Introduction

The Amerindia n slav e woma n calle d Titub a wa s amon g th e firs t thre e persons t o b e accuse d o f witchcraf t i n , Massachusetts , i n 1692 . The othe r two— and —vehemently proteste d their innocence. Bu t Tituba confessed an d thereby gave the Sale m magis- trates reason s t o suspec t tha t th e Devil' s follower s ha d invade d thei r midst. Ninetee n peopl e wer e subsequentl y hange d fo r , on e man wa s presse d t o death , an d clos e t o tw o hundre d wer e accuse d o f witchcraft; over fifty of them confessed. Th e lives an d fate of accused an d accusers hav e captivated the American imagination. 1 Tituba, however , i n spit e o f he r centra l an d earl y rol e i n tha t witch - hunt, ha s attracte d littl e seriou s attention. 2 Th e Sale m record s provid e very spars e details abou t her background and few scholar s hav e turned t o alternate source s fo r informatio n o n he r life . Sh e ha s n o descendant s who ca n spea k fo r he r o r spar k ne w interes t i n he r guil t o r innocence. Surprisingly, ther e ha s bee n minima l interes t i n he r ethnicit y o r th e relationship o f he r racia l background to the accusations. Mos t important, the multicultura l dimension s o f Tituba' s confession, th e mos t significan t evidence o f a diabolical conspirac y i n Salem , hav e been eithe r misunder - stood or ignored. Tituba's role s i n tha t tragedy, a s bot h victi m an d willin g participant , as bot h scapegoa t an d manipulato r o f Purita n fears , be g fo r reexamina - tion. Titub a i s her e viewe d i n th e contex t o f th e Sale m event s a s a woman, a s a slave, a s an American Indian, an d a s an outsider i n a Puritan society. Thi s biograph y bring s th e America n Indian slav e woma n t o th e

xix xx • Introduction forefront o f event s tha t s o overwhelmed he r contemporaries the y almos t destroyed their own society . Tituba th e storytelle r prolonge d he r lif e i n 169 2 throug h a n imagina- tive abilit y t o weav e an d embellis h plausibl e tales . I n th e proces s o f confessing t o fantastic experiences, sh e create d a new idio m of resistanc e against abusiv e treatmen t an d inadvertentl y le d th e wa y fo r othe r inno - cents accuse d o f the terribl e crime of witchcraft. He r resistance, a calcu- lated manipulatio n o f th e Purita n fears , wa s intimatel y relate d t o he r ethnic heritages . Puritan s wer e predispose d t o believ e tha t Indian s will - ingly participate d i n Devi l worship . Tha t perceptio n o f Indian s a s sup- porters of the Devil encouraged Tituba t o fuel thei r fantasies o f a diaboli- cal plot . A s sh e hesitantl y capitalize d o n Purita n assumptions regardin g , Tituba drew on the memories o f her past life fo r the wondrous details of a story s o frightening i n its implication s tha t she ha d to be kept alive as a witness. Interest i n Titub a an d he r rol e i n th e 169 2 event s ha s traditionall y focused o n he r suppose d indoctrinatio n o f a group of girl s int o a witch- craft molde d b y the practic e of voodoo. I n the accepte d wisdom, Titub a stood a t th e cente r o f a circl e o f girl s practicin g sorcer y derive d fro m African folklore. 3 He r confession notwithstanding , ther e i s no proo f that Tituba eve r took part in occult activities. Nor i s there any proof that the girls, a t her instigation, too k part in occult rituals or danced in the wood s or dran k bloo d o r stuc k pin s i n dolls . Bu t thos e allegation s an d th e sensationalist natur e o f th e trial s hav e overwhelme d th e importanc e o f Tituba's background and her status a s a symbol of Puritan fears.4 There i s goo d reaso n fo r Tituba's low profil e i n th e histor y books . I t stems from the dearth of useful, direc t information abou t her. Historian s need reliabl e written, artifactual , o r statistica l evidenc e wit h whic h the y can detai l event s o r o n whic h t o bas e thei r conclusions . Th e absenc e o f reliable source s ofte n mean s tha t a particula r potentially significan t ele - ment ha s to be omitted fro m a study. Suc h has bee n th e case fo r most of the underclas s i n history , particularl y women, Africans , an d American Indians, wh o leav e fe w usefu l trail s fo r other s t o follo w an d are , there - fore, eas y to ignore in the historical record. As expected , th e biographica l information abou t Tituba i n the Sale m documents i s ver y thin . Nevertheless , som e importan t informatio n ca n be extracte d fro m thes e meage r sources . I t i s clearl y eviden t fro m al l references i n thos e writte n record s tha t Tituba wa s a n American Indian Introduction • xx i and not Africa n a s late r writer s hav e assumed , an d tha t sh e an d he r husband, John, als o an American Indian, were slaves living in the house - hold o f th e Reveren d Samue l Parris . There is n o referenc e anywher e i n the seventeenth-centur y document s t o Tituba a s a n African or a s some - one o f Africa n background. Lik e th e mytholog y o f Titub a a s a voodo o priestess, ther e i s no indication i n the extant records that either Tituba or her husban d ha d African ancestry. Non e o f he r contemporaries sa w he r as a n Africa n o r eve n someon e o f mixe d ancestry. 5 Sh e wa s neve r de - scribed a s blac k o r a s a Negro . Nowher e i n th e seventeenth-centur y records i s there so much a s a hint that she was of even partia l African de- scent. Thus ther e shoul d b e n o questio n o f he r ancestry. Al l of he r contem- poraries, withou t exception , describ e Titub a a s a n India n woma n o r a s Parris's India n servant . He r husban d John's racial-ethni c backgroun d i s just a s clearl y delineate d i n thos e records . H e i s alway s identifie d a s Indian John o r John Indian , o r simpl y a s th e India n man . Th e gradual metamorphosis o f Titub a fro m a n India n t o a n Africa n sinc e th e nine - teenth century i s a n unfortunate mistake based on embellishment, imagi - nation, an d a tinge of racial bias, an d has been a convenient way to fill in blanks left by the absence of more substantive information. What i s les s dea f fro m thos e seventeenth-centur y commentarie s i s where Tituba cam e from , ho w an d whe n Parri s acquired her , an d what kind o f intellectua l an d cultural baggage she brough t with he r to Massa- chusetts. Th e mos t reasonabl e theor y fo r Tituba' s origins wa s first pu t forward b y Charle s Upham , writin g i n th e middl e o f th e nineteent h century. Titub a an d Joh n "wer e spoke n of, " Upha m said , "a s havin g come fro m Ne w Spai n . . . tha t is , th e Spanis h Wes t Indies , an d th e adjacent mainland." 6 The y wer e the n sol d i n Barbado s a s slave s an d subsequently brought to Massachusetts by . Upham offered no direct evidence bu t because a good par t of hi s narrativ e was base d o n Samuel Drake's work, he probably made use of Drake's edition of Samuel Fowler's 186 6 "Accoun t of th e Lif e o f Samue l Parris " in whic h Fowle r claimed tha t Titub a an d Joh n wer e "Native s o f Sout h Americ a calle d New Spain." 7 Unfortunately, Upham' s likely suggestio n ha s receive d som e unlikely embellishments. Almos t fifty year s later , Georg e Lincoln Bur r asserte d that Titub a an d John wer e Cari b Indians , probabl y fro m th e mistake n association o f all Caribbean natives with the Carib tribes.8 But there were xxii • Introduction other tribe s residen t i n the Caribbean area, notably the -speaking peoples. Man y o f the Arawak tribes ha d migrated to the Sout h American coast i n th e wak e o f th e earl y Spanis h conquest s and , fo r reason s dis - cussed i n chapte r i , "Tituba' s Roots, " wer e o f particula r interes t t o slave catcher s i n . 9 Nonetheless , Burr' s mistake n assumptio n regarding Tituba's ancestry a s a Carib continues t o influence view s of her cultural origins . Barbados seemed to be a reasonable place to begin a search for Tituba's roots. Unti l 198 9 n o on e ha d explore d th e documentar y possibilitie s fo r searching ou t Tituba' s backgroun d i n Wes t India n colonia l record s o r local source s o n th e island . Thos e record s hav e finally yielde d som e tantalizing informatio n tha t ca n permi t a partia l reconstructio n o f Ti- tuba's earl y life . The y provid e evidenc e o f Tituba' s residenc e o n th e island an d help to establish th e most likely origins of a n Amerindian slave in Barbados for that time. The painstakin g effor t t o loo k throug h th e handwritte n document s resulted i n th e discovery o f th e nam e "Tