then takes the bride's white gar­ saying "")'our head is trembling. Perhaps yaH ment and knots it to the bridegroom's coat re­ have sinned." (A variation of this ceremony in ceiving four annas for doing this. (Rajput varia­ the Rajput wedding was for the parohit and tion: Inside the knot is a coin and a walnut. A bride's father to anoint the bl'idegroom's feet red cord is tied round the knot and a chapatti while standing on the piece of wood. There are put on it. Someone sprinkles water from the no circles on the ground and only two symbois drllb grass over the mother',s hand which is olle of "'hich is the series of squares. The druh placed on the clasped hands of the hride and shoot is offered to the bridegroom by the parohi t bridegroom. The brother of the bride [hen puts and taken back three times. Then the parohit one of the face mask feathers on top). The bride- ceremony called lagan. clothes and placed by the boy's side before the picture. Finally the remaining 7 doris of the (21) The girl now retires but the boy remains to b.ar~hulzi are 'handed ,ov~r to the boy by the go through another rite called manihar. Nine gul S 1ll,tl11l (mother S sIster): he places them waIn uls (the nine planets) are put on rice and ,Oil the bride's head alld then her hair is combed worshipped and their blessing invoked, There and arranged with these doris by her Illami and Illllst he a separate handful of rice for each of the following song is suug: lbe walnuts, A bored copper coin, a betelnut and Kun gori baithi sir kholi, hor? a cotton dOTi (three cords about four feet Ion g)­ (V\Tho is that beautiful girl sitting with hair together are called rnanihaT. The ceremony is performed hy taking the boy out to the doorway dishevelled) ? Kun baitha pith gheri? when he takes the dagger out of his waist and ('Vho is sitting with back turned"? touches the coin with its point pretending to Gaura baithi sir kholi hor, ' bore it. The string is passed through the bored (Caura is ,itting with uncombed hair), ("oill and put in a mani (grain measure). The Isar baitha pith gheri. lI/(lIIilwr is sanctilied and tied round the bo,,'s head-dress bY his mother-ill-law at the gatew'ay (Isar (Shiva) is sitting with turned back). after the mli. After doing the arti over the Aher this the boy's jaul (shoulder band) and bridegroom, the tape with the betelnllt is then the hriJde's hharvllS (sheet) are knotted too-ether pllt on the boy's left toe and he is required to and the bride is carried by her maternal to uncle pierce the nut with his dagger. This done the (nwula) to the canopy where the wedding is to priest tal~es the tape up and throws it over the be celebrated. hoy's head, passes it down to his heels and under Under this canopy (baid) they arc placed on his soles, and then ties it around the pagri. bamboo baskets covered with woollen cloths The hoy is then drawn to the rnanihm' by his facing cast. The bridegroom sits to the right of mother-in-bw and led inside the house to the the bride an~ in £r.on~ of the sacred fire (homa IWlndeo, a picture. The girl is also brought there by her brother and dressed in the barsuhi or hl11l'an). '1 he brIde s father then washes the

1 In this ceremony from the Chamb~ G,,'~etteer it appear, 11" t,]lough the thrc3 ('eremOnie8, the lagan. the bedi char and the knfiia dh(tn all jake place "[('(·c,,ively. Tn tho Sipi ,·eremony ail three wero dearly dcn'ar( ated. \Vhile thefe (eremonies were bcin,C( performo.l out··i,;.c nn(let the !JI:,l,:. tllO main ('ompany was in,ir1o the hou~e performing tho narn'ala ceremony which takes pl,,"e at all timGd of rejoi1ITiage. It excites more intcl'est and attention, A mother and daughter from Goa village wearing ceremonial clothes. The daughters zn the foreground are for luck with three geneTations in one picture. 53 54 RITES DE PASSAGE

groom movcs somc grain with his toe and says umbrella affair made of whitc thread with yellow "Vishnu tani tu" twicc thus demolishing seven flowers and walnuts threaded through it. A goat hcaps previously arranged. Thc bridegroom pro­ was brought out and its head was cut off after duces olle allna and thc jJarohit causes the bride's some watcr had been sprinkled on it to see mother to give it to the bridcgroom with .1 wal­ whether it would shake itself (a sign of Shiva's nut and somc grain. (Onc Rajput variation is approval). The head of this goat was placed that the mother's brother knots the hands to­ under the canopy A medium stripped off his gether and is paid onc rupee two pice before shirt and (with the aid of a pipe and two relcasing thc bridegroom's hands). The bride's drums) tried to get worked up in order to father then bows and holds one hand above and be possessed laying his chains of Shiva (a below thc cloth joi Iling the bride and bride­ bundle of eight or nine chains with spikes) on groom (\allg(/li) as in charitv (dhali) while the variollS peoples' shoulders. In this special in­ parohit chants instructions to the bridc and stance however Shiva refused to be present and bridegroom how to live a good life and call!ng after four Or flve attempts, the medium gwe it the gods to witncss the oath. There is also a up and three or four young lads came forward basin of milk in the /i(J1L'an. The mother's and, after taking incense and bowing to the brother thcn placcs kijeree rice between the goat's head, danced together. couple. The couple ate then unknotted and dres­ sed in recl. A little ghi is givcn everyone and Meanwhile the bridegroom was with the the bridegroom receives a tilia on his forehead. women on the <;>ther side of the room being treated as a klllg whereas normally men and (19) Narwala (11 j).lIl.)-This is not part of the women ncver mix together. Nothing fur­ marriagc ceremony but frcquently takes place ther happcns until the parohit gives the signal at thc samc timc. In the upper living room a for the bedi char to begin. There is a special time squarc arrangemcnt was made of Ronr ahout 3" to call Shiva to be present at a narwala in which high and about 2' on each side. In each corner everyone shouts "Sivaji gana gucha", werc five large heaped pilcs of flour and on each edgc scven smaller heaps. On top of this pile (20) 'W nrship of five grain and bedi char; 4 were various flat cakes and chajJattis and sus­ a.m.-During this part of the ceremony and until pendcd [rom the ceiling above was a large the moming the bridegroom's face mask must re-

couplc's fcet; after which Ganpati. Navagirah, and puts it in the chhaj too. It is then removed Brahma, Vishnu, KU1I1bh, salh Tishi, chaw· vedi, and thc four annas is claimed by the boy's c!tauT elisa (four quarters) and chaur updes (the brother-in-law. Then the bride's brother's wife four clements) are worshipped in due order to comes and grinds turmeric (haldar) on the sil ward off mishaps. This is followed by placing and sprinkles it wet on the feet of the pair three fried barley in a chhaj (sieve) which is brought times. She receives 4 takas (16 copper coins) for on to the baid. First the bridegroom takes a performing this rite. Then the couple are made handful of this grain to keep it on three difIerent to stand up and walk round the sacrcd flre four spots, while the bride's brother keeps wiping it timcs from rig'ht to left. The bridegroom keeps away with his right hand as fast as it is put down. his rig'ht hand on the bride's back all this time. This is repeated but the second time the bride's After each turn they are made to halt near the brother puts the grain down the bridegroom baskets and their feet :Ire worshipped by throw­ washes it away. This is called khila (parched ing til, drub, milk and red colour, etc. by the grain) hhedni and is done to break the tie of bride's father; and, at the end, the bride's relationship (if any), between the contracting brother worships the couple·s feet in the same partics. After this khila khedni the boy's way. These four ronnds are called charlai and father puts 4 tcai anjan dhrir lai .. In the third round they let the anjan drag on the ground. Chauthin, lnjaria anjan tori mthsrt .. .. In the foarth round (the bride-groom) broke it and ran. (Note that in the marriage ceremony the boy The bride and bridegroom now change seats wears a long strip of cloth round his shoulder and sit facing each other. The bride then holds and the girl a hharvas (~oloured sheet over her up her hands and in them a green leaf cup head). Both these are ucd together when they (dulla) containing some walnuts, rice, flowers, do the rharlai and thc knot which fastens them 4 coins, etc. is placed by the priest. The bride­ togethcr is called the anjan), groom (.Overs the bride's hands with his hands RITES DE PASSAGE

main down as it is dangerolls to allow a spirit to women sin~ "Peace to all" and the bridegroom's penetra te behind. hanels are C blessed with water by the parohil. The bridegroom ;t lid hride's father light incense During this celemony the bride wore the new (Most of the ceremonies require a standard dress from the bridegroom and had a red cloak alllount of money to be presented, in this in, over her head. The br:rii ILlS red cotton round stance eight annas). each of its supports with a square yellow hand­ The Rajput bcdi char is somewhat clearer sa kerchief containing some grain, a walnut and I will describe it. The five denan (gifts) are tilah sOllle pice silspellded by four red cords frOlll the (red ochre), cherwell (New Guinea dry rice used centre of the [JI'I/i (mandap). On the top of the as a substitute for wet rice) chalila (a special sort lied i is tos,cd a !Iother yellow cloth. The bride­ of food llsed in fUlIeral mourning idelltified by )!;roolll's j)(n()";l of[iciatecL This is a matter of the Kew Observatory as Amaranthus sp.) scrian, agreemcnt Ilct\\Tell the two tJarohits. maize and flowers. This differs from the Chamba Some drill) is put in the bridegroolll's aile! g;a7etteer list below. bride's fat!J\:r's hands. The j)(lfohil invokes the After worshipping rice, maize and chaula and gods.. rile /J(//Oliit griTld.~ up a little yellol\' tIlr­ grass seeds, the bridegroom ilnd bride's father merie ;llId place, a dot on the bridegroom a ne! sprinkle it with water. More water is added by bride's lllother's foreheads. The jJarohil recites the jJarohit aud the bride's father and bride­ the lIallles of Vishnu once again. The bride­ groom hold the concoction in their hands. The groom i lwokes the gods with cupped hand. The bride's father holds it out to the bridegroom bride and hride~rroom sprinkle water and rice twice and the bridegroolll to the bride's father on the obje('i 01;' the diagram. The "'olllen start once. Then the bride's father to the bridegroom sini!;illg illstliis to tlte bridegroolll with compli­ again. Then the bride's father touches the ments Oil the beaut\' o[ the bride. "\ small p\fe bride's and the bridegroom's feet. The bride's is made and lighted hy the ilridegroom. Red father olrers it to the bridegroom again. The' tilah is placed Oll the foreheads of all the hoys bridegroom tollches it with his lips four times and visitors. The hride and bridegroom drop and it is then touched and spilt by the HoleV':t barley and then ,rater 011 the fire fIve times. The lllllsicians. The mother's brother gives the

and then the priest unkl10ts the IIWlliJIIl)" from balance with the canopy is then given by the the boy's j)(l{!,ri and puts it in their hands. The hride's father as a sanhalap to the boy's father bride's father then takes til, drub, rice, flowers and forms part of the paraphernalia. and copper coins and the srm/;aial; is performed After this the gatTa-char mantras are read and to the recitation of mantras. fried rice is thrown towards the couple hy (2:1) This takes place at night after the previolls both the priests. This is followed by making the description above). After this he places 4 copper fathers of the couple sit under the canopy and coins and a rupee ill the vessel containing water, a blade of drub is put by the bride's priest into turmeric, milk and curds and sprinkles the mix­ the girl's father's hand. He hold it between the ture on the [)(lid. This is called saj pana or the tip of his middle fingers at one end, the otheI giving of dowry. The bride's mother's brother being similarly held by the boy's father. The then comes and tOllches thr boy's and girl's hride's father then says "Asmat hania, tasmat hands with a seer of rice and :1 copper (oill and p,otm" (Our girl passes to your gat). The ends of then they are released, the manihar being given the blade are then reversed and the hoy's father to the girl to put rOlllld her neck. The rice and says "Tasmat kania, asmat gotra" (Your girl has coin go to the priest. After this all the girl's come into our got). At the conclusion, the bride­ other relations and friends give her presents, groom comes to the end of the canopy where he either in cash or in kind according to their receives Tular (salutation) with a present from social position. These presents are then divided his mother-in-law and the other elderly women of thus: To the bride and bridegroom's parohits the bride's house. The mother-in-law gives a 4 annas each; to the bride's Imlhi carrier 4 annas; rupee in cash and four copper coins, the others to the bridegroom's 4 as.; to the carpenter only copper coins, and, without receiving this (badlti) ,1'110 erects the temple and canopy 4 as.; gift from the women it is not etiquette for him to to the bride's musicians 2 as.; to the bride­ appear before them. The boy touches the bride's groom's 1 as.; After this the bride's parohit mother's feet in token of her giving him this counts the things received in dowry receivinO' for privilege. this H copper coins \\'ith four more as. dehl (door­ (2H) The ceremonies at the bride's are now way) for acting ;IS the family priest. Of the resi­ oyer and the bride is taken in the j1a//ti with all due a fourth goes to the bride and a tenth of the the paraphernalia, followed by the bridegroom, remainder is appropriated by her priest. The his followers and friends to his hOllse. PQyokit Brides bvothev Bride w ,::eQ5Ite.\()~ Q~l,'llu.., 'il 1\<'" " rice, l?{;oW1l.V<; , S*'ecls .) o Rice

~ifd(,;' or D ·n,~e.cd

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t"""'I------.._..::;._-...f._, lo.~p of +he R.eP~1T{ins FLa.t +'f re \\:)I'}h lI.>!ck* Ga.lt.ll..lllta. Diagralll during Bedi Char ceremony of Sipi marriage

li6 RITES DE PASSAGE 57

parohit sOllle money to proceed. bride and bridegroom by the bride's father. One of the feathers from the fa~e mask (chirri) is tied around the dagger (which all Rajputs The small' pile in the middle of th~ diagr~m wear on ceremonial occasions) and taken away (hawan) is lit by the mother's brother ~ith gra~ns by a friend of the bridegroom. The other chirri of rice. All sprinkl.e some of the .grams of nce and the dagger is taken by a male friend -of the in the fire. The bndegroom puts m two spoons bridegroom to the husband's house and- hung of ghi and water, the bride's father does the over the door to "apologise to the gods for the salI~e. A red cord is tied around the two service held at night". grindstones ':llld the bride's moth~r pou_nds the turmeric. She then puts variOUS nngs The above is the Rajput ceremony. The Sipi on the toes of her daughter and smears turmeric ceremony I witnessed differed in slight particu­ on the new couple's feet. In a sieve the bride's lars from the above. The four annas asking the brother arran

Song sung at the bride's arrival at the bride­ taken off by the parohit and the imitation birds groom's house: - on the veil are given to the priest, the brothers Soi auncle jn adar de junde jo bhali mar. of the couple and their newly acquired mitras Hallare jandc jo lllochar mar bhale bhale (brothers made by sacred observance). After the adar. athlai, the bride and bridegroom'S wrist threads are loosened by two men who thus become (Receive the party coming with the bride with brothers. These threads were put on by them courtesy and on their departure give them a at the commencement of the preliminary obser­ good thrashing. Give to the bastards (hallar) a vances. shoe-beating, this is good treatment for them.) (33) At the conclusion the bridegroom receives On arrival at the door the following song is presents (tambol) from the men and w~men, sung. and similarly munhasani from the women is Ham ku pujna kun gori ai? received by the bride for unveiling her~ Songs Ham ku pi na Gaura ai are sung by the women on these occasions. The Ham ku pujde putri phal mangde. following feast song is sung at the bridegroom's (Who is that beautiful girl come to worship a house:- pomegranate tree? It is Gaura who has come Kuniaye chauka paya, kuni dhotere hath to worship. While she is worshipping she is pair praying for a son). Then the arti is presented by the boy's mother and she also gives the Janne chauka payg, soi dhotere hath pair, darohi Ram Ram, bride a rupee. Next the pair are conducted to the harm/eo (picture on the wall) and Ganpati, Bhat paritha, mas paritha, upar parithe etc. are worshipped, after which they are tare mare, made to go four times round the earthern Bhate mase khae na jane, soi bahim kardi lamp (diwa) and kumbh, tape and a bunch of hare hare, pomegranate. This circumambulation is called (Who has smeared the floor with cowdung athlai (8 rOllnds). After this the bridal vt'il is who has washed the hands and feet? M/P(N)5SCOHP- 5 N lC") C) .-< .:: "j oN II> bJ) ~ ·S

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I-< C':l ~ U C':l .....I-< 0 0 II> ..s::: h RITES DE PASSAGE 59

The jan have done it, the soi have w2.shed saj and lambo!. The relationship is bet­ their hands and feet; we appeal to ween the fat,hers of the bride and bridc­ Ram. groom. Towards the end of the Goshen wedding one person gave four allnas Eoiled rice has been givcn, JlleH has been alld the bride's father immediately re­ g-i\'clJ. Thcy han: bccn givcn small monstrated with him pointing out how pebbles. he had given a larger amount at t,he The 50i kllow lIot how to eat rice and weddillg of his wn. The man somewhat meat, the sister expresses surprise by ,heepishly gave one rupce more. That s;)yi!!g' Hare, l-l;tre, is the reason whY the amoullts are written dmm. It is I also very good for Four le;;,;f\ arc :~'i\'('" ill tbe bc)\'s lJ(;'\,;e to one's prestige to have a very long list the g-lIcsts: Ln:t 0:1 the ,hy of the o;l ceremony; I,,]lich takes a long ",hi!:, to write down. ~C(()lld ,)11 II,c t1I01I1ill" OJ] \\ hich tlie nroccs­ AI e;lch cerelllony one attends one is ;,iOIl ret lirns h()1ne ;llld" fOUl I h on t.he ,,:'orning ~lIppocd to double the amount until a Oil which Ihe bridegro()lll rece;','cs pre:;e: 1 ts. The maxinllllll of Rs. 1.11 is reached when (ir,t t\ro fe:,sl\ arc ~)'i\cl1 at the b,'ide's h"llsc on Olle reCOllllllences. lhe oil day to the !i;l!'s('; of the lmd the last ~irl, (I» Dist.ribution of S(/J: 11-30 a,m.- ti\ 0 011 the mani:'ge eby to the bridegroom and A red and yellow cord is tied around his l'm] [hd hride's gacst;. follO\\'(';~ to the pot containing wool, a scythe, (2:» Sf! i: (10 (l.In.) next day---D; vided into empty \\,aterpot on ladle as well as t\l'O p;;;ts- , round the water pot which was given by the bride's relativcs to take to her (a) R('ceivilll>; The hride and hridegroom !lew hOllle. Her parents give her R brass arc hroll~ht out still tied together. The pi;lte<;. I big brass waterpot, 2 sickles, bride is hcl;lecl by her father's brother's all CZlrlh grllbber, a paiari for peeling ,,,i!e to ;Idjllst her dress, etc. The bride vege[,l h1cs :lIld it small lalla, (hrasspot). Oll st! It has her red hood alld new clolh­ The follo\\'!lIg W;lS the distribution of ('S. S'l)l)(' \cllo',': tllllllcric j, pDundcd the money. and placed ill a brass dish. A member /){l}'ol,i!, of ihe IJride;_;lOolll's family hegins by Bridc's (I rupee 8 anllas). c1roppilli!; one rllpee ;litn the dish and Bride's Lither, g~6 as, tIre j}(lro/til ill chis insL'!lCe contributed Bridcgroolll's fat her's brot hers, 2 annas. four ann;,s. A scribe has been asked to 'Vi fe's hrothers, I rupee each. write down the alllollllts' as thev arc Bride's father's younger brother, 1 rupee. givclI. As various friends, relative~ alld Father, :: rupees 8 anl1as who handed it thme 0\\ illg Ilirl(}/I agreements c01l1e forllanl Ihey drop their money. The back to the eldest son who distributed it as follows: amounl is ~J)(JlIled Ol!t ill a loud HJicc by the bride's uncle who Likes a pinch ()'f Father's brothcr's son (who refused) the wllm" water, flicks it tcm'ards the 8 as. ,('lIC't! couple and the /Jaraliit makes Each /Jarohit 4~- as. a tih(/ on their foreheads, Tt first the Eride's father 12 as. bride's lJIonther's brother holds out a Parohi I of the bride. The 2 sorts of kllife in the brass dish. As the monev dal, Indian corn and wool. i'i dropped in, it is rClllOved again witl~ the exception of the original bride­ The Rajpllt sa; was much bigger as the family groom's rupee. In addition to money was wealthier. The bride was given a large f';ontributions the bride's grandmother il'o()(len box especially made for the occasion, a puts in a piece of '1'001 and the father spi! Iling wheel, :2 brass jars, v,!riol1s cutting gives a small hasi n of rice. Together implemcnts and knives (paratari, kudari, rathi), about, 25 people contributed about 10 a drinking glass, a 3 cornered tripod for making rupees in the Sipi wedding (landless) chajJllttis (toa), 2 large water pots of brass, 6 and in the Goshen Rajpllt wedding 29 brass dishcs, a brass ladle especially made by the people gave about 2R rnpees. The con­ hrassworkers, 1 broken chajJatti. A cow was also trilmtioll in saj and tamilOl are deter­ g'iven. A yellow cloth (chcntu) with a pice tied mined almost entirely by custom. Where in the corner was put on the cow. The bride's there is some traditional relationship father and a young child tied a red thread on bet\reen two families or where there is each of its legs and daub each doubed leg with SOllle special friendship between two lilah. Then they both passed around it three indi\'idllals, it will he remembered at times. After a blessing (he bride's father touched 60 RITES DE PASSAGE the four corners of the bedi with a tin plate, a supposed t.o presage good fortune. A friend lotta and a cup and placed it in the bridegroom's usually unrelated removes the thread round the skirt. Then the mother's brother of the bride was wrist which makes him a brother. Some money given 9 annas. Both parohits repeated the gotra is given to the bridegroom by his brother. The achar. Money was given by the bridegroom to all bride then goes off to make the acquaintance of the children. (N ot.e : -This gotra achar does not her new household where she will stay two to refer as one might think, to a lineage peculiar to three hours before returning home to her the golra concerned, but is a stand3.fdized mother. The bridegroom goes outside into the version of the genealogy of the gods). There is courtyard for the tambol ceremony. sometimes a present given to the bride in money (33) Tambol (2 p.m.)-A dish is placed out­ or kind termed chad usually given by relatives. side. With their backs t.o the west, the father on But this is an ordinary loan recoverable in com 1. the left and the bridegroom on the right. They (24) Gotra achar: 12 a.m.-The bride's father offer sweets to their friends. has a piece of drub, a pice, and wme water A literate friend writes down all the m0l1ey which he gives to the bridegroom. The bride· gifts which are given to the family. Before groom then dots a tika on both parohits' fore­ starting the father familiarises himself with all heads. While doing this he has a 4 anna piece in those who ought to give gifts from the previous his hand. All the plates, grass, etc. from saj are list. A specimen list is: Father's eldest brother, placed in the bridegroom's skirt. He is then Sernu (same village of higher caste), Hans (un· dressed in a red scarf with a white and yellow relat.ed to Brahmaur) Dunia (same village of girdle, His elder brother gives him pice which higher caste), N atu (same village of higher he distributes to everyone, A 4 anna piece is caste) Ganda (bride's father). All gave one rupee. also given to the bride by the bride's brother, Various other smaller amounts brought the The father of the bride and the groom then total to 12 rupees. All the money is kept in the hold a twig drub between them with a pice, dish. At the end the father holds out the dish to between the tips of their middle fingers while his sOon who can keep as much as he can seize saying "Asmal lwnia tasmat gotra". The twig is with one hand. The father tries to make his reversed and the bridegroom's father says aim erratic by hastily lowering the dish just as "Tasmat kania, asrnat gotm". The grass is then he is about to seize the money. The resKlue goes given to the bride's older brother who puts it, in to pay those who participated in the ceremony, his hat. The parohit holds some wheat for the drummers, dancing and singing girls, food etc. bride after this ceremony. Sometimes it is put F.ven the bride's parohit will get a proportion groom's house (2-:W p.m .. )-A special pipe and of the money although not employed by tht' and a rupee, sweets and ghi. Women weep hridegroom. touching the t,atlira. He leaves for his own that by which he came. (34) Sudenoj, About a year later-The sudenoj ceremony does not require a priest for its (28) Bride and bridegroom leave for bride­ performance. Nevertheless it is deemed an im· groom's house (2-30 p.m.)-A special pipe and portant ceremony to the majority of Brah­ drum tune is played. The bridegroom departs and mauris. In 19!12 the doctor at Brahmanr, who i~ given a rupee, sweets and ghi. Women weep had been educated on the plains, and tht' bitterly. While being given these things his Chambapazetteer are rare cases where a Gaddi feet are touching the pattera. He leaves for his did not hold the ceremony. It marks the final own house with his wife by a route different departure of the bride for the home of her frolll that by which he comes. husband. Some Gaddi girls get married before (31) Athlai (sunset)-The bridegroom's puberty and it might be thought that this cere­ parohit who has arrived early has already mony was to await that time were is not that aTl drawn it special diagram on the Roor of the girls usually await a year before going to their home the couple will occupy. The mother of husband's home. It seems to me to mark the the bridegroom welcomes her daughter-in­ gradual transition on the part of the girl from law by waving a lighted lamp in front of her her status as a girl in one village to a wife in when she enters the doorway and throwing another. .cooked food over both their heads. At a certain date agreed on by both parties, They both worship a picture of the local house the husband and his friends come to be enter­ divinity and on the floor go round the diagram tained by his affinal relatives. The husband is with the objects on it, four times finally sitting rlressed up as humorously as possible with heavy on the west side. The man's crown including khol marks under his eyes and eccentric cap his face covering is taken off, a piece is put in with feather and pink shirt. He brings with him the pot (kumbh) and given to the bridegroom's one or two companions (panchaink) who are his father and then distributed among any mem­ closest friends and their jobs is to behave as hers of the family present. To own a piece is humorously as possible. The women presented N Lamp

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X Pot ('ontGllltlllS s~lItbol==# oj Ht1uill TJz.tnd!l Diagram during Athlai Ceremony.

61 62 RITES DE PASSAGE

them with 2 chairs, one made of card-board along the route. The women friends, new wife gold pieces, the other of walnut. kernels. and. her women attendants all weep vociferously untIl the palhl bearers interfere and state they . No parohit is . necessary and no especial reli­ must be proceeding onwards. gIOus ceremony IS performed. At the· wife's house, the people accompanying the bride are Coming to Lhe Bew village, the procession ma~e to feel as uncomfortable as possible with ~akes. as lUllch noise as possible but the \'ilbge vanous references to .their personal :J.ppearallce IS as SIlent ;,.s can ,be, no one coming o::t to "el­ and so on. After.a mid-day meal they end their corn~ the Wife. (1 he women have already been way back to theIr own homes leavin" the hus­ a~lr~lItted). ~fter a longer or shorter interval of band with his two companions behinJ' all night. Slttlllg' outSide uncomfortably on the hillside About? p.m. the men of the gotTa pOlitely suddenly everyone is motioned inside and entertam the husband and the two fJunchaink. following the jJalhi all troop into the house's At abollt 9 p.m. the women all dance in hont c?urtyard on.1y to he met by the women of the of the Ilew husband. No man can dance at this Village all slIlging the most offensive at:d 11l1- time. Then about 11.30 the husband and his pleasant songs. The men stand around lookin"- two pUlIchaink are se:lted in the courtward and UllCOTllJ. /. orta bol1t i maund. In this case the grand About 3 p.m. the wif~ accompanied by two father was the leader of his g:randd:nwhter's or three close women friends and the men of delegation, while the fathe~ merely at­ the village set off for her future home by all­ tended as one of the party. The leaf plates oth~r route. The bride is ill a palhi accom­ for the meals arc all provided by certain low pamed by a balld. The time of departure is c;totes without charge as biTt on. They are not always arranged so that the new bride will however present at the wedding. Thi~ linally ent~r ?er new home just after the sun has set. conclud.es all the st,~ges of marriage. Although ThIS IS suppos~d t.o be t?e propitious time there IS no espeCIal religious reason why because Parvatl, Wife of VIshnu is alleged to su.dcnoj should be held in September, that is have brought back the cows at this time. Alo[JO' the time Khen nearly all of them are held. The the way the wife I?eriodically stops to say far~~ reason is twofold. Firstly, the crops for the year well to other relatlves who may live in villages have been harvested and the families concern- RITES DE PASSAGE 63 ed know exactly how much they will r.::quire to I have described the sudenoj at some length tide them over until the next year and would because in 1962 there was a movement afoot by as soon spend it j n a big burst as in ,my oth([ certain Brahmins and government officials to way; aQd secondly, it is held as late as possible abolish this ceremony on the grounds of expense because a IItnllber of the relatives have left for and the fact that not having a parohit present, the plains so that the party will be ;maller and it was not Sanscritic. I hope I have described it therefore cheaper. Moreover during the sum­ sufficiently to show that it is one of the most mer one has the advantage of one's daughter's important rituals of marriage in which the labour whereas in winter she has to be fed by future husband gets to know his bride's family someone cIse. Although the Gaddis are good­ in a personal way. Like European weddings natured and friendly peopk they always have future marriages often have their early begin­ a dear eye to the balance sheet of profit and. nings at previous wedding ceremonies. Pun­ loss. chainks are always unmarried.

Sel'ccled marrzage songs at the wedding described.

1. K()ll.'~ by tho p:trry ""companying the mother's br(Jlher bringing the beeli. i\hnm til :11l'll'i ,1,,- hi" w""te ain. 'J'he mot her's borthf\r is corning, eOllling for a wedding.

:.I. Song while the hri'legroom is heing bathe,] hy his own 'Vomell. Aurie traim aut"ie- An earthon ,-()ssel full of water. An~ane jilmra kia woa? Courtyard, muddy water what happened? Ohnundau fli ehmmke m"ngao- Bring the seat of sandalwood. 1.:

:t ~Yaiting for the bridegroom to a.rrivc. Mail} t" bujhu th11 bijili chumk JiIy impression was of thunder Dnd lightining L 'ge sere de les"ke But it iil really a rcfiectiop of the sera. Asse to bujo badl garje ,Ye also had the impression of the clouds Yeh htge nagara de grake But it was really the drum beating. (The sera is tho bridegroom's face veil).

i. All oxamplc of Iho WOlllO!l'B rem.nrks while t.he strangers are eating- Yeh kunjai\,i duredo These f()01s aro coming from afar Yal}lle mUl} killer sur rock. Their mouths aro like pig"'. 5. S,mg of th", women on ndu)'cssing (hc bri,kgmom ilt lagan­ Hnj tha ras!,,, eha Illb" jo go tIm Tho nmill road is to Chamba Hi jo kuui bn!eru ho? Who led you to this place? Baja eli tikin, mahnraje di tikin Kingls son, emperor's Hon, Hi jo kuni ba,teru ho? Who Iml you to this place? 6. ICLri kc!,ri, gnnni, gunni, ka,l'i lHp:ie line, mystic line (gulilli ?) Kari, kari, Jmnja. n>1 gh,'!I(Ii i\Iv,t ie lille nol to be (rosseu over Kari, knri, l'tljn gam" do kari, Mystic line, mystic line, King Ham's mystic lille Kari bunja na gh"ndi Mvstic line not to be crossed ovcr .Jinn>t buui rajn It;',lll ,Ii kari TilO,C \\ ho traverso Ram's mystic lino Ullajo kuhl b,tli bari To them never comes good. luck (This refer~ to the lino of the hw['(/.1/. awl ,,100 the imagin:try line beparating the duties of the sexes).

7. Beginning of /1f.fj'lII- Dlwla, dhoLt a.pne ImItnlll'Ca dhola, l)l'UiIl, drum, vour sif;(er's drum 'l'e;tin dhole bnhana jo saclai VOll have sommonod yOUi' sister with t1 drum Hoy" lagna, do helar H is the time of la{jan. (Other verses similar to these sUlllllloning the bride anu othem) Rap diye rliye hay" htglla na hah You j;he bride of a rajah ai, tIle time of lagan

8. 81lmut Surga l~an, surga Ran sanmtc ni bnAhin. Dot! ramo down from heaven Hnd sid. down a.t samut. (Repeat for Bralmw, Vishnu, the parohit, father, mother, brother and sister).

9. Kili 0 pyolya tot in tUBi knhl\n dei ;tio Blue and yellow parrot from where have you come? Khuyo khatri dobbi brahmana o Brahmin, you have put me in " deep well 'Teri hhatre nyi toty" The P",rJ'oj has como for your sake t-lach bol kaptia 13rahman Speak 0 ill-disposed (kaptia) Brahman 't'on mori khol ganyai Yon b;we spoilt my game lila, ilb kllli m dlu1rmi molD, lmthlu {witt chhurai. The pious mother's brothel' wiII part the hands of the girl.

10. Another 'lll()tn'"ion from a song while guests aro eating food- ryanri bhell't ri ghnndu do lani Their sisters' headgear is used as a loin cloth for distributin' Dhotti priha main langr.a. food. " 64 RITES DE PASSAGE

II. Woinen addressing the bridegroom as he first sits down in the bride's house around the hawan- Hanre ri chiri laria thar thar kamndi The bridegroom's veil is trembling Inha ki pap kamura ho? What sin have you committed? Hor ta pap salia kich na kamura ho I have committed no sin except the Meri ghoru charirakhi ho That of grazing your cow. (As above then) Hor ta pap kich n9. kamura ho I have committed no sin except that Bahana ri sijja sutora ho Of sleeping with my sister. Hor ta salia pap na kamura I have committed no sin except that Bahana thown halra jammum ho Through your sister (and your agency) a bastard has been born 12. Giving away of the virgin (kania dhan)­ Nagare bajare bedi bigandi aie In the baz'U bedis are being sold Lia mere chachuo bedi vikandi aie o my uncle go to purchase a bedi. Aisa kian line mulakeri manghi How can we purchase? They are too dear. Lia mere tawuo bedi vikandi' aie Aisa kainleni mulakeri manghni Younger uncle will not \let it, older uncle will not get it. (Chorus) My pious mother go to buy it Chachu n'l landa, kaku na landa Uncle will not get it, brother will not get it 1,0 mere dermie moli ho My pious mother go to buy it Tawua na landa, bawi,. na landa o my (o\'ier) uncle, go to plIrchtse a bedi Le mere dennie moli ho How CeLn we purchase? They are tOG dear. 13. Gali mutter die bu salia o my sali do not abuse me, Aung tere ghoru charulo I will look after your cattle. 14. At the affixing of the nose ring­ Peli darjari lai·i kunwari pimdi In the first round only the bachelors move Duji lajaria pimda agas In the second round, the sky moves Prijdi lajarai In the third round the moon and sun move Prinde chandra tasurj End of saj Chaundi, channdi, kia altl>l. (Ghltlludi is flrooably ohaunrie, a sort of whisk which is used to wave slowly before gods in a temple.) 0 chaundi what arc you doing? Tu juli jaurie You move it yourself Bedi bathye dhartar agas When earth and sky sit for the bedi Tu juli jaurie You move it yourself Bedi bathye gori achcha chachu Virgin (?) and good uncle sit for the bedi Tu juli jaurie You move it yourself Bedi bathye barmata Vishnu The brahma Vishnu sit for the bedi Tn juli jaurie You move it yourself Bedi bathye punJ bhai pandabar The five Paud" brothers sit for the bedi Tu juli jaurie You move it yoursolf Bedi bathve bedi kotote (Perhaps kOLote is a name of a (Jotra). Tn juli jaUrie You move it yourself

In the above songs I h,we deliberately not tried to standardize the spelling because in actual fact, since everyone is illiterate there really is no standard way of making [1 sound; even case endings are frequently incorrect.

The whole marriage ceremor~y described cases in whidl a girl elopes with her lover. No above is that known as the evenmg (sharlhi) priest or relative need attend if'. I have never ceremony and is only used when both parties seen this form as described nor have I found to the marriage are of the same ritual status. A anyone who has been married in this way. couple is of the same ritual status when they come from the same caste and where the wpmall It is difficult to see how it can be legally valid has not already passed through this ceremony in the absence of witnesses but ~ince I know once. Two jJarohil priests arc always necessary no olle who has been married thus, I merely and this is the most important :ll1d funda­ include it for information. - mental form of marriage. A third ceremony of marriage is that known But there are other forms, of lI1an:iage as jhrmjrara which is used where the bride and equally valid which are used in (,ther sltua· bridegroom are of unequal ritual stat liS, that is tions. I quote the following description from where the woman is a widow or IV'here the the Ch{,lmba Gazelleer p. 117. "The Gaddis also parties are of different caste. The ceremony is practise the form of marriage called Jimld­ usually held in a temple, and consists of a feast phunk solemnized by burning brushwood and being given by the bridegroom to those pJesent circumambulating the fire eight times h:ll1d in and a nose ring being inserted in the bride's hand or with. the bride's sheet tied to the bcw's nose. Also the woman's hair is braided with a girdle. It is admissible in cases where a gir'I's piece of red cord. It need not be performed by parents have consented to her betrothal but a parohit although one is usually present to refuse to carry Olit the marriage aIld is wmc­ hold a service. Compensation is usually p

ance with the possibility of her bearing children a, rig~t to ~ainten.ance. The basic principle of again and her age. Gadd~ physIOlogy IS that children are entirely A fourth form of marriage IS the balu concel:cd by a man's semen but it is necessary fhanjrara marriage. This is the marriage of a for thiS seed to be kept inside a woman to man to his elder brother's widDW even if his develop. The woman is in the nature of a care­ own wife be still living. No ceremony of any taker. Thus if it is known and the woman sort is required and the children born to the admits that a child which she has conceived is mother are considered to have the dead man not ?e.r. husband's, the genitor bears full res· as their father. In the gazetteer there is the fol­ ponslblhty. But of course in the absence of lowing description; such open acknowledgement it is always assum­ ed that the children of a married woman are "If a widow continues to reside in her late

1, Enm 011 the Punjab plans the prihrmjrarrt m(Lrriage is fully recognised wherever ritual restrictions prevent a shadhi marriage Henry T. Prinsep in a note on p. 164 of the Ori(f':n of Ihe 8il.:l, Power in PUllj,th, Lahore lil97 writes:-"The present rajah of Nabha ,Taswanj, Singh, allcl six of the 8inghpufa Chiefs are by connubial union of this nature (Karewa or_jhanjrara marri(Lge). Maharajah. Ranjit Rillgh h(LS gone some steps further; he took by knrewa a lady betrothed tn hiS f~lther, Maha Smgh; he has also taken Dyan Kaur and Ratan Kaur , the widows of Sahib Singh, the I:hief of Gujf1fat, his own uncle-in-hw.". 2. For this technioal point please Bee E.E. Evans-Pritchard &ome Aspects of Marriage and the Family among the Nuer, Rhodes Livingstone, Papers, No. 11. Rhodes·Livingstone Institute, Northern Rhodesia, 1945,

3. fleo p. 18 in Newell, "The Submerged Des(l[ rj I inc among the Gaddi People of North India" in the Journal of the ROY'll Anthropological Institute, Vol. 92, Part I, 19(2. 66 RITES DE PASSAGE once again. It cannot thus be regarded as a true behind her husband, who would let fall a sororate where sisters are interchangeable. string of remarks abo'Ut the young man's habits, which could cause the scheme to fall throagh. (e) Ghar javlllltri-Where a family has a And, conversely on some occasions when the lare'e number of daughters anu no sons, a 111an marriage arrangement had apparently collapsed, ma'y work for ili,; bride by living in bis future it was usually 'J. woman relative of the middle­ father-in-hw's honse. As there are many tasks man who would as though by accident, call an within the familv which can be better pcr[orm­ him to advise him to take up proceedings once cd by a man, a 'prospective bridegroom can be again. This is the most usual way a marriage invited to work alld live in the house for a is arranged. certain period of lime (usually two to three years) when all expenses of the marriage will I\!r. Lyall states- be borne by the !)ridc's parents. CSll'dJ? the "In the hills it is the father of the boy that man conccrned is poorer than the Lll111ly Jor sends an envoy to search for a bride for which he worb,. The usual word lor ~on-in-Iaw his son; in the plains it is the girl's is juwayi and it is signific:mt that this forn~ of father that searches for a husband for his marriage is Cclllcd ghar iavanirt, home lrttle daughter. It is a strict rule in the hills that son-in-law implying inferiority. Unli~e the the bride's tray-palanquin or dola must situation as it applies to the plaIns the be carried in front of that of the bride­ son-in-law could never acquire rights in groom" (p. 98 Land Revenue Settlement land property in his father-in-Iaw's house. of the Kangra District 1876), However under the new Indian legislation this may now be possible but the frequency It was my impression both in 19:')2 :,nd 1962 of this type of marriage is much less than used that it was harder for a husband to find a wife to be the case. In 1952 there was a court case than for a wife to find a husband and the in which after the period of contract had ex­ costs of marriage bore much more heavily on pired the father gave the promised daughter to the man than on the woman. The bl ide's another man. The "son-in-law" brought a court father had little responsibility for IIl"king a case against the father in which the court decid­ monetary outlay for his daughter by compul­ ed ill his favour in the sense that money com­ sion although he often gave a substantial gift pensation was paid to the man but the contract to his daughter from affection when ~he left her of marriage was not enforced. home. Apart from some physical cause I have not heard of any woman over 30 years Kho bas (f) Mothers like one of th'eir daughters at. not been married at least once but in ~OiTIe vil­ least to return to tbeir village of origin. By the lages one might find a man who has either hc('n rule of exogamy they must marry back into a unable to get married from monct.lry h,l]-d~hip go/ra other than their mother's. Sometimes or from lack of desire to work for a family. where a woman is happily married she will sug­ Such a man suffers from some sort olE discrimi­ gest her sister as a suitable bride for someone of nation in the village community. There is, how­ another gotra in the village. As most vilbges ever, little difference in status between the hus­ consist of only one, two or three golras, this type band's and the wife's family. The basic principle o[ link cannot keep repeating itself except in the is that of gharbar, to see whether the wealth case of large villages. and character of the couple arc about equally matched.' If payment is made by the man, it (g) Marriages arranged through a middle­ is termed bhandan. llIan where none of the above principles apply. It may happen that a young man or his lather (d) Death and death memorial ceremonies­ see or hear of some g'irl who attracts them, The following information is derived partly either by her good looks or her ability in some from personal observation of a death in Goa other direction, and thev then ask a friend of vil~age and partly on notes collected by my theirs (preferably with cbntacts in the village assistant Appa Rao Vaddadi of the University concerned) to make enquiries. Eventually the of Delhi. It was cross checked with informatio~ father of the g-irl is approached by the middle­ supplied by Sri Chuni Lal and Nanak Chand man armed with numerous cigarettes and of Goshen village and Sri Narayan Das of Seri pleasant stories about the prospective bride­ village. The text ih quotation marks is from groom. Although in theory these arrangemcnts Rao's MS. 'cue performed by men, on the occasions when I I accompanied my host, a middleman of no "The funeral rites can be divided into three mean repute, it was always the women, more sections. First, the funeral rites observed bdore especially the prospeclive bride's mother sitting the body is taken to the cremation ground.

I.For rurt~er in~ormation a hout the a?tual marriage customs of the Gaddis please see W.H. Newell "Gaddi Kinship and Affinal Terms" Man ~n IndIa Vol. 32 No.2, AprIl, 1952, Itanchi, Bihar. RITES DE PASSAGE 67

Secondly, the rites observed on the cremation affinal relatives weep at a distance. This is tl) gTOlllld and thircHv, the rites after crelllJtion. avoid polllltion and the necessity of taking a ~rhis would cover ;~ period of four years as the purilicatory bath. fOllrth death anniversary is an impon.ll1t occa­ Thefe are certain other men and warnell sion in the ceremonial life of the Gaddis. This mostly of the older generation who console tile description only covers ]wfmal dealhs whell the hrother's \l'i fe, mother and other close relatives body is uelllatcd and d()es ;10l applY La children of the de~ld man. These close relat.ives mourn under three years of age ;mel to lepers \\ Lcn loudly as ,I,cll as beat their head and chest but the bndies arc buried llot blll'llt. the arrillal rebtiyes just weep. All the consoling As SOOIl as the dose re]::;jvcs fccl that a per· l,,:;',OI1S are members of the deceased's Inr/(J/l SOil is appro;\(:hing his b.'it lJl0ment, his bo:ly is group. Two old women unplait the hair of [he rell10ved [rolll the bed ;end placed Oll the dead 1Ilan's wife 'rho sits ncar the body. Fine ground, :lIId a silver one rllpeC coin, :md quan­ thev relllove the ornamen ts of her head, then ti ty of gh i and small piece; of sancl:d il'O,)d, col­ 11er' ear rillQc; allel then her nose ring. ,\leall, lectivelY known ;is /Jal/cli rati are placed in tbe \1 [lile she sl~tieks loudly and tries to throw mouth of the dead man. Then the ')Oil\' ;s herself on her husband's body. given a bath with Gall;,cs waLer, ll,i~,c~l ill The INlrollil during this period continlles to ordil1ary II'ater, and it is encased ]l} a "ldz recite the Gamel Pllrlm while incense is lil sewll tigh tl y around the !Ieck and arlllS. This heside the corpse. After all the ornaments lwve sack is known as /)llgIUl r; r Imgi. £\ bc)\'e this a been removed frolll the wife, the body is lifted white cloth called taili is placed. rhis is llliltri­ [ro;ll the ::;rollnd amidst the protests of the buted joinlly by the mCIllbero; of his /);r!on wailing t'datives. There arc four bier be~trcrs group. Oil top of the lalli is placed a silk. doth of the deceased's age grOllp consist either of gellerally of red or \Ihice {o!our contributed by clo.,e IiiI'I OilS or of relatives. the kin of the dccea~;cd. 'I his silken dUlh is called Iw/all or mushri or [ajula. Then tf:e II corp,e is laid Oil a bier of deodar wood of a . "\Vb i Ie the wailing wOl11en remain behind, ·:tll special sh:.pe known ,IS rahha or (lilllllll or J'IlJn­ the men join the funeral procession. The family ,cj- I\lcalJ\vhile ;111 thz: rchtives or the deceased pruo/tit Ilith a firepot in his hand leads tbe vill;;,~C', :t'(' livillg- in olher informed through pro ..:eSS10t1 followed by the bier and then by messengers. \Vithin :In hoLl' or two all the mile the people which consists of about 40 people, members of r('bled L',ni: i~': ;llTiYe t()

l.By my Ohst'lva(.i()l1 in all anti,,,'odZ\y;.,,, ,lirc,,,t;oll. Th" ",if" ofth" 11,,:1(\ IllPIl is not prt'sent. nor tlot's one cire]c thp pyre three tillles. COIllP 11'(' p. 117, ::II.N. :::;rilliva~ Religion and Socirty among the Coorg8 of South India. Clarendon PreBs Oxford, 1052. RITES DE PASSAGE

At this moment the deceased's lIlother's is postponed till the twelfth or thirte~nth day. brother appeared weeping vociferously. He came On that day the family parohit sprinkles some from Pulm. Although 70 years old he violently Ganges water in the house after which all those beat his head and chest. His two sons who ac­ in the bereaved family takes a bath. companied him tried to control him to prevent During these ten days, the family prl10hit him from injuring himself. Amidst his protests offers pind (balls of rice) to the dcad man. his sons brought a brass tumbler of water which Those younger than the dead man and closely was poured over his hands amidst his protests. related to him barc their heads as a mark of He was then physically removed to a Jistance. respect. The women of the house rise early The paroh£t then called on all those present and weep together for a few minutes carh day. at the site to put wood on the body of the dead This is called mukhdena. Relatives and friends man. All thell placed a small stick or a spring visit the family to sympathise and carry wIth of sandal wood on the woodpile. them a small measure of wheat or mahki. After this the deceased's younger brothel' ac­ "Suitable days are Monday, WednesdlY, Fri­ companied by his father's brother's SOliS went day, Saturday and the eleventh day itself. (_ 'n the eleventh day the deceased's dothes ate round the pyre from south to north' ond lit the funeral pyre after one round. He tied a small washed and a goat is killed. Both t iJe clothes piece of cloth to his head. alld lhe goat are given to the par'Jhit for his All the assembled people left the pyre imme­ own use "(Chowhan). The goat is contributed diately before the corpse was consumed except by the dead man's birton group. for three agnatically related people who could During this period of mourning, the not be sons. Their number is always odd, 3, 5, 7 mourners are only allowed to eat one hot or 9 and they are termed sangharu" ~Rao). meal a day of poor quality food other than rice "These three men .sat watching the entire or wheat at midday. It is not a matter of fast­ body burn to ashes. It IS the duty of these men ing but of abstaining from normal 1:001 and to collect the ashes of the deceased with thl'! behaviour. seven bones of the finger, knee ami ankle "On the eleventh day all the friends, rela­ joints. This is all packed up in a little piece tives and neighbours are called for a big o,r cloth taken from the shroud of the deceased. feast. On this day at the insistence of the guests, At home they then sprinkle Ganges' water, the bereaved members of the family e.lt meat cow's milk, butter, curds, cow dung and and drink sur. This is the termination of the cow's urine over the packet. Then it is put into fasting restrictions. Each night and m,)l'ning a an earthen vessel closed at the top 'wd placed lamp is lit for a short while by the ,<,ide of the in a recess in the wall of the house. Each night earthen vessel containing the ashes of the dead and morning a lamp is lit for a short while by man. This is continued until a sufficient amount the side of it. This is continued until a suffi­ of money has been collected to take it to cient amount of money has been collected to Hardwar" (Rao). take it to Hardwar in Uttar Pradesh". (Chowhan When I visited Goa in 1952 it happened that op. cit.). a daughter of the village had died in another I also noticed a coin placed by the pyre village. I was interested to observe that the before burning. Dr. Hutchison gives Ihe follow­ parents of the married girl did qot attend the ing explanation. (Chamba Gazetteer). "A copper death ritual in her husband's village but per­ coin is placed by the pyre as the lax or the formed a similar ceremony to the above iil land on which the body is burnt (in allusion their own home but without the dead body. to the idea that the Mohammadens own the They also observed the eleven days fasting and world, Hindus the sky and that the owner's the daily presentation to the pind in their own land must not oe used unless paid for)' (p. 148). home. Guests who had birton with the family also visited them on the final day. This cle£lrly III shows that when a girl joins her husband's "The pollution period in the case of Brah­ go/ra at the marriage ceremony it does not mins and Gaddis is ten days. On the eleventh mean that she loses rights in her )wn l!;,)tra but day a purification bath is taken. Previously all retains residual rights. 1 think there is no method the gofm mcmbers of thc deceased ohserved by which a person can extinguish rights in his death pollution. But today many havc :tban­ or her gotra. On the other hand this shows do ned this practice and only the close kin of clearly that basically thc death ceremony is one the deceased obsel vc pollution. . [he jJaTohit which concerns thc gotra members and those decides whether the purification is to be taken with whom the gotra members have birton. It on the eleventh day or is to be postp,)llcd to does not follow that the women's affines by an auspicious day. If the eleventh day is not giving a daughter to another gotra thereby found to be auspicious, the purificatory bath acquirc any rights in it. If one visits Hardwar RITES DE PASSAGE 69 one also offers pind to one's daughters or no record of Btahmaur going back bcf.}'!'c the mothers as well as to the males. heginning of last century. I also visited "After three months the jJarohit and rela­ Hardwar with :Ylr. Rao but found the actual tives are sLimmoned to a feast (timai), alter six 1)(lnda in charge of the Brahmaur records had months (chaamahini), after, one year (barah), a large house some distance from the city where he lived in luxury. However he h"d after fom vears (chawbarsftl), In the~e cere­ it monies val~able gifls and a feast are given to I1rahmin servant who allowed us to look at relatives. Every year at the time pres::ribed by some of the records before representatives of the panda panchayat intervened with great the parohit, a' c~:rcm(}IlY (saradh) i~ pcrfOr~f? in which oiled cakes, vegetable dIshes, fruIt rudeness and forbade us to look at the rewrds. and other food arc offered to the jJarohit in "'-'Te were prepared to pay the sum of Rs. 50 the name of one's ancestors. It is repeated to look at the records but with the intervention ;/early for three generations"l. (Chowhan). vf the pane hay at) the pandas tried to bargain us up to Rs. 2:iO. We refused to do t.his on ac­ Gangn)'(j(ra-"A ncar male relative 1«1,.. e5 the count of their great discourtesy considering that bones of the dead Ulan to the Ganges at We had brought letters of introduction from Hardwar, The family pnrohit fixes a sUltable important Brahmins in l,he Brahmaur district day whell he has sufficient mone}> On~ per~on as well as credentials from other important may take lWO or three b8nes WIth 111m. '1 he people. The records are kept in an unsystematic lo11owinO' account was narrated to me by and bad style. ''''hen a Brahmauri visits the .N" arayanb Das, a priest of Seri vilIag~. On the day temple at {"hich the pandas work, he gives his of departure the packet of ashes is ta~en [rom own name and village. They t,hen recite infor­ its hidden place in the wall, washed with .pun]. mation derived from a predecessor who has gali, the :j products of the. cow, w~)fshl)~ped visited them. A married person who 'is a woman and hung around the, neck III a .(0I1tl111cr. 1 he may have her name written down in two or pilgrim or ganf{ayatn n~ust contmile to weal' three different sections and there is no attempt this purse contmually, IS not allowed tu sleep at systemat.ization or of undertaking a sped'll on a bcd, nor co eat Ulore than once a day genealogical service for the Gaddi concerned until he returns home. After returning home They cannot in any respect be regarded as gene" he performs a (erC~llolly called gan§?')j 0" l hidar ologists. The Muttra panda regularly visit his in which young ga'ls and Br~hmm boys are dients in Brahmaur but the Hardwar pandas worshipped and paid slllall cams, At Har~war has a bigger client.ele as more people die by the gangayalri throws the sa~red bones I;:to normal methods than of skin diseases, I did the Holy Ganges ;md bathes m the nver, oLcrs glance at the earliest records and found pind to his dead ancestors as well ~s to. all tll.ose no Gaddi name earlier than about 1810 so that family members and nearest relattves ~ncludm~ it seems ele:!r that the custom of Ganga),atra married sisLers and daughters. There IS an olfi· only started to become common about the begin­ cial priest known as a panria in Hardwar who lIing of the ninete~nth century. Both the is responsihle for the whole o~ the Brahma~lr jJandas at Muttra and at Hardwar form a sort area, These parulas were notonous for extra~t­ of clmed corporation which owns certain ing money. The gang(lya~ri in. order t'? aVOid material property such as the temple where they deceit by the pandas, satisfies hlm~elf w.Ith the meet in common. It is clear that by this custom bona fides of the panda by companng hIS gen~· of Gangayatra the Gaddi form an integral part alogies with those kept by .the pandas.' ThIS of the wider Indian society. ceremon y accordlllg to our mformants costs on an aver;;ge Rs. 20· exdU(~ing the travelling an~ IV other conlingent expenditure. The gangaya_ln "Gaddis believe that a bird called chamun takes back Gange, water from Hardwar which announces impending death when it cries over he mixes in the Lake at l\fanirnJhesh within ~ the house of a dying man early ;'n the lIlorning. year after performing the Ganga'i~tra. l\!faJ1l­ People consider this a bad omen ;;nd as soon mahesh Lake is about three rIal's Journey up as they hear the cry of the bird they expect bad the valley from Brahmau!'. There is no news. Thev also believe that crows (aw in a difference'in the funeral ritual between men special way when the death of a near relative and women." (Rao). takes place. After Ollr stay in Brahmaur I took t~e The northern direction is considered to be opportunity of visiting the pandas at ~ut~ra III an inauspicious direction and people avoid Kashmir and at Hardwar, If a Cadell dIes oE sleeping with their head in this direction. A skin disease, he is buried and his rehtive has dead person's head is always in this direction. to visit :t\f uttra to take part in certain cer,e­ The placing of the silver coin and four other monies at the sacred spring to remove the dIS­ valuable things, ghi and sandalwood (panch­ ability after death. I had the oppornm ;t'l of rati'l is believed to be the fee for allowing the looking at the genealogical records and (ou1ld dead person into heaven, Rest houses at MalTa in Kashmir

70 RITES DE PASSAGE 71

There is an interesting practice if a person most common idea is that a person will be dies between the stars "Dhanishta" and "Re­ reborn in accordance with his dharma and vati". Such a death is called Dhanishta Panchak actions but this is not an automatic process at and the belief is that if the pattern of the death. The dead person will not be success­ funeral is not changed five deaths will occur in fully rehorn until all his substance is once the same house. To avoid this for each addi­ again reunited with God and the purpose of tional star up to Revati, one dummy body pre­ the Gangayatra is rather one of separating the pared out of cloth is cremated along with the dead person completely from his residence than dead body. Somctimcs at the suggestion of the of positively helping him to be reborn in family j/{/roliil the hou:ic is ncated for a brief another world or at a higher level than in this. period of time llSlI:llly ranging between 3 fundamentally the Gaddis have little interest IlJOlllhs alld a year. For this kind of death the in any of the ceremonies melltioned as cere­ quantity or food alld cloth offered to the monies. The ritual procedure of the ceremonies Bra/lllliH, is lllOle. These stars are Dllanishtd, is determined and laid down by the parohils Satabhish, Uttarabhad, {'oona Bhad and and few of the Gaddis have any special interest Revati ...... in the actual procedure. But they are intensely Unlike the situation at marrIage, we were interested in those ceremonies which emphasize not ahle to gather any proverbs or sayings con­ or re-align different forms of social relations. nected with death or a funeral. There is how­ Marriage is thus a more important ceremony ever funeral music played on musical instru· than death for death is essentially a gotra ments like hal, /)allilli, etc. when an old man ceremony with an ending of birton relation­ dies. For such a funeral the bier is decorated ships with the dead man's friends but marriage during the last jourlley from the house to the is a means of extending one's ties to a new lila rp,1wi, or crematioll ground. We did not group of affines and birlons. This is not the collect any figlllTS about the expenses for a place to illustrate this thesis with examples. funeral. III illterviews we were informed that Only one word of warning should be inserted it depends on the economic position of the here. It is unreasonable to separate those parts family. But a poor man receives small gifts of of the ceremonies which are primarily sanscritic grain and other material required for feasting but which have originated in the forms of Caddi ...... They also sometimes lend small amounts society itself. Tambol, saj, chhei, sudenoj, etc. of money of about Rs. 5 to their kinsmen. The are just as important as the actual lagan or goat killed on the cleven th day is jointly gangayatra and it would not be a service to the contributed by the members of the birton Gaddi community to try to separate the various group." (Rao). rites on the grounds that some of them are not The Gaddi attitude towards the next world found among upper caste families on the phins is rather amorphous and unsystematic. The and should hence he suppressed. CHAPTER 6 KINSHIP AND AFFINAL TERMS Here I intend to deal briefly with actual kin­ reference by ego for the wives or husbands of ship terms and several of the more important re­ the person concerned. They do not claim to be lationships between relatives.' complete as' there are many alternatives and The following are the more important kin­ often the Hindustani terms are used instead of ship terms. Figures in brackets give the term of the Gaddi ones.

3rd generation up Father's father's father .. Purdadu (Purdadi) Mother's father's father Purnanu (Purnani) 2nd Generation up Father's father Dadu (dadi) Mother's father Nanu (nani) 1st generation up Father Chach (ijji) Father's brother (elder) .. To (tei) Father's brother (younger) Kaka (kaki) Mother's brother, father's wife's brother Mal}ma (manmi) Father's sister .. Bubi (buba) Mother's sister ]dasi (Dlasard, ruausa) ame generation as Ego Brother, father's brother's son, mother's brother's son, father's sister's son, mother's sister's son Bhai (babi, buraji) Sister, father's brother's daughter, mother's brother's d:mghter, father's brother's daughter, mother's sister's daughter Bahan (banwa) 1st generation down Son Puter, beta (nuhu, nul Daughter Dhiu, beti (jawayi, jamai) Brother's son Bhadria, bhateja (hu) Brother's daughter Bhadre, bhateji Sister's son, wife's sister's son Bhandria (bhaneduru) Sister's daughter, wife's sister's daughter, husband's sister's daughter Bhanerji (bhane) 2nd generation down Son's son, daughter's son Puteru Son's daughter, daughter's daughter Dhioteru Affinal terms Husband J.. ara (literally bridegroom. The wife addressee her husband as ji, abo or area). Wife Lari (Husband uses personal name in direct addrebs), Husband's father, wife's father Khora, jabra ' Husband's father's sister Sasur Husband's mother, wife's mother Khaho, jabri Husband's mother's brother Marrl, saura Wife's brother Sala (salan) Wife's sister Sali (sadhu) Husband's sister's son, wife's sister's son Bhanerja Husband's sister's daughter, wife's sister's daughter Bhanerji Wife's brother's son Bhatija Wife's brother's daughter Bhatiji Husband's elder brother Jheti (jhetan) Husband's elder brother's son Jhetutra Husband's elder brother's daughter Jhetutri Husband's younger brother .. Deor (deoran) Husband's younger brother's son .. Deoratra Husband's younger bro.ther's daughter Deoratri Husband's sister Rhanu (bhanwa, bhai) Children's wives' father, ohildren's husband's father Kurmu Children's wives' mother, children's husband's mother Kurmuni

1 For special problems arising from a study of the Gadili kinship system, see William H. Newell, "Gaddi Kinship and Affinal Terrus", Man in India Vol. 32, No.2, April 1952, Ranchi. Bihar. KINSHIP AND AFFINAL TERMS 73

From the above lists, which arc not complete less be treated with respect. But he would still as all alternative terms have not been written retailt his appropriate place in the kinship down, it can be seen tlut there are almost as system. many affinal terms as there are of those who can trace direct relationship to the gotra. It is as (d) Sex-III Gadcli language the feminine though, as soon as it per)on is dead, the com­ of a ltOlllt made hy adding "j", indicates a sister munity loses interest in him and tries to extend rather than a wife and I suggest that the use as far as possible among those who arc related of the femi llille form of the male term implies to Ego by marriage. eqllality. For example as a man will co-operate In Bharmaur the following principles are and regard ahllost as his greatest friend his sala, expressed. so will he joke and make fun with his sala's sis! er, just as she will tease him unmercifully in (a) There is only one term for all those of p II blic. In fact it is p05si ble for him to marry the 2nd ascending generation and one term for his sali allLl possibly to have sexual relations all those of the second and descending genera­ II'ith her withollt excessive blame. But it would tion: be totally Wroll~ to joke openly with his sala's (b) There is a patrilineal elllphasis al;lo11g II·ire II'ho has a different term to describe her re­ the generatiotls senior to Ego with the excep­ latioJ1Ship. that of salan. tion of mother's i)roth::r. One ;:hl'ays under­ takes to greet a senior by t.he (jwra {JllIIdrwi The Gaddis arc extreltlely virtuous in protect­ means of salutation except the mother's brother ing the cha,tity of their WOIllen especially if who salaams to his llcphc\>' or niecc. they arc unmarried but an exception seems to (c) A clear distinction of gellerations ,,,ith IlO be made in the case of one's sali. Firstly there two generations beillg called by the same term. is a special word to describe a person who sleeps This is modified in practice b\' age. An uncle with his sa/i, IWjJatta/" Ol~ hallar. There is also who was younger than oneself would lleverthe- the following popular song:-

L (hri to lllujli teri kukhcri kalHlaj i Your eycs arc (IenpIy (Ieeoitfu[,

Aug na purundc sadw tf'ri (J 0, Illy hllsband I alll not sa(;,fie,\ with your truthfulness

AUI} (ujho puc-hin,ii hit I u,~;a r;). si" Oh ,\e(:ei(f,,1 hUH]JHIllI 1 ask yoU Aj kallui rahna [mIl ilia; "Where were you last Ilrgh("? 3. Tern Kopia gorin 1IlOT(' :-lone l'il!;ll'j Oh he

4. Tiklc(a biIHi,,[i lai sa,le ll:l ina () Please do no( come again (0 ,n)" hIJli''' wilh (be film and To mera kUlld l)l";\hlll:\iy" JIO binieli Oil as }"oulwvPuxjlm:et! my husband to my doubts.

The wife Sllspcds her husband of dileltalltinp; tionship to the child, provides the bedi and with sOllie strange woman but docs not knOll' ";!rioll' gifls. To help one's bhallerja-i .is a reli­ who. She asks her husballd where he was last giOll' dllt\' of the same sort as presenting gifts night and he says that he was at her father's to ;1 Brahlllin ((lIulIl). These three relationships, home so why should YO!l be conccrned. Theil ,1ala-.wli, brother/ sister and mother's brother I the wife remelllbers that her sister (husband's sister's son arc of fundamental importance in sali) has been around het hOllse recendy Gaddi society. dressed up (with a red ~pot Oil her forehead The rela tiOllShi p bct\\'een husband and wife and silver hi/l(/!'[l, a sort of otllalltent) so she is that ideallv descnbed in the Romayana S;IYS now all her doubts of her hushand arc bet\\"CClI Rama amI Sita. This IJook is recited at opened up. In other wortls she has developed ica';t once or twice cl year in public. During the jealousy of her si'iter. 'With sOllie ot her lllarriag'e scrvice the womcn sing a song one person she would be able (0 take actilC steps to verse of which is as follows, which describes the preyellt her husband beillg' "taken" [rolll her. attitlldes of husbands anu wives:- Thus the .1Il{a,sa/i relationship to ego is onc i{ali, !{([ri. mie Ham do hare-Mystic line, or cOlllplete Clptality bctween both sexes. One's mystic line, Raja Ram's mystic line. wife's sister is also a possible marriage partner. Kart" bUllyll 1/([ jrmrli-A mystic line not to be crossed over. This is in contrast to the hrother/sister rela­ tionship which is one of deep respect and friend­ This is reference to a scene in the Ramayano ship betwecn brother ;ll1d sister. Becallse OllCC ",ilen Ram ',:as deceived into the jungle olle', sister has married there is little that a by am/; sl/(/ III the form of a deer. He man call do to help her directly, a strong rela­ left his younger brother behind to look after tionship develops. 'Vhell the sister has a child .'iil;I bllt Oll hearing false cries of help in the the IIIother's brother has a strollg dutiful rela­ jungle, she falsely accllsed the younger brother L,P(N)5I:lCO(HP)-(i 74 K1NSHIP AND AFFINAL TERMS

of hating his elder brother and made him go one hhandav although the genealogical connec­ into the jungle to prove his fidelity leaving her tion is not known so that a khanclan cannot en­ alone. Before Ram departed he drew a line tirely be regarded as a lineage. On the other around the hut where Sita was living and gave hand Rosh:lI1 Lal is rewgnised as the most her strict instructi'Ons not to cross it. 1 Ravan senior of the oldest lineage. came to Sita in the form of a hermit and per­ Two other terms are also used, sariki and suaded her to cross the line. He stole her and dhora. A sari ki is a larger Unit than a hhanda11 took her to' Lanka. From that moment Sita's and all the members of the village can be said difficulties began as a result. of her disobedience. to belong to one sarihi in Grer. A dhora is a This is an ideal representation of the duties of larger unit than a tal but its usage is not ex­ a wife among the Gaddis. As long as wives know actly defined. One could say that one belongs what is right and obey their husbands as lords, to the dhora of some famous Grer villager with­ there will be no trouble but once they lose out actually specifying the relationship. For that respect., trouble will occur. On the O'ther example, there was a famous Grer engineer call­ hand, the husband's attitude to the wife is one ed Chetu so his descendants call themselves of assistance and advice and love. Marriage is Chela Fa dhora to 'Outsiders. a sacrament with the two halves making a unity. The only definite term which implies a tradi­ For other important relationships within the tional lineag-e system is khind. bther terms can kinship system, please refer to Gaddi Kinship ~ometimes be used in a lineage sense but and Affinal Terms) op cit. more often are applied either to a territorial The Gaddi genealogical system is marked by group within the gotra or else to some econo­ a wide affinal spread by connections through mic unit based on a chula (tol). The use of these women, either wives or sisters, but it does terms seems to apply mainly to the village of not extend very far vertically. Most vil­ Grer and I have not heard them used elsewhere lagers can only remember their great grand­ in the valley because the village lind gotra units father with difficulty in the paternal line and are not large enough to make them relevant. usually only as far back as their mother's father Some informants claimed - that the ~ords in the maternal line. It is sufficient if they mere­ sarihu) hhandan and gotra were' identical in ly remember their al and that of their mother. meaning but I do not think this is the case. Since the villages are small, and usually consist This is an illustration of the difficult.v Gaddis of no more than one gotra) there is no point in have in thinking in terms of lineag'es. Only remembering any form of lineage classification. Grer and perhaps Kugti is large enough to have It is thus important to look at the exception, this difficulty. Grer. Grer village is a large village consisting of only one gotra) that of the Chowhan gotra. Another term sometimes used to apply to a It has a number of t.echnical terms to minimal lineage is tabber. The following exam­ describe different units within the village ple was given to me:- based on genealogical descent. The largest unit "A certain woman married to Das and a is the gotra. It is then divided into two khandan descendant of Kund, returned to her father's consisting of an outer (bariaru) and an inner house with her children after separation from (andriaru) section. These two sections do not her husband. She would be regarded as belong­ observe death mourning for each other and do ing to the tol of Das (even though not living not expect to get invited to the other section. with her husband) to the tabber of her father Factions within the village often split along these but witllOUt rights in her fat.her's large group lines. Each khandan is divided into several of Hind." hhinds named after the ancestor- where the split The word tal) household, must be distin­ is supposed to have commenced. The length of guished from tali which means ai. time back to the split depends on the size of the group of descendants. The more brother); a The head of the oldest lineage does not ac­ person had the more likely the following g-enera­ quire any authority from his genealogical posi­ tion will split. A khind consists of numerous lois tion. As one villager said to me "The control of which are not regarded as lineages but as house­ a village depends on personality, not on the holds gathered round the s':tme chula.' Actually number of gotra supporters in a village." in Grer village there are three main lineages In spite of that statement Grer is especially led by Kanth (60 years old), Roshan Lal (05) and well known for its extreme solidarity against Chenalu R:lm (28). The first lineage consists of infringements of its village rights even if it is 38 tal) the second 23 tol and third 6 to I. The frequently split. inside by fundamental internal second and third lineages usually combine into factions. There have been several successful

• 1 I can find no copy of this line in my Ramayana. Nevertheless all Gaddis firmly believe in it and it Illay also be iilentifi~d WIth the line drawn round the hawan by the parohit in whioh the marriage takes place. ~ Eaeh tol consists of only two or three generation depth and may consist of one or more brothers. KINSHIP AND AFFINAL TERMS 75 r.ases of bataal agai~st dissident members. destroyed and thrown over the side of a cliff. This requires great UnIty and prevents anyone The !)olice investigated but every single Grer from speaking to the offender or from invIting village claimed that a giant had thrown the Ilim to any gatherings or co-operatmg with house over the cliff and this was the situation him. There was an instance of a villager ran even in the court case. Not a single person in 'l.way with the wife of a man of the same gotTa. the village could be found to testify against any­ After a year the wife returned but the man one else. The case was eventually dismissed and suffered btlttlal for three years and anyone seen a private arrangement made between the speaking to him was successfully fined Rs. 25. Brahmin and the Grer villagers out of court by Another instance of village solidarity was of a which his rights in the land were informally certain Brahmin farmer who managed to obtain Iill1i ted. These cases of village solidarity are some land on the Grer side of the valley legal­ much lIIore rare in villages which are not com­ ly not lIsed but within what the Grer village re­ posed of a single gotra. Kin ties do count for garded as their area. The hOllse was a small one something. and one night the house was found completely CltAPTElt 7 RELIGIOUS DEITIES "Shiva is believed to have his abode for half at Bralunaur is occupied by NarslIlg, Lakshna the year on the Kallas peak at Manimahesh ...... and Ganesa as well as Shiva and that these and On 1st Asuj he retires to the lower regions called other gods take an active part in certain rituals Pujalpur (Patalpur) where he remains till the such as that at marriage; but none of these feast of Shivratri in Phagun when he returns to major gods have any important following of his summer residence. The Gaddis who are humans except Shiv'l. The follow.ing story of devotees of Shiva regulate their migrations bv Triloknath Dev will give an idc:l of the re­ these two dates." (p. 181, Chamba State lationships between Shiva, the Gaddis, various Gazetteer, 1910). topographical features and the importance of the annual pilgrimage to Lake Manimahesh. To This sentence from the Chamba Gazettet>r some extent it acts as a ch:lfter of the pilgrimage. adequately sums up the main theme of Gaddi This text was related in Hindustani rather than religion. The leading god of the Gaddis is Gaddi as our informant, although coming from Shiva and he not only occupies the highest the traditional group of Manimahesh Sipi chela, peak in Gaddiland for his home (Shivabhumi) had lived for some considerable time on the but directs the daily lives of the Gaddis in plains :md had become converted to Sikhism. varIOus ways. It is true that the main churassi Trilochen mahar dev l The God with three eyes

Ak din asa a tu ko Slrivji maharaj Gaddi bahos manjar inde On a cort9in day, Lord Shiva2 camo into our house at Se('huin gam Sochuin ai tio. Koi dB.s bajo ra tim ti bukh tu jus dressed as a Gaddi. At 10 A.M. that day Shiva stood in our muko Shive buchi Imre inde karanlUnjur awaj deti ha."Gare (ourtyard, calling out "Is there somebody inside the home hin ya na hin". Andrll. tOl} budhi (Trilochen mahar dev (·r not?"" Au aged woman, mother of Trilo('hen, came out. di rna) nikehi ha. Shiv puchendo hin de hudie tr, kinjur Shi~-a askb, "Oh, good lady, can you le,ld me two nU1.um'" do limn lun udare do sukundi I-aiu. HudM balni ha de lUll of salt?" The old lady asks where she can acq\lir~ so atom katahun dina ha. Tan Shlve halu lw burie tu jut much salt. Then Shiva spoaks, "Oh old lady, you arc lying; bulni ha, Tere andar dwei do hi kunjar bina ra barure bin, inside you have two full wooden chests of salt, one of white ak kale ra, ak haeche fa. and one of black".' Budi balni ha tu apu chulato 1tlldar bel' kat1.i dwci kanjarl The old ladv SlWS ""Yalk inside yourself, and see where bnrere hin. Jes moke andar ger tan kanchala siti ungul lai thcre are two f~ll chests of salt". When he entered, than ha Shive char budhi jo baltl ke kanjar lari phatti jo ko har. Shive toucholl the wuod(mchest with his fingers and asked Jis muke budhi phatti kuhare tal} horn na lugi aka kale luna the lady to remove the sliding cover. Then the old lady ra aka haehcha luna ra bilkul barure neka hin. J3udhi opened tho cover and there Was onc box full to the brim with bulni liJgi Ire e Shivji hi jana ninjo ta os Imla ra patk nil tn. black salt. The old lady "nid, "Only Shiva loww. Shivji balane !aga ke acheha ekul das tn ke. Mun ta u&'trna I was (Iuite unaware of this". 8hivji b~gan to speak, jo zarur Inn ni::la. "I have to carry salt to the flock so will you provide me with lL porter?" Budbi balno lags, Amma muu kon dina. Mera putera era Tho old woman said, "Mother," how ('oull' I give you a gran jo batnra ba. So gUllda ta tasi jo puehi li,L. Gunda portor? !\Iv SOll has just gOllo to a (l'rtaill village. If he be ta Ie hi gucha thore tamall1a Trilochcn dov iehi ra hin. Budhi willing to go yOU mTlst ask him". Ht'shortIyH rctul'lls. Tho bulua ke tu gichi. Sokcno ta yan ri sogi chcliga. Taretiyari old lady said that if he should acc(Jmpcmy Shiva, sho would kari Ie te cheliga. "Piri budic do mun kucha lun tcli tali lmri tell him to prepare hims()lf and sot out. Then tho old apno Imlar:u-(skin lmg) munjir pai ditta. Uni thiori (tic lady weighed two kucha maullds of '-.alt aud pnt it i.n the' on the back with a rope) lai te Shlva kane chelipua chcL'l11be, skin bag.7 He roped it on his back and set. out III the chell'mba, poUa hasan Sunde (a place just before Herser) company of Shiva. Travelling along, tho fil',j rest was at dittar. Piri total} dlPlli gurri Herser puji gelJ. Tetan 8unuo8.'Tben thew I'm;ted at HCl'ser. At Dunci;o Trilochen chelligurri baharan Duncho jittar. Trilocben Shiva tau ask",) Shiv-a, "Oh, shepherd, wher' i~ your flock?" Thon puchinda. ke paharla tera da.l} kati ha so. Ta Shiv baldaha Shiva says, ":!\Iv flock has just loft. t\,,, place. Seo n. fire dan t8. mer abe go ha attulJ. Heri Ie e ag joluria, pani piura has hem; here. ·Fresh ,vater has be:'lI spilt bere". Then &'1" sajura jo kuri tuj iho biswas na inda ha. Trilochcn a Trilochen C<1.me to know tbftt tho flock had left. Then they jo da puttar bua h tik dharn attau go ha. Piri bandargati passed through t'w bandargnrti and lwgan to walk more don,ste balic koen de chelligan hin. Piri barogarti male slowly. Then they took a re,t at the barorrntll. Tbcre they bahara.n ditta hen. Tf.tti jdum sarjcn tudkuri, jelall-'ar found t'l(' burnin!( embers of the omptlOrl booka]' howl sujcra jelandar, dUlJ nikalda huju kurunda ttl jis tum with smoke still coming out. Th€y guessed the flock was mallum buah do dahnah nore hi 1m. Asse kurotu ki near so they wodrl "hortly catch them up. lwrotu.

Piri so chelepende hin. Gauri kund pera di kari Barchund mate Then they was sct forth again. Having made the round of dala jo chelepo. hiTl. Barchundi regotari borti ton kindi goa. Gaurikund' via Barchund, they set out for Dala. At He1ua ki tu Tn1oc~en bale bale inda bo Ol} tasijo grotilennu. the back of Barchundi past1l'o, Shiva left him. He Trilochen. utI balll t?gachura. Jis moko ehelne laga ta sai,!, "Oh, Trilochen you f01low mo slowly. I will catch up ba,ra dertl ton na utmda tu. Thora. lunkaddi perua baki with the shepherds". Trilochen had sat down. When ho 76 RELIGIOUS DEITIES rl'Z

utai kuri tnmhi re kwala mate, Ie kari llper Dalapllra gachi began to walk again it was not possible to lift the load. Some mhu hll.. salt was thrown out and the rest was oarried up the ascent. Thus he ascended the Dal. Uper kill. hem ha? Ke na koi Gaddi, narn dahan, na ta he koi What docs he see up there? Thel.'6 is neither Ga.ddi nor sheph­ pad ha. erd nor flock. Pi I'i wa par hem na laga. Ta tnRijo derti pur munnu re lagum Thon he began to gnze about. Then looking at the ground he pur lmlUum luo. Triloehcn ti~ ya pen fa ri seddi soddi found human footprints. Trilochen following this lead ciwlna lugga.Jstem unni so Ito dnlara por,l lai lua. Ik jag!;a begnn to walk. In this way he took a full round of the lake. dah. pur dllla1'i percri pur chamuka chagga h'l. Thatti At one placo on the edge of the lake there is a square sla b. There palli ri chittli laguri huji. Pani ri chcbi chitti h('ri lenrri he snw spbsr.es of water. As he saw these splashes and also kane dalar:t pani noro hi hilinda heri lmrr; Trilocl)('D no samjua the ripplios on the water, Trilochen presumed it was just d(' bono ho tillld iti 0 data muujo, hal lW bo eli duturi. possible he III ight ha Ye jumped into the lake at this very spot. Pil'i ek chagllit girllm hujura. Tn.s chakc to!! andl'llU Ilsnjo ak ThOll he snw a slab displaced from the other slabs. He saw Rlllwm msta hlljll". Trilodwn F~tli manj't (kieh buldo a golden path insido. Trilochen went into the water (Some e1vorto marito). A· ()itr kia hCl'Ilda!. Hel'lIda ke andlt]' say he jumped). What did he see inside? That there was alGI sudhu ha bute, sere duniha. Gosai mur pute batura1'a. one sndhu nnd his su,crod fire (duni). The saint was seated on U" molw usio h08('holi'1.i ha. '1'a ke samju 0 t" oh'1.l' chart a mllr? Ho then came to his senses and understood that he Rhivji hin jolo m·th kernda. was truly Shivji. He jointed his hands and Rsked, "Are you Pucht" ko mnhamj tnsso Shivji hin a nr hill, :'llliv 1mhul h'I1]. L'Jrd Shiva?" Rhivn answers, "Yes, I am Shivji". Then Ann !Shiv hun. Tpl>l'i t~ ditti ha Triloch(\l\ lut. Trilochon takes off his pack. TriJo;h"1l crtlas" bJl(iLS th0n placed before Shiva. "Trilochen as you came be­ 1'ril"e1\(·llid.j jo olWlI,htln I", ji,l, 1',,11 .. JUllnri hn1'ui ""dti ti ha'J fi)!'o bringing" knZani full of snIt so you also take thesp things hie· ill~'(t. .io· hi npno t,'dJ'i l:JaT_! Irt.il(, Tril()dwII te i ];..i lHla ')iwk ill yom Tli1rk." Th"n Trilocben t"kes his Pfl.ck. Tben Shiva Pi1'j l--Ilti\'a hduH. k('· 1ijn nllil (L,'ak, "It is a very similar sound to my Trilochen Ke gilolb ]luehi hi nhuri ti.io Tr'ilodwn 1m dara JIlllnj iehimhllha. playing th" flute.!:' These things were being talked of ]1;1I,,! ]\I,m,li ri Iwl10 hUGhi ge. i-lollti\ pnriv,1 nlli\IHla buehig' wh('ll Trilochnn reached the doorway. Surprised, mourning Tril",'h:lll·"t,h jo hlwi Iml'l'i. l\[attn dillll parllnta lise L1\'i gia iH changed to happiness. Having seen Trilochnath, the olose h,,,,"di Jm go na hin dB hnlo IIsoro pitti I'"I' HUllel'a .Tpnn,jnhn, rclativl'~ hurst into Jejoicing. After the passing of several Dod ptl(:hn" lagi. i'ahm jcttHlb bed InIHI tll munn" mhega. dttys. his wifo noticod during a bath that there was a 5 fingered l)u.s lml) kich tijho jahindcr h,\ aUI) yl1 bed? 13ed lel}I)C gold imprcRsioll (ll1Lnja) on his back. She wished to find out tni 'l'riJoehanari lari. U"ijo ,mdlH' legundin. (;al'ar() ~ub the truth. Then he IIlpoke, "If you wish me to tell you the uarbitkr lmnn toh"lu ho\mru bund Imre ditte'I). Blind truth, I will not live. Tell me which you wish, I or tho truth?" kupar lmre ditti h,\. For tbe snko of the truth, Trilochen's wife takes him insido tho ho",,,e. All the openings and cracks are sealed up from nil' and light is prevonted from coming in (Kupar)". Bcd dassi hhi betar Trilochen c]wli\11", ]lalli ri hiu. Harbaruhi wDtor". 'l'rilochcn blessed her and ltnnounced springs of ta.srojo tOIJ son sa, wan nlino itti ju~ laguda. }la. Phi Triloehcn water would nrisl' at this place. Even at present there are 7 klLmnlltlG1l1utlo jetijc'. Hetti ohar kmw Imdl milno hn, charI sptings at La!. Every year from that day is held a jug, a reo diLti 1m. ligiou" fen,t during f'awan. Then Trilochen at the junction of the Uudl and Ravi jumped into the water,16 PiTi handn!' balli glltL

This story is related through the kindness of Trilochen is surprised that the flock has not yet Saura Chand, a Sipi of Sechuin, direct descc;nd­ heen sighted he still carries on. ant of Triloknath, at present working as '3. ~Ikh Q. Which is also done in the pilgrimage. This carpenter. His father is Lojen. It is transcnbed is a sacred place. and partly translated through the co~r.tesy of ~r. Bishambhar Das Chowhan of the Civil Hospital 10. On account of the larelied air, it is more at Chamba. difficult to lift a load. The following notes are added by myself to II. As part of the ceremony at Manimahesh make the nature of the story clear. all the Sipi chelas wade across the lake on each 1. No attempt has been made to sort out t?e other's shoulders and it is believed that the bottom of the lake rises up to bear them. I be­ tenses or persons as sOI~etirnes in t?e descnp­ tion it is as thO\wh the mformant himself were lieve this covers this part of the story. Triloknath Dev. I am afraid the text's spelling 12. After Trilochen has met Shiva he becomes is somewhat variable as sometimes Hindustani a sort of deity himself and capable of altering is used and sometimes Gaddi and no attempt the natural world. Instead of returning the way has been made to st3.ndardize. he came, he travels along- the mountain ridge. 2. No one knew it was the Lord Shiva. This Kukeru is the mountain just at the back of is not fully revealed until Triloknath prays to Brahmaur. him in the lake at Manimahesh although the 13. Trilochen had been presllmed dead as he old lady sllspects this whe~ ~e pro~uces the salt. The old lady is not deceiVing Shlva. The two h ad not returned from his excursion to Kailas. sorts of salt were not in the box except through 14. The house in which Trilochen lived was the miraculolls intervention of Shiva. But the an old style hOllse not a modern one so that it old lady is ]lot absolutely sure as the boxes had no hnbara, only tohelu, slits in the walls. were locked and she had the key. There is a third term used for all openings call­ 3. These arc huccha maunds, not pukka ones. ed da-biUcr which includes doors and windo\\'s but these do not seem to have existed in ancient 1. White for humans, black for sheep. houses. S. I do not quite understand what "Mother" Fl. Ahundar is just at the back of KUllni means but think it may be here a sort of swear­ and there are certain: songs sung at marriag-e word shewing- her sincerity. which warn girls against marrying anyone from (i. The old lady is frightened of the miracle Kunni as they will spend the whole of their lives just performed and refuses to commit her son carrying water. The lack of water is blamed on but the SOil hy taking the risk shews his confi­ the lack of hospitality of KUllni people in con­ dellce in the s·trangcr. Hospitality is one of the trast to that of La!. IIlOSt basic traits in Gaddi character and there 16. There is a shrine and formerly a small are lIIany song-s illustrating this. village at this point. 7. This is a special skin bag used by the 17. This is quite an elaborate temple hut now Gaddis made of the stomach part of a sheep on the opposite side of the river from the road It is tied on with ropes to the back and this verb as the government has Illliit a new jeep road is a special verb to describe the method by along part of this ronte. which it has been roped on. R. Each of the places mentioned in this story This story has been recorded here to show the are resti ng places on the NT animahesh pilgrim­ close connection between the Gadcli religion and age. This whole story acts as a sort of charter of territory. Other examples could be given. the pilg-rimag-e. Herser is the junction of the Below the hig'h gods, the Trinity of Brahma. road when one starts to climb up. Herser con­ Vishnu and Shiva, are the various gods of sists entirely of Brahmin llUjaris to the Mani­ Hinduism. Hut they do not enter directly into Tnahesh festival. Only they have the rights to Gaddi life (except in Sanscritc ceremonies). In care for the pilgrims Oil the way up. Dllncho is Goshen there aie two levels at which gods en­ the traditional resting place at the top of the ter the society, through family worship or side valley before starting the really st~ifT climb through caste worship. In Goshen village the on'!" the Bandargartell, the lTlonkey climb (he­ head of even lineage has a g-od in his hOllse hut came olle has to he like a monkey to g-et over when the family divides. the lineage god is not the rocks. ;\ path has IlOW been huilt here hv always transferred or divided among the member t.he ~'Overmllcnt forest deparlment). Flocks households. Divination is required. In Goshen l'arcly go higher than DUllcho on this side of there are three families originating from out­ the valley because of the rocky soil. Although ~ide Goshen within the last hundred years. RELIGIOUS DEITIES 79

One comes from Grer village and has no reo unknown, a human brass deity. He reo ligions object in the home although they gards Ajiapal as being a special god of worship the s([li at Grer. Grer villagers have no the silversmiths but all the riams wor­ family good other than this Grer female sali. The ship the same god in the one house al­ ~ccolld LlIllily owning- lallel has nO' family though they have separate chulas. god because they own two houses, olle in Cho· hia and one in GmhcTl. The wife who lives The Sipis as describcd by Jugta worship mainly in Goshen claims that she has none in Kaling, and Murali. They worship them the h()Use because she still has a MatatllngaSpuja,.i The rill ras as des(ribcd hv Nihala, the sil­ a, also hemg hIS domcstlc god.' Work on tht> versmith. worship Ajiapal plus one dcvi shrine is undertaken by means of a kwer in •

so RELlGIOUS DEITIES 81 which all villagers partlClpate. Food for the merely to look after the bell, sankali, trisul and villaoe festivals is also provided by a levy on all cloak of the god and to keep the shrine in good Gaddis (hllt 110t riaras or Sipis) in the village colldition hut it is a position of some status bllt alllOlle al(Clldillg is allowed to cat the within the village. food at'tClII ards. The for11l of ritllal is th;lt To olle side of the shrine arc variolls images of klH1\vlI ;IS /lalll'alil'. The l'ilLige jmj{lI'i is ':111 a man or man and wife. They are about a heredil.ary positioll Im.t the position of chel~' foot high of slate or stone. According to Biaju, call he held by allY sllltable persoll. In 1952 It the Gaddi jJlljari, they arc miscalled autours. was held b\ Jiclcli and ill l%~ it was held some­ Their correct name is barni set up by chilil· times by R~)s'ltclI Lal. ('!/lJII!:II/1r!II" of Jiddi or by less couples to participate in the worship Nanak Challe! alternately. A goat is always sac­ of the village whell they no long'er have descen· rificed ;111(\ usually various forms of prophecies dants who \\'ill be memhers of the village them· arc: made

N"l~K .. S'IIll1"',]<1\'" :lLllc kirl" first, [ruit.H, in(,e'nHP, Hmall ,'akpH. Ritlh . 1)0.' S''''k. "!)",'·\\·oo,l. ('rnteh, Kall,lak 1IIl1kki, I'Ofi. D"\'i .. 'I'''''K'];',' V"l'lIlitioll. hindli (hrow m:ll'l,). S(rlll (rpd ch(((lrrr) , dllnf

satisfied dead. Only the latter are technically the side stream surrounding Sup. He is also autours. the patron god of Sup village). ~he n~g i!l fear, hurried away to cross the nver WIth hIS The gazetteer gives the following classifica­ water and the tree. But as he was closely pursued, tion of second class deities who are not directly he threw the tree away which fell upside down connected with the village or family community with the roots up. This is the present si~ of and yet are not members of the larger Sanscritlc the Penshei shrine. The tree is still there. But pantheon. Koteru' s arrow wounded him and stuck According to Biaju there is no essential differ­ between the bibli and his limb. The nag became ence between devis, devtas or sidhs. They all lame and the water fell out of the bibli on the benefit humans and are often associated with opposite side about a furlong below the Budl black stones. Another category of being are bridge. In spite of being lame, he collected iahhs, which arc found oT}- passes between the a little water in the bibli and reached Penshei different valleys. On certam of the passes bet­ where a little stream was created." ween Brahmaur and Lahul (but not between The trees in Penshei are thus special trees Brahmaur and Kangra) it is obligatory for which were collected by the nag and the geog­ shepherds to sacrifice a sheep or goat as they raphical features of this part' of the valley tra verse the pass with their flocks. Every cow has are closely connected with the religious featu~es a jakh and the jakhs are inherited matriline· of the valley. To take some of t~e trees <;>r to 111- ally from cow to calf. If the jahh of a cow is un­ treat them would be a more senous offence than willing" to travel with its protector then the cow merely taking ordinary shrine trees. will d\e and so wh,en an animal is bought, en­ g uiries are made as to whether the jahh will These lesser deities arc not evenly spread all come with it and a small sacrifice made to the over the ground, but certain areas have a greater jahh of the cow's milk. concentration than others.' Places which are All these various deities have no fundamental known for their special sacredness are often usc in social control unless they become at· marked by vertical triml. They may represent tached to some particular social group. They three things (a) a place in which a Gaddi are merely a sort of explanation for certain has been killed by a bear; (b) a place where the types of disasters if every other explanation fails. trisul has a very similar function to that of an Not all cow illnesses are due to the unwilling­ aulour; (c) a memorial from which a traveller ness of the cow's jakh. It may equally well be a can sec a specially sacred. shrine or moun.tai!l' physical illness or poor quality grass or some Often these small memonals are made wlthm other cause. The skill of a cow doctor comes sight of Mr. Kallas. They represent the moun­ from blending the various aspects of the cow's tain itself. "nature" together. I do not think people are In addition to the deities derived from the really frightened or terrified by these deities. next world, it is also possible for someone from They are merely inconveniences which have to this world to become deified by becoming a be propitiated but when they do attach them­ sadhu or in the way already described for selves to a particular group then they become Triloknath Dev. But this is very unusual and I important. For example the swry of the nag of have never heard of a Caddi becoming a sadhu Penshei village is as follows: although theoretically possible. Most of the Trees surrounding shrines are supposed to be humans who have become divine are satis> used only for purposes of the god such as fire­ widows who have thrown themselves on their wood for the annual festivals or making leafcups husbands' funeral pyre. The most famous sati to drink sur with. Branches of Goshen trees are in the Brahmaur area is from the village of Gret. often taken notwithstanding the general prohi. The song associated with this sati is described bition. But in Penshei one is impressed by the below. Here I wish briefly to give one of the thick forest lying behing the shrine untouched, variat.ions of the story. This is the story by with old branches still remaining in place. Bhagat Ram of Crer. "There was once a severe drought in former "There was once a marriage in the family of times. A nag on the Penshei side of the stream Chenalu (in Grer) and all the women of the crossed over the Budl Nadl to fet.ch water village including the sati were singing and danc­ from the opposite side just above the village ing. The sati's husband was away at this time of Sup. There he managed to steal a bibli in Dinka village. (Dinka is just behind Kunni (pumpkin like container) full of water together village. It seems clear that his occupation was with a fir tree. This activity disturbed Koteru's that of a moneylender and he had gone there ~leep. (Koteru is supposed to live in the part of to collect his debts. He was known to be very

'-Surrounding villages which have occupiod valleys with special nags are Tundah (Dighu nag), Sup (Koteru nag), Pulni (Gorku nag! and Penshei (Lotu nag). RELIGIOUS DEITIES 83

wealthy).. He got into a dispute with a man This sati happened about 140 years ago, but called Dami, who killed him. His wife imme­ every detail of the story is clear to the present d;ate!\ kllew that he had been killed through inhabitants of Grer. I cannot see the direct con­ intuition and announced this to the other ladies. nection between the story and the sati song but The nose ring (balu) came out of itself. She an­ the pipul tree referred to is the one which grows llounced that next morning a Halli would on top of the sati shrine at the back of Grer be coming to announce his death. She village. ordered a pile of wood to be prepared near This sati is not an ordinary sati and not all the Budl N;ldl just near the site of the present salis become sacred. III this 'story there are a bridge. She thCli entered a jJalhi and next morn­ number of special features. ' ing went down to the river just as her dead husband was coming down the other side. On (l) The sati's husband was a bad man and the way down she gave her classificatory father­ unpopular in Grer. His wife sacrificed herself in-law six walnuts and he later obtained six for her husband hecause he was bad. sons. To another man she also gave two nuts (2) Miraculous events occurred before, during and he also obtained two sons. Her father-in­ and after the sati. law beseeched her not to commit sati but she (3) All the inhabitants of Grer belong to one argued that since her husband was a great sin­ gotra so that her genealogiClI connection i3 ner much, worse than other people it was with the whole village and not just with one more necessary for her to throw herself on her section of it. husband's pyre to qve him. ('"If I do not sacri­ fice myself my husband will not get a place in The sati shrine in Grer is the only shrine Baikullth"). All the people from Brahmaur were in Grer. It has no chela and the pujari is Kanth, present at her burning but when she threw her­ the head of the dominant lineage. Although self Oil the fire, the fire would not touch her but the sati is a village god, she has become nevertheless she died immediately. After the fire famolls as a powerful national figure in the 110 bones were left (for IJind) and the two bodies surrounding area and many people from other were cOlllpletely burnt to ashcs". The Grer sati villages make pilgrimages to her shrine with song- to go with' this story is as follows: re_quests many of which arc granted. One of the most important events to do with her .Thule pipul harutiya, tera jhulnera chao shrine took place in 1948'. During that year Oh, pipul tree, we long for your back and there was a very severe drought and the crops forth movement up and down the valley were withering with the To main kiya jhllina banjru mehaya possibility of a severe famine. When the usual rain did not come, a certain person from Goshen ITCH\" can T move bac1· and forth for I am village visited the Naga Baba2 at the main pLlI11ec] in rocks Brahmaur shrine to ask him to fast to Rangru rc clilli atala to jlllllle peepla specially intercede for rain. Perhaps because Twill Imild YOU a platform of the method by which he had been i\vi(,lIkiYa jhullll dal mcre ;:!sked or for some other reason, Naga Baba re­ Please keep on moving to and fro fused to pay any attention to the suppliant's reo quest and told him to get rain himself. It was l\fujo riya dalia tere SlIlllle min dhalc. none of his business. So this person from Goshen How can I move to and fro for my twigs went to the sati shrine at Grer as he had been arc lining lip refused good-will from the Brahmaur shrine and Tu jhulle pipla, aun kiya jhlllle fasted outside the shrine beseeching the goddess T sh;1I1 gold plate your twigs, please move to help the valley. Three days passed without to a lJc1 fro any sign from the goddess and the Grer villa­ Mere patte rari pavunde gers became very nervous and asked the Goshen How can T move to and fro, my leaves have villager to return home. (If he had died befc,re fa 11 ell the shrine then his death would have been laid at the door of the .\fiJi). On the fourth day, the Patte tcre SOVlll1C madhali, pipllla jhulle Goshen villager saw pinpoints of light before I shall gold plate your leaves,· please move to and fro. - his eyes and recognised this as the goddess' reply so he went home prophesying that rain would The text of this song' was dictated by Bahmi fall the next day. Rain fell the next day conti­ Ram of Grer. nuously until the eighth day. At this time the

1 In " hror"lcast over the nnc T gave this storv in 010 sense that it was one of Naga Baha's chelas who hroke the drought. T have siw,p met the hro(,hnr of the actual faskr aTIr', this is the correct version.

2 The Brnhmnnr shrine has a llumlll'r offllll tim(' i·o,lllUs, who arp gt'npn logically Ilnconnecterl with the Gaddis and who hav{' some-rpsponsihilif,ies for the larg(' shrin('. T have found it necessary to conceal th{' nnmes ofth(' (il1rldis in this otory Itnd ~h'l m.y informants to avoid repriRn.lN, 84 RELIGIOUS DEITIES

flocks were returning from Lahul and a chela such traditional institutions as chelas are no from Tundah also forecast the end of the longer efficacious because of the gradual lack of drought en route. faith on behalf of the ordinary people and the gradllal sccularisation of the valley. In these stories the main point is that the sacrifice of a woman on her husband's pyre does Thus in this valley, at the top of the religious not in itself make her a goddess or specially res­ hierarchy are the Sanscrilic gods led by Shiva pected. She has also to give evidence that her and his wife, who live on top of Mt. Kallas and motives are genuine and that she has connec­ who determine the movements and behaviour tions in a mystical way with the gods. There arc of the Gaddis as a people. Then there are the a number of other salis in the Brahmaur area gods closely connected with the people at the but none of these have succeeded in becoming bottom either through their families or through divine in the same way. The sali at Dhorenka villages or through their goods and chattels. is a Rajput although most of Dhorenka village Between them are variolls amorphous beings who is Brahmin. There is also a sati from Dinka need to be propitiated when they interfere village (at the back of Kunni). There have bten in human affairs but who are otherwise left no salis in recent times but the known salis alone. But these beings cannot always be clear­ all seem to be about a hundred and fifty years ly distinguished one from another because their previously. I know of no one who has become a [unctions and responsibilities overlap. These god in recent times and perhaps this if> partly gods can be approached through human due to the belief that religion is becoming mediums and the officials responsible for this weaker. Many respected Brahmins believe that mediation will be dealt with in the next chapter,

he same scene as the jJrevious illuslmtion ten years later. In the foregro71ncl are 1/0~V a gro1lp of strangers from other villages, l\Iostly Gaddis btlt many wearing plain clothes, CllAPlER 8 RfUGIOUS SPECIALISTS AND Il'\TERMEDIARIES

A s W~ ha\c ah"c~l(h ohserved ill the last if he wi~hes, not the patron, dl:(pcCr Ihere is a (Jlllf Ill'lllTcn the worlel of men -) b It is belic\'ed that all the Brahmins III the and the 1,'Ol'ld or gods \\'hich the two side, arc hills were ()l'iginall\ jWro{!i,/1 ~11~d ll~ed to li\'e COlli inLlow,l~ lrying to hridge. by as~ociating tIle gods wilh the world or lllcn, or by trying to Oll the procccd~ oj their rjtll~tl duties hut ill the ((Hlrse (If rimc a~ the Brahmin population 11 ,lllsfol'lll (Tllain mell illto divine gO!h thCIIl' lnCl'c;lscd, nUl)) bcr:-; of Brahmi IlS became agri(l(l­ scl\'C~, The \\'Ol~hip Dr sari, spcci;ll Brahmalls lmisls onl \" Today I he majorilY of Hrah lIlim or [)Jllwnjrl,j (dhrlJi) or lhe reci~alioll (.£ eertail! hare nothing to do with the performance of a wyth th(; lallul), Oll the conect certaill spc:ci:t1 ritllals. For CX;lIJlp]c till! ing the procedure lO (;tnv Ollt religious rituals. Thus lasl lew Y(:;ll.~ lTrLlin ('"ddi,; kt\c hClOlllC ,'en' il is duraClcr is of no illlportance a net does lIot illlprc;i:'~'ci wilh lhe ctlT\'illJ.', ()[H of a rilllal r;) ~.{lect 1m" dLt<)c,Y as

temple, there is no doubt that the Brahmin "K:llihar Nag, his original name, now better pujaris represent the Brahmaur community con­ known as Kelang, callie froIll British Lahul F,· unuously before Shiva and the other gods on 16 generations ago. Cattle disease was prevalent the chnrassi. Pujaris invariably come from the at Kugti and the people of that villag<: vowed caste which is the dominant group at the wor­ to hold a fair if it abated. Tradition says that ship of the shrine c,!ncerned except that in State Kelang in the form of a serpent, rode on the shrines the pujaris must be Brahmin. In Goshen, horns of a ram from Lahul and ~topped at Dughi, the pllJari of the shr:ne was Gaddi, in the house two miles from the present temple. Remailling shrine the jJ11jari is a member of the household; th~re for 3 generations, he went to Damn at the in Sere the pujari is a Brahmin; in Kugti the source of a stream, a cold place difficult of access shrine of Lower Kugti has a Brahmin pujari so the people petitioned his chela to move lower and in Upper Kugti the jJU1(lri is a Rajput. The down and the nag, through his chela told them position of jJ1/jarz is usually inherited. Not all co cast a bhana from that place and to bllild a shri1Jes have pujaris and sometimes the ranks n~w temple at th~ spot where it stopped. By dig· of pujaris and chelas are combined but all im· gmg the foundatIOns, they found a 3 headed portant shrines have both. Sometimes whole image of a stone, and on removing it a stream groups may be in the pnjari f che{a relationship. gu~hed forth. This was many generations ago. For example, Manimahesh has as pujans the This image is in the Padamasan attitude (cross Brahmins of Herser and as chelas the Sipis of legged in the attitude of devotion). Raja Sri Sechuin and anyone in these two groups shares Singh presented a second image of 8 metals in these relationships. The Herser village pan­ (ashldhat) which stands upright, holding a lalhi rhayat (all Brahmin) also deliberates on the or pole in its right hand. Its head is covered IJ1iJari responsibilities of the community to· with figures of serpents and it wears a necklace ward~ the Manimahesh festival. of c/zaklas with a janeo and toragi or vvaistbelt and /Jajab (loincloth), all of serpents. This temple I have used the term "State pujari" to des· is closed f rort! Magh I st to Haisakh I st. At other cribe the relationship between certain groups times worship is performed every Sunday but. of Brahmins and particular shrines. In former only sheep and goats are accepted as offerings". times these shrines received special forms of fC cognition from the rajah's government. The Those people who are responsible for wor­ mo~t important are those at Brahmaur, at Mani­ ship are plljaris and it is regarded as a State mahesh and the pass one mile above Kugti Oil ~hrine because of the patronage of the rajah in the way to Lahul. Outside Brahmaur tahsil the presenting an image. The 7 pujaris entitled to shrine at Chhatrari is also of this type. Since perform worship are Han Bhaj, Cungu, Khap­ India is a secular State no direct aiel is given to na, Basi, Madho, Jagat, Jagdish. Hari Bhai the any shrines at present in the way of regular leading pujari comes from the Utum gatra, maintenance, but there is a Temples Depart· Sashi al. His wife is from Dharmsala and his ment in Chamba city with an hereditary mother comes from Herser from the Nanson al. secretary and with Ihe DisH ict Commissioner as His parohit comes from Sutli village as do all chairman which administers endowments and the villagers of Kugti. He is also connected by funds for the mpport of certain temples marriage with the likhnara of Brahmaur, who Perhaps "support" is too strong a word as is a pujari of the Brahmaur shrine. No member much of the money comes from land given by of his family has ever married outside the people i ndi vid uall y to the temple. Among other Brahmin casre and usually he tries to marry sources of income the Brahmaur temple has into the pujari families of Chamba, Herser or about half an acre of what was once wet land Brahmaur.! The following als are found among near the Grer bridge. The Temple Department Brahmins in Lower Kllgti; Ledha, Phungtian, is a secular department so there arc no local Tamaretu, Jendeta, Tamrian, Caneta, Sashi. representcltives of the Brahmaur tahsil pujaris Marriage is permitted between Brahmins and on the committee although the sadhll (a TlOTl­ Rajputs in all the above ats when children take Gaddi) of the Brahmaur temple is represented. the caste of the father. The Sashi al is the jJlljari This committee gives support to temples or at and marriage is permitted with other Brahmin shrines which request support. In addition the als in Kugti irrespective of whether the al has or rajah used to give special patronage. I will de::!l has not married into the Rajput group. But With each of these groups in turn dealing first members of the Sashi al itself are not permitted with the shrine at Kugti. ' to marry any except Brahmins and, if possible, reputable pujari Brahmins. There ctppear to be I commence with a quotation from the several males of the Sashi al over 30 years of age qh~mba gazetter (p. 188) as it is fundamentally who have not succeeded in becoming married slmtlar to my own enquiries at Kugti. although since I stayed in Kugti only two days

1 For assistance in Kugti I am indebted to Mr. Dharam Pal of the Census Commissioner'S Office. RELIGIOUS SPECIALISTS AND INTERMEDIARIES 87

and did not have a village census made, Illy committee but none of the pujaris are represent­ figures may not be depended on. It thus ap­ ed on this committee. According to one pujari pears that the puiaris in order to protect the inforrnan t, the first pujaris were originally the purity of their ritual position would rather n~)t Gunan al of Gotum gotra and were responsible marry Ra!puts allhough an al~owable custom 111 for all 84 temples ,:md lingas. But this created Kugti. if a person in the Sashl al were to marry diHiculty at the time of death as they had to get a Rajput it appears that he .would l?se ~ll people from outside to perform the worShip. pujari rights and possibly also nght~ of mhent­ Accordingly they asked some Brahmins from ance in land or at least the slIlall pIece of land Ulansar to attend pennanent!y. To them they set aside in Kugti for purchasing material to be gave the Lakhner temple plus the worship of presented to the shrine. Ganpatti (Ganesa) for ten days in a month. This When I was examining the inter-caste marri­ became the permanent arrangement. During age system in Kugti, one old Gaddi Rajput death they take responsibility for the whole laughed at my enquiries ~nd said, "W~at does churasi. Gunan has three khinds with each it matter whether Brahnllns marry RaJputs or khind subdividing its share. The pujaris receive not. They have the same character and do the a contribution from the g'Overnment to pay for same things, drink sur and cat meat and dance. the offerings. So why should they not llIarry each other?" No According to another pujari informant, the Brahmin present objected to this analysis but origin of the ancestors of the present pujaris when it comes to ritual distinction, it is clear are not known but originally in Brahmaur there that the Brahmin pujaris of Kugti are a group were three brothers, one of whom was dumb and apart. one of whom had no issue. The dumb ancestor At the Manimahesh festival, the image to died. So a quarrel developed between the one Kaling from -K ugti is taken to the lake for the with children and the one without. The issue­ pilgrims to worship just as delegated gods from less one went to Ulansar and adopted a boy and Brahmaur and Chamba are also brought. In the then returned to Brahmaur. He refused to give passage quoted earlier, mention is made. of his dumb brother's children their share of the chelas to the Kaling shrine. At the present tIme pujari worship. This other gotm l'esponsible there arc no official chelas to the shrine although for worship is the Gomipal gotra and the Ranitu of course, anyone who wishes may prophesy at aI. In this al all are pujaris. Rather strangely, al­ the appropriate time. Mention is also made of though they arc supposed to have come from goat sacrifices to Shiva. The pujari informant UIansar, neither in Gurata village (near D:llgeti) was very anxious to explain to me that the goats nor in Ulansar is this al found. which arc sacrificed arc not given to Shiva but There are thus the following Brahmin gotras are bribes to the 12 bam (attendants) of Shiva to responsible for continuing the pujari worship speak sympathetically to Shiva on behalf of the at the Brahmanr temple. suppl iants. 1. Gotum gotra, Gunan al (3 Khinds). Half way between Kugti and Brahmaur is the 2. Gomipal gotra, Renetu al (2 Khinds village of Herser consisting entirely of Brahmins, originally from Ulansar?) all of whom are similarly pujaris of the Mani­ According to this informant from the Gomi­ mahesh pilgrimage route. There are two golra.\', pal golra, the whole section receives Rs. 150 a Utum and Namson. Thurn is the same gotra a:; year. Half of this goes to one family and the re­ is found ill Lower Kugti. There are no parohits maining half is divided into three. (That is to in the village and in the event of death taking say into two hhinds). The informant's own sec­ place in one gotra, the other golra takes full re,­ tion is divided into two and he receives 12]" ponsibilit y for the supply of pujaris for the rupee~ a year and receives his turn to be pujaiz festival. The chief pujari was Dunsa, who was once III twelve years which is ten days' puja to chosen by election by the village panchflyal. Narsingh and Lakhna. During the actual per­ The temple in this village received some mone­ fonn~nce. of jJuja he cannot eat meals prepared tary support from the Ckamba temple com­ by hIS WIfe If she has menses nor can he drink mittee some years ago. sur or <;at .meat at that time. His al frequent­ The third group of State pujaris in Drah ly ~narnes. III to the other pujari al and neither maul' tahsil arc those associated with the Brah­ al 15 supenor to the other. maul' series of temples on the churasi. Details of Not a single pujari is a pamhit hut in Brah­ these temples can be found elsewhere.' The main maur.. many of the shops on the actual churasi temples arc dedicated to Narsing, Shiva, Ranetu. are owned by pujaris of these gotras. There are Lakhna and Ganesa but they are all adminis­ two Gaddi shops slightly off the churasi. Some tered together collectively.' Administratively of the pujart:s are moneylenders. The most res­ they are the responsibility of the Chamba temple pected jmjari is the lihhnara. Others enter

1 Soo A Villu,go Survey, Bm'l!llu,Ul', Himaohcl Pradesh, Vol. XX. Part VI. No.5. Consus of India, 1961, Appendix VI p.89. 88 RELIGIOUS SPECIALISTS AND INTERMEDIARIES various trades such as that of carpenter. supported by alms and certain temples, notably the ones at Hrahmaur and Tundah, have a This pattern of plljari is found right up the certain amount af money to feed these wander­ valley. The following quotation is from the ing mendicants. In Brahmaur I understand gazeteer of Chamba (p. 181) as it applies to there is a rule that no sadhu is permitted to re­ Chamba "The priests of the Lakshmi Narayan ceive free food from the temple for longer than temple belong t() a family called KoIu;, as th.cir lhree consecutive days. Some sadhlls are nothing ancestor is said to have come from Kulu With but religious deceivers and live on the credulity the idol when it 'was hrst brought to Chamba. of their supporters by selling various sorts of These priests also serve the Lakshmi Damodar charms, sometimes for an evil purpuse such as and Radha Krishna temples. The temple attend­ witchcraft. Others arc people of high moral ants under the priests are called pahri ,llld are calibre who sincerely try to understand God froll! the Saho branch of the Bahradwarj gotra; either hy prayer and ,~tudy 01- by various forms they render service iu turn £01- a fixed period ac­ of flagellation or penance. But in every instance cordi ng to cmtoll1". this is an individual matter and has no direct These four groups of pujaris are to some ex­ connection with the society or with allY special tent representative of the Gaddi cOllllllunity traditional Cadeli social group. In llrahmaur and its head, the mjah, in their worship uf the there are also two' full lime jadlzw" who have gods and they receive a reward for participating been attached to the Brabmaur telllpie since m tbe great annual festival of '\1anilllahesh. about ID4H and have taken responsihility in The mntri but ions from the pilgrims on the various forms of government administration and march are distributed as folluws: one quarter have used their status to try to influence the ad­ to' the 1m jaris, one g uartcr to the chelas, one millistration in directiolls thev believe to be of quarter to tile Lakshmi Narayan temple at value to the local people. Son~c oCthe principal Chamba and one qua rter to the sadhus. A t the successes of the leading- sarUw in Brahmaur is Lake the Labhmi Narayan temple attendants to establish a special girls' school for orphans aho bring a silver-cup. All silver and brass do­ irom the plains, to prevent animal sacrifice on nations,from this cup go to that temple. The the churasl, to prevent certain unwise actions K ugti jJlljaris do not receive any money out of by the administration against wr drinking (al­ the gellcr~Ll fUllds but keep what they collect though opposed to sur drinking himself). His (liemsdves. However they are provided with oil mpport collies morc frolll the Brahmin than and a ~O~Jt for sacrifice at the Lake. After the the Gaddi commullity but his political ilJfluence festival is completed, a feast is lIsually given to in 1%2 \\'as noticeably stronger than in 195~. all those who have assisted in makilJg the festi­ However he is still a non-Gaddi. HecominO" a val a success but I am not sure whether the sadhu is not a recog-nised method 0':> of futlds for this collle out of the contributions by wield~lIg influence. in the community by pilgrims or out of special government funds or Gacl ~ ~ C1> C1> c-, ~ ~ 'j. "i ~ C") 5· ~. C1> ~ "- ,..,.~

~ '""i Q ~. C) ~ C1> ~ ~ C1> .,.,. ~ ..... c:! ~ :::.: C1> "- t:li1J~ ""< ~ ~ . ~ -. ~ ~ ~ ...... ,-;: '-CI ""< U"< ~ ~ ~ ...., ~ ~ ~ C1> ? "i ~ .. ~ C) ~ ,..,. ;:s-- C1> .._ C1> '-..,......

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89 M/P(N)5SCOHP-7 90 RELIGION SPECIALISTS AND INTERMEDIARIES

Gadcli ~'ould think that he were really the large shivering crowd I did not see a single per­ mouthpIece of Cod. But conversely olle could do son shut an umbrella. The hailstolles got a little this and yet not say anything worth while. The larger and then the storm passed on. The che/al position can be made clear in respect to the had forecasted something inherently unlikely. But chela of Goshen shrine. When I first visited if someone had been ~illed by a hailstone, then Goshen in 19.1)2, the chela of the shrine was I am sure people's attitudes would Inve bcen Jiddi. He was a first class medium and used to \'Crv diff('rent and the first chela to make sHch warn people of various disasters which would a p~·ophecy would have acq uired a good prestige. occur, sOllletimes used to find lost objects and Not all shrines have chela but a chela may represented the village feeling on manv isslles attach himself to any shrine. In the annual fes­ which llsed to arise. He died about 1956 and at tival of the Sere Brahmin village shrine, most of the (irst festival

the third day, standing besides the kumbh, the other women who allegedly persecuted them. chela called out the name of the witch and Ent rather significantly this chela was a foreigner ordered the attendants to go and seize her, and from down the valley, not a Erahmauri. picking up the ropes they at once ran off to execute his orders and she was seized and The only case which I observed of a chela bound. In olden times witches were subject to who was deliberately aiming for fame was of a crud treatment to exhort a confession of guilt. certain Gaddi of 23. While keeping the (The torture was the water treatrnent)-Guilt flocks he suddenly started to prophesy, and having been proved, the accused was banished cured a woman in a nearby village. 'His fame to a distance and sOllletimes her lIose ,,'as cut increased, he abandoned his flock and visited all off. For his services the chela received a fee of the surrounding villages and obtained a follow. Rs. 12 part of which went to the State. Chelas ing of twentv or thirty women who claimed to are also believed to have the power to exercise he cured by him. His technique was to raise a evil spirits by making' persons afflicted, inhale large pole to Shiva with his patients sitting be. the smoke of certain herbs". fore him and at periodic intervals he would go into a slight trance interspersed with scribblings Because ehelas were in such a powerful posi­ in a notebook. He showed me his notebook tion in respect to crystallising village sentiment which had a sli~ht similariry to the katakana and turning it agaillSt others, the rajah apparent­ Japanese syllabary but was unintelligible as far ly found it necessary to have his own official con­ as I could see. He had never been to school. At cerned with witchcraft accusations to prevent the Manimahesh festival he tried to push him, intra-village hostility being expressed in this self into the shrine ahead of the official senior way. Sechuin chela to prophesy that no one would Some of the more respected and experienced be killed on the way to Manimahesh. People Brahmins in the valley in conversation have laughed at him and regarded him as a little for. often affirmed that they believe that cltelas ward. I had a long conversation with him and represent the will of god more clearly than any it was clear that he regarded himself as being other Gaddi institution but that in the last inspired in n special way by Shiva and chosen ~enerat.ion the ~elleral quality of chclahood has from other people. At present he does not been gradually lapsing. No longer do people be­ see any further than in terms of new clothe, lieve in cltc/as as they used to, and this ill turn and the gaining of other people's respect. But has resulted in a ~radually lowering of quality people still travel a long way to visit a in the pronouncements made by the chela. successEul shrine especially at times of illness They ascribe this to the lowered belief on the in the family. A chera attached to such a part of the youn~er generation in God's reality temple who sees his duty to the whole Gaddi and power so that Shiva himself in turn has community and not to his own family or indivi. less desire to speak to his people. Tn the vacuum dnal self interests, could still be a powerful force left, second quality rhelas rush in. No IOIl~er organising the people together. do those Gaddis who wish to inHuence their people become chelas but instead try to become So far I have written as though the chelas are completely un systematized. This is not educated and try to oper':lte the much more elaborate and complicated political machine quite so. The chela smelling out witchcraft made available to them through the various m'entioned earlier was an official of the rajah's electoral systems. Yet many of these newly edu­ state. Similarly the Sechuin chelas to Mani. cated Gaddis leave the valle\' never to relllrn manesh have a special status derived from after receiving their high school education at the myth of Triloknath Dev. Around the Chamba. lake they have' a special site on a mound called the Kali hhunrl and on this site At the present time, chelas are almost entirely when they first arrive a goat is sacrified concerned with non-politic~l matters. There are and the heart thrown into the lake. This sacri­ certain wandering chelas ,dlO still wander fice is (hough t to he an insurance by which they th rough Gaddi villages trying to cure l)cople by can cross the lake in safety, and, according to exorcisill~ evil spirits or other people's hatred. tradition, the bottom of the lake rises up to bear I have attended one such session in which a [!;ari them across to the opposite side on people's player, a d hori player and an eXOl'cist kept the backs. They cross over to a small stone pier when six women requiring treatment in a small out­ they arc ,\'elcomed by the State pujaris led in hOllse into which no light penetrat'ed for one or 1962 by the lihhnara (who is also the chief of two days until the pat.ients were cured and the Brahmaur pujaris) and the temple com· started to prophesy. Durin~ the whole time the mittee and are given oil and a dhoti. They then drulllmin~ conti1lued. Most of the pat.ients' fe'es forecast the health of the mjah during the were paid for bv their mother-in-law and seem­ coming year and pray for his welfare. "!'hey ed to be concerned with person;ll rclatiolls with start to prophesy for anyone who wlsheli RELIGIOUS SPECIALISTS AND INTERMEDIARIES to ask them questions and return to the Kali In the Manirnahesh jalm held at Brahmanr Khund where they are available for consulta. the Sechuin Sipis also have special rig-hts. The tion. Only Sechuin c1ze!as are entitled to festival lasts for six days at Brahmaur with each use this mound. Lake Manimahesh is about day dedicated to one of the main gods of the 150 yards long and about 30 yards wide area. However all the celebrations on each day and appears to be no more than about 10 feet and the presentation of official food by the deep at the very deepest part. There arc tl1ljnris ahrays takes place on the platform to no permanent shrines round the lake but Shiva's temple and the ehe/as of Sechuin arrange each porti'on has a traditional site for one themsc!ves actually on this platform, where of the groups who bring their own gods t he\' tell all pilgri IllS whether they will he suc· from Kugti, Herser, Br

Arjun ho bani mera herajunde shikare ho Arjun, the hunter sets off for hunting. Mata tere harunde pandalar na jana shikare ho Your mother prevents the Pandavas from hunting. Subti, subtijan ya pundabo Joli ha mat jamb .. Oh, Panda vas go everywhere but to Joli. Jolia kueIa nit chelide hunde ho Magic and witchcraft are always present at the Joli strealll let Jolia kuda pandava, rag sa min da basa Oh pandava in Joli lives an ogress. Kat tu e de netha aita ragsuni ha suri ho Underneath the Kathu (a tree) luts the ogress delivered a child (ragslln). Ragsunun ha Buru pandava ragsunu jumuni 0 .. Oh pandavas now there is a child ogress you may travel everywhere (except Joli). Another song which the pilgrims sing on the way to Manimahesh is as f01l0ws- Pella, pella dera rajia Oh raja the first halting place is at Brahmaur. Ha 0 l~rahmaur jai paiya Duja, duja dera rajya The second shtge- oh raja, is at Herser. Arser jai paiya Tia, tija dera rajya The third stage, oh raja is at Duncho. Dancho jai paiya Chotta, chotta dera rajya The fourth stage., oh raja, is at Manimahesh. Manimahesh jai paiya 0 Sup ne de andar rajya An infant at play in a napkin appears in a dream Kai bal ko kada keleda Brune, brune bambrune He has lovely golden coloured hair Jata lundrue bala Aja, aja kunpi rati Only last night, oh raja, did we have this dream." Rajia, supna sanjo yo

1. For a more detailed description of Manimahesh lake see the Census monograph on Brailluaur. p.62.

2. I am indebkd to Dr. C:lOwhan for th" text and translation of th"EC two songs. CHAPTER 9 CO;\;CLUSIOK, SOCIAL CHANGE The people who live in the Brahmaur tahsil etc. Those who had no close relatives within the of Challlba State ha\T a \I'ay of life SOIlIe,l'iJat [{olra who would nOfmally inherit tried to different from that found alllong the people of arrange for their sons-in-law or sister's daughter's the Punjab plains. The high altitude at which husbands to inherit. Since previously any golra they live, the different climate and the marked member had prior righ ts to inherit over any non­ geographical boundaries have combined to deve· golm membcr, an increase of land cases is to be lop communities living in small villages where expected with an increasing fragmentation of they depend to a marked extent on their own land and the weakening of the gO/Ta based vil­ resources so that there is little marked ca"te lage unity. The significance of this change was specialisation. This isolation has resulted in ~ clearly shown in the resolution passed by thir­ special dress, the (hola and dhora, a local reli­ teell out of the fourteen gralll /Jallchayats oppos­ gion based on the worship of Shiva \I'ho lives on ing the inheritance rule changes. This resolution a sacred mountain nearby, and a history and was eventually forwarded to Delhi without form of administration different from that of the success. l Indian plains in general. The rapidly increasing population density is In spite of local differences in customs awl in the most important factor making for social the way of life of the populace, the area is part change in the valley. Those Gaddis who are of the all-Indiall cultural Hindu \I'av of life alld able to find additional means of subsistence by the gods alld tieillas are part of th'e orthodox becoming educated or by obtaining Government Sanscritic pantheoll ancl the inh~lbitallts Glrrv jobs will become closely tied to the organisations out orthodox rituals of birth, marriage and death which pay them and the remainder will live on with priests belongillg to the Brahmin caste. At ever smaller holdings with a standard of living death the 11I'lId \ of t he dead person arc carried lower than the average Hilllachali. At present to Hardwar to be thrO\l'1I illto the sacred Ganges. the Gaddis cannot support themselves for the \Vithin the societ\' there is a division illto most part from November to February from the upper and lower «'Istes and \I'ithin the upper Brahlll

1. I trier! to ohtain a copy of t.hi~ resolution but, mlS nn,u('crs-;flll. TllP tahsildar was una hIe to find it in his files I1Ithou a h he promised to sewi it 1." lIlC when he foull!i it. 'l'he Iou"l p:lfu'h'l!Jat records were in weh It eh1Los that I was unable to find a copy .l3ut several IJ1Lncitayat members described it to me. ' 93 94 CONCLUSION, SOCIAL CHANGE

years. He resigned in 1951 on account of age. such as opposition to sur drinking on the part of The present Brahmin likhnara worked under the Brahmins. The Brahmins are no longer de­ him as char for several years before being pro­ pendent on Gaddis for their livelihood but on moted to his present position. the Government so they c::tn now copy the ideals brought in by the Government servants without At the beginning of his regime as likhnara) fear of being economically controlled by the Brahmins started to stop smoking with non-Brah­ Gaddi caste. mins as a Il1:lrk of superiority. At this time In traditional Brahmaur, the religious and also the Scheduled Castes (that is Sipis and political system was closely integrated. The Riaras), were given the sacred thread by the rajah was not only the head of the State; he was Arya Samaj. At this early period all the castes also the religious leader of the State even to the used to cat in the same line. extent of granting the sacred thread to the lower castes. The more important shrines and festi­ His undivided family at present pays Rs. 33 in vals gained much of their prestige from the offi­ land tax, owns about 400 sheep and goats and cial recognition given to them by the head of has the ownership of a grato I mention this the State. There was a close connection between biography in some details as it ideally illustrates one's p0sition in the political hierarchy and the the successful Gaddi in the rajah's time, mobility extent to which one conformed to the same through the rajah's service while still retaining value system as was found in the valley generally. links in the land and in grazing and with the local population. This aim was in no respect: But with increasing numbers of officials com­ different from the aim of a Brahmin or a Sipi. ing in from oLltside Gaddiland, the Gaddis began Although Brahmins, Gaddis and Sipis would not to realise that one could become socially mobile eat food cooked by a lower caste in the 1920s, upwards through education irrespective of one's there was little differentiation and the religious beliefs or of one's position in the val­ Brahmaur area was a community in which ley's hierarchical system. This perhaps would people smoked together and drank sur together not in itself have caused any social change were in exactly the same way as now occurs in Kugti. it not that the possibility of emulating Govern­ ment officials also became a reality through edu­ If one goes to the edge of the valley in Ulansa cation and through the new political machinery and Leuna in Palampur however one finds an of election. Education enables one to be a almost traditional differentiation between diffe­ government official with a fixed income and the rent castes with the upper castes having different power of distributing government favours to diet

I think it is against some such tendency that see their position threatened by llew patterns of one can understand the background of the social importance. The Brahmins and panchayat elections at Brahmaur for position some Sipis are changing their allegiance to oj President in 1962. The villages which make where they see present day oppO'rtunity lies and up the gram lmnchayat circle in Brahmaur con­ the Gaddis naturally resent this loss of sup· sist of YIulkota, Bari, Sechuin, Brahmaur, port. Goshen, Seri, Kris, Goa, and associated villages. Schools-There are now 44 primary schools, 2 Caste-wise the Gaddis are the most numerous, middle schools and I high school in the Brah­ Brahmins are second and lower castes third. maur sub-tahsil. In 19:;2 there were:; primary, The elections for President were '].s follows: schoO'ls and one middle school. This enormous increase in schools could only be staffed by out­ Gaddi 331 votes (94 female) Lakshman Das siders and most of the staff have been recruited Banshidar Brahmin 151 votes (81 female). from the Punjab. Although the turn over in tea­ chers is very high as all wish to return to the Of the 331 votes for the Gaddi candidate, only plains, nevertheless there are many sincere and 3 votes were cast by Brahmins who were the earlle~t teachers including an increasing propor­ wives of certain Brahmaur shopkeepers whose tion of Gaddis. Male students are beginning to husbands voted for the Brahmin candidate. A enter the school in large numbers compared third Gaddi candidate stood from M ulkota but with 19:')2. On one occasion returning from he withdrew his candidature on the day before Grer village, I stoppcd to watch three Gaddi the election. The Brahmin candidates were almost girls dancing on the platform outside the bridge entirely from Bari village and Brahmaur, and shrine from enjoyment. They were aged from the Seri villagers suddenly arranged a death an­ 10 to I:i and I was surprised to see they were all niversary celebration at the time of the elections dancing Punjabi dances derived from the popu­ as they felt even with their votes that the Brah­ lar radio music. I asked thcm whv they were min candidate would be defeated and they still dancing a 'foreign' dance instead of their own felt it unwise to antagonize the Gaddis. Most and they turned to me and said that all the boys Sipis abstained from voting although they elect­ were at' school learning books :lIlcl their parel1~ts ed a scheduled caste member. In accordance with prevented them going to school themselves so the usual practice, the returning officer warned they were teaching themselvcs Pllnjabi dancing the candidates before they stood that if there so that when they got married thcy would be as were an election the government would limit the good as their husbands. amollnt of funds available for the lJallchayal to That Pllnjabi cultlll'e should be taught in the use but neither candidate withdrew. schools is IIot a deliberate policy of the Hima­ chal Government but is a result of the teachers This was the only gram j)(17lchayat election in themselves being Punjabis. Although of course the valley in which there was a clear Brahmin/ the Gaddis should us~ the same textboO'ks as arc Gaddi dichotomy. used elsewhere in North India, supplementary There are vari ous reasons for th is election re­ teaching should also be offered on the local tra­ sult but the most important was ulldoubtedl" di tions of the area and there seems no reason that the Gaddi believed that a Brahmin, once why the earlier textbook issued by the rajah's elected, would use his position as President to eclllca lion department dealing wi th the history gain advantage through government contracts of Chamba State should not also be used. I have for his own caste alld, moreover, instead of been deeply impressed with the enthusiasm and standing up for GacIcli interests would systema­ ability of many of the teachers from the Punjab tical! y try to go along wi th the government ill ill the valley but in the absence of skilled advice abolishing Sllr drinking and attacking other how to go about recording and teaching local Gadeli pr~tices such as sudenoj. Brahmaur is history they are helpless. Since it will take at th~ panchayat most close to the goverllIIlen t least tell years before the Pllnjabi teachers are offIces, and where the processes of social chano-e likely to be replaced by Gaddis, there is a danger are most clearly man ifcsted. b that when these Gaddi teachers return they will know little about their own culture especially Tite modern separation into Gaddi, Brahmin if the Government and Brahmin leaders succeed and Scheduled Castes in the political sphere is a in removing rituals and danccs in which songs long stre~ch from the situation described by and poetry are performed before they are ade­ Hans RaJ wht;re all the castes were so closelv in­ quately recorded. tegrated together that all of them ate in' one It is clear that increased opportunltles must long line and where a Gacldi !iii/mara with be given to the Gaddis both for making money power in the valley could have a Brahmin char from sources outside the land and in providing to assist him. The Gacldi "dominant caste" goods which can be bought with the new wealth CO:-';CLCSlO:\T, SOCI.\L CIL\';CE !'7 brought into the valley by the Public 'Works abolished h\' the Simla administrator. Howeyer Department and the Block Development the forest department has a very difficult task scheme. There is as yet no nOll-goverllment in both protecting" the wider interests of the agency or firm in the valley which can employ forests and also in adeq llately serving the local Gaddis all the year round. The only industry residents. which can be expanded which the Gaddis under­ stand is that of sheep and goat grating but the To slllllmarile this chapter, the process of so­ heavy oyer grazing in certain areas cannot be en­ cial change has been strollgly stimulated betweell couraged without a large replanting' scheme on I!':')~ and 19(j~ as a r.:sllit of an increased number the dlzars undertaken by the Forest Departlllent. of Covel'nlllent servants being placed ill the area The most important consumption g-ood in the val­ and through their spending and example to the lev which the Gaddis \"ish to Ilu\ is wood. In local residents. In additioll the letting of mane I !i:)~-:l (i7i') trees \\'ere granted to right holders for rollS contracts for the building of schools and the purchase of houses yet in I ~)(i 1-2 only 19 I roach has enabled many Gaddis to take up addi­ trees were granted in spite of the increased tiollal SOllrces of income. This has resulted in wealth and pOPlllation 01 the valley. It is clear the area becoming more similar to the plains that whatever the reaSOI1, "'hethcr from the both ill respect to its caste differentiation and in policy of the H.P. Fore'it Departlllent or from respect to increased opportunities of social mobi­ the administrative difhculties that the Gaddis lity. As long as money continues to flow into are having in obtaining trees, that house build­ the area from government spending the standard ing is not absorbing the surplus money in the of living of the area will continue to rise. But valley. There seems a /ni lila fllcie case for abo­ should this money cease from outside, the ad­ lishing the permit system for obtaining trees i ustmen t to the former way of life of the area for house buildillg but to greatly increase the will become impossible since many of the tradi­ price. I do llOt doubt that the greatl\' increased tional i'lstitutions \\ ill h;lYe become Illoddied drinking- of Sc/I(lra/J is also pattly a matter of and the increasing popabtion on the land will not having sufficient consumption goods ~l\'ail­ llIake it impossible to retllrn to the situation as able pillS a fear that ,IIII' drinking \\·ill shortly be it was previously. APPENDIX A

Brahminical books in the possession of Pandie (2) Sarvavrata Dyapan Chandrilw, Lekhak­ Thakur Dass, son of Pandit Missuji of Village Pandit Chandra Mani Sharmaji Upa­ Bari. Pandit Thakur Dass comes from one of dhyay. Publisher Pandit Padmanabhiji the most distinguished and respectable Brahmin Sharma. Printed Pandit Lalit Chandra families in Bari village, the most religious of all Rena. the Brahmin villages in the tahsil. This list is (3) Sri Bhavra Prahash, by Pandit Devi provided by his courtesy. Dayal Iyo & Sons, Malik Kargyalay A. Manuscripts, written by hand. Panchang Diwaker. Publisher same as (1) Sandhi T'igraha, Grahashallti vidhan. (1 ). About BO pages. This was the only docu­ (4) janma Dill Plljrln Padd/wli", Sritrigart ment which I was asked not to read or Maha Vichva Paitharth Shrce Tarani publish. Sanscrit P~thsala, Pradhanadhyapak (2) Hoda chakra (Bidhigarh) 100 pages. Pandit Gupt Ram Shastina Samskrita. Deals with connection between physio­ Sach, Dharm Priya, Shri Mangat Ram gnomy, illness and the signs of the Sharmana Nago l)ahwan. Savakey zodiac. Dl'aVyena Prakasheela, Samvat 1998 (3) Knshtavali. Deals with the customs by Vikr~m. which one can give certain gifts to Brah­ Shukla yajllrucdiya madhY(lIlrlin vajas­ mins on certain days in order to cure ncyinam, Sandhyopasam Vidhi. Col­ illnesses. The determining factor is the lected by Pandit Biharilal Mishra. Ayur­ onset of the illness on the day of the vedacharnen, resident of Agra Naga­ week (one of 7) or the day of the full rasth. Available with Bansh ;dar Prelll­ moon rising or waning (1:i days). Also slichdas Oil Mill, Moyithan, Agra. I ~):lH. connected with certain stars being visi­ ble. One sheet only inherited from an­ (6) A[ansagari, jalflrna Palm Paddhalih, By cestors. Pandit Shri Rlipnaravan Shastrikrit. Publishers Babru Thak ur Prasad, (4) Basin samni. Consists primarily of rules Gupta. Booksellers Raja Darwaja. for finding astrologically correct time Branch Koehoeli gali, Senares city. for laying foundations although the Printed by the Elihu Ganesha Prashad hook deals with other questions as well. Gupta Swatantra Sharat Press Madha One sheet only. sarai, Benares. (:'}) Satalwdhyaya. One sheet. This list is exhamtive. As far as I am aw:ue B. Published books. he owned no other books in his h()ll~e. It shows (1) Sutbha-u Prakash, written by Pandit that most of the 1< tlnl procedure'i of the Devi Dayalu J)'o anli Sons. Proprietor Gaddis were passed from tJamhil to /Ja)'ohil Iw Karyalay Panchang Diwaker and Mufid '• .'Ord of mouth but that ~,Ol1le of the dc-tails were Alam Jantri and Patra Gurmukhi and derived from books handed dowlJ from father published by Pandit Shiv Ramdatta to son aT by books sold bv wandering sadhlls Jyo & Sons Rs. 1-8-0 Jullunder. and traders.-

APPENDIX B Description of Gaddi physiology descrihed by tel' enclosed in the skull cavity (hatJa!). Its func­ Goteru pamEt from Brahmaur. The pulse comes tion is to think but its absence may not neces­ from the heart (halcia). Irside the body is also sarily lead to death but only disfllll~ti()11 of the found the liver (tJijJ1Jr), kidneys (bllkerale) and body but if one has no liver, kidney or intestines intestines (andar). H lImans have expression then one will die immediately. (kalanrlar) but not goats. Goats peleli dinder, Breath comes from the lungs and is a sort of that is when they feel, they immediately utter washing. One cannot live without breathing. their feelings whereas men can retain their feel­ There is something inside everyone called life ings. Parrots and owls (ulu) copy humans insofar (bahOY) or (jnLran). The pandit then recited the as they have lwlandar. famous verse of Kabir dealing with life. In a cold, mucus comes from the head as a sort Puran results from the sum total of good or of water. The brain (minju) is full of white mat- bad during life and will be reincarnated after 98 APPENDICES 99

death into one of the 84 lakhs of lives. Each of will towards his near relatives that the parohit the J 0 senses is made out of one pind so the sense makes an aut our near a settlement. To disting­ is the first step in making a new life. One who uish an autour from a devla one must look as to dies without a son has his life and ambitions only in his former life so it is in order to settle whether there is a trident or flag nearby. If either, his dissatisfaction which may be expressed in ill then the monument is not an autour but a devta.

APPENDIX C ":.oj Weight a/ld Heights The most important elate in the valley is the 5 sers equals 1 batti date of the festival to Manimahesh which is on 8 battis equals 1 man the Hth day of the light half of the 11100n 1Il Bhadon or Asuj. Height of passes around Brahmaur (according Weights !) silver I'UpOCN weight eqw.ls 1 pao to Chamba gazetteer) on the Ravi side of the val­ + paos equals 1 ser ley.

NlLIue l~I'(Hn To Height (feet) ._------_. _._------_..

~arai Baijnath Chanair 14,809 '''"hal· Bandht Chanair 14,101 :Satanio Ban,lla Chanair 13,800 Singrahar Palampur Oaroh 13,038 Talana Nir,vana Tiari 15,500 Tarai Nir\vana Chanotn 14,R08 Kllndli Kariwarn Chanota 14,5.50 [ndrahar Dharmsah, Chanota 14,150 Bag Rihlu Kothu Ii;,126 Chobu Kugti Manilllnhesh Hi,500 Kugti Kugti JlIl'Illft 17,001 Chobia Chouia Triloknnth 16,720 Kalicho Tundah Triloknath 16,402 ------_.------Some heights. Water mill Brahmanr 7,070 Gi1rhat Water mill. Chamba ;~,027 Gird Generator under the mill. Chhatrari 5,883 Herser ti,6:iO O(i Feeder of raw grain into the mill. KUl1ni (j,44G ned ltegulator of the ali. Lilh 4,517. Khuddi t'helf like HI ruel lire inside (he mill Mallimahesh Peak (:tlso known as Mt. f,'r resting things on. Kallas) 18,(i'i4'. AI'PE]\'DIX D Pastoralism t-;aet'e .• Wool taken off the sheep in Kartik. Settlement agree/llent of Goshen 'oillage) Brah­ Hiun keni 'Wool taken off the sheep in Phagun. manr tehsil Basneli Small wool taken off the shpep in APPENDIX E Andh. l\1Uklldulll Person who allows sheep to graz(' Selected technical vocabulary on his land.

A~/rif,/I./i,l/.r,,1 term., lHahlllndi Chosen leader of shepherds on the H,t1,)(.r:t Pbugh (ma.,le "V of the ha,lndi, 11l0ve. hallelie anet 1'lwl, iron tip. The two Chvalo Person who grazes cows and buffaloes nrc joined by the l'halodi). (usually non·Gaddi). Oghar lfir~t plouging anrl lnnnuring. Berahal Shepherd of sheep. .Jd Second ploughing. Bhakral Shepherd of goats. Berilk 'rhird ploughing and seeding. Un Wool. Sohaga, ,.bIt Levelling off. Got .. Grazing ground. llaggara, baggari Field. Dolu gas Special sort of grass found in Lahul 100 APPENDICES

Kerek, gern,t, Nulpha Bamboo case. basut, bahri, dumon. Grazing in general. Suvaga Alloy. Ghlli .. Cow. Tikara Stove. Dard . . Bull. Kal .. Bellows. Bacc:ho, baochi Calves. Kerband Brass mouth of bellows. Urnu Sheep u:lder one year old. Kanda (teraju) Scales. Oheli, chclo Goats. Rejia A long incised bar for running the Dungari I:-)heep over one year old. metal out of the fire. ),Ianl Mountuin house. Burma Gimlet. Cw'ar,obr(1 Cattle shed. Guteri Pot fOf holding silver in the fire. Terms de(].[ing with (foals with respect to omens Kole (gar) Ohareoal. Sundukeri Bagat To sacrifice. Goats to be sacrificed Tool box. are called hv the dcvta's name and kept separ"te from the Hock. Blacknniths, tools Sukan To swear to a sacrifice. Kf1nasi File. Hudana To kill a goat. Nihali, paham Hearth. Dada A goat, giving an au..:;;picjous sign in sacrifice such as by having a lot Kal Bellows. of fat. Nali .. Iron end of bellows. Dubla A goat giving an inauspicious sign. Ern .. Top of iron horse. Chala '''iteheraft suspected. Badan Hammer. Kamde An inauspicious omen. Thora Small hammer. Kari ., An auspicious omen. Sansi Tongs. Popur Goat liver. This is not eajen by Chini Chisel. tilOse whose parents are living. D9rdi poten Striking borer. Pitti .. The black fat al)()ve the diiLphragm of the goat attached to the intestinal Olothing for men cord. Kari .. Goat's head (used in the narwala Kalki topi Hat. ceremony). Nanti Ear rings. Uchinura Necklace. Other religious terms Choli .. Coat. To go to a hurning ghat to wi~h ill Chcl ., Dhora will to the relatives of the dead Rope waistband. porson. Kunjuli Coat pleats (The Lil Bilj Gaddis do not have these pleats). Budum I:-)orcerer. Sutan PyjiLmas. Sh"rkr Conch Horn. Nevdrar Trousers. Spinning wheel Boguli, bogari .. Tobacco pouch. Charkha Spinning wheel. Banara Mirror. Khundu The whole large wheel. Batua. Purse. Chakh The outer rim of the large wheel. Bhuganori Iron drill. Path The inner axle. Drat .. Sickle. Makdi The frame. Juta .. Shoes. Mal The cotton thread. Muka The hook er-d of the rope dhom. A should be at least The spinning thread. dhora 50 harln Kukdu long. Tand The completed thread. Runka, gat,ti Flint. Goha The raw wool. Gardu Blanket. Sua The part of the wheel which twists Patti .. Cloth. the woo]. Mandai Wooden tub for treading dye into the Kardli The metal rod. dhora. The del (upper frame) is J-} times the diameter of tbe ckakk. The three parts, chakh, khundlb and sua are bought Additional terms for bridegroom's· clothing. separately and were worth about Rs. 20 in 1963. Chandarahar Long necklace. Silversmith' 8 tools (by courtesy of the Goshen riams) Mala .. Necklace. Dekera Iron horse. The top is termed ern. Luanchra Red bridegroom's dress. Sursi .. Tongs. Sera .. Face mask. Kattira Pincers. Chirri .• Part of the mask wich hangs down. Uchu Small pliers. Patka Yellow handkerchief. Gorkachunchu Iron pliers. Kangaru Bracelet. Reti .. File. Sutum Trousers. Kwar Beating metal horse. Dur Ear-rings. Makal Dies. Daga Joining rings (on back). Madi .• Wire thread dies. Bujudu Flower for burning. APPENDICES 101

M eastlremcni s On the ankles .. Ghull1kru, tore, panjeb. Tip of finger to elbow. Cash payment for a girl's marriage terllled bariana where Harth it oc'rurs. Thumb span. Chun Parts of the head ornament; gnle, bore, kunda, chaink Kro .. About Ii miles or one hour's travel. and, (for marriecl women only) sungli and phul. Equals~! ghuri. Parts of the ne Idale (!hidya) is tungri, kaingla, meena, and bore. The price is the same as the pri! e of Ghuri (i0 pill. silver plus Rs. 2 per tola. "When a baby closes its eves in the era!lie it is '"etUed "";n ;nd when Ba l.gles are (han kangam (ban!!:le with <('IIs', banga he "peps ar.d cloees them aguin (ordinary bangle) gajra (glass bangle), toka (silver it is nlled pur'. Both 11lll and bangk) and gojru (cla8ped bangle). "h1(ri arc measures of time. A nose ring is termed balo and, if with stone inside, 80 ghuris .. One night and day. luong.

General (ermA for Il'omc>;.'" jcn'eller]/ The e'lr rings are termed kamte (sil\'er), tungni (hook), sungli (,'hain), phradu (s(ar), sabjudu (stone). On the head Chauk, ehiri. The mark on the forehead is termed bindli. On the ""rs Pher, bari, jhumke. On the nost· (small) bahl, (large) bulak. The leg rings are termed panjeba if with belk Hanging from the The neck rings are termed kandu (if made of rupees neck Galsari, jomala, chander har. with a patka at the bottom), thindi ri lao (if made of bea

1. Many of th(',(' articles of j('w('llery have been illustrated already in the Brahmanr monograph op. cit. 102.

;:r~'-1 crrf~ -~-~ ~ Cf;1'15 ~ q:T;:rr cmror ~ I 8 ~ ~ i T;:rq"R ~ ~'-1 ~ 'fiJi !IfTm1Ta ~ ~r ~ I ITT ~Wa ~~ 'fiT ~~ ~r ~ I ~l~ +r~ro . " 2 l1T1m1ffi ~ ~'fi ~ ? ~-.: +rn-lJ'T CflTl/fa "If+r #' 6'T'-1m ~ I WI<- +rr.'1f'fi \3'lJ' 'l1f1:r ~ ~R ~ ("IT ~ -.rf1:r 'fiT ''1T~·., l'1TlJ' ~ ~~ ~

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crf(if l:ffu" ~ it~ ~ i3'n:~ ~ CfTffi" '1\~T m iflT 1!~ ~ CfffiIT ~ JilR ~ romr if <: crrf~ ~Cf> B9'idT ~ I ~ # ~T er~ ~ ~ Cf~ i3'n:~ ~a- Cffi"lT ~ ~ I :q)"{ ~ i{~ f'f'f ~ ~d" if # ~ at f.rq~ 11 rrRlfT ~<:lfT CflTU # ~Cfi f~ ~T Of fl:f,&~T iflT ~Tz:rr ~ I 'SfR:r'~ ~l ~ I ~ ~~ ~ a:T n: rr~ ~ ? ~mP:rt ~ I t:;ifl" ~T 'fiT ~~ erT ~ l" '1t9m ~ ~rrEr ~ Er)~' ~ErT # rr@ ~TaT Cfft 'fil~ Wfi ~T ~ I ~'h:: rrr ~T CfiT~ flITCflR rrfEr ~ I ~ foRT ~ 12 'fiT~ ~T<: ~~ f~ "llll F"lifll'1 ~');; ~­ ~ f.lm ~~ ~H) l:fT f~ Q:~ ~rslTl1 ~ ~Cf> ~ l!:I;{rn<: ~T 'lin: m'fiR ~

Uahi, Faij. Ecollmnic SW"ilCV of LallJla, (! Rosser, Colin In the prcss, The Valley 01 villaoc in the I\_(wgra dlstnct of II/(: the Guds. Kimber, London, Ptlni~lb, Board of ~~collomy Enq\liry, Pant, S. D. The SociaT Ecolwm'Y Of the Punjab Village Survey, No. 12, Lahore, Himalayas. George Allen and Unwin 1910. London, 1935. Lyall, J. ll. Report of the Land RClletllle Srinivas. M. N. "A Note on Sanscritization Sell(ellIenl of the Kangra District, PIIII­ and Westernization", Far East ern Quar­ jab, 1865-1872, Central Jail Press, terly, vol. 15, pp. 1RJ-490. Lahore, 1874 (Published 1876). I. D. Malhotra "A tribe of the Western Stevenson, H. N. C. "Status evaluation in Himalayas, the semi-nomadic Gaddis the Hindu caste system," Journal of the of Dhallla Dhar" Scottish Geographical Royal Anthropological Institllte, vol. IHagazine SI/1, F,dinburgh, 1935. P. 18. 84, LoncIon, ] 9:).!, pro 4:',.--65, Newell, W. H. "Goshen, a Gaddi village in Vogel, J. Ph. Antiquities of Challlhs the Himalayas", India's Village, M. N. Archaeological Survey of India, yol. :Hi, Srinivas cd., West Bengal Government Calcutta, 191 I. Press, pp. 51-61. (Reprint of A Vogel, J. Ph. & Hutchinson J. History Of Himalayan Village, Economic Ifeckly. the Pllnjab Hill States, vol. 1, Lahore, 23, Feb. 19:')2, Bomhay) 1955. 1933, pp. 268-339. L(PN)5CSO(HP)-I,OOO-IO.[)-07-GlPS 104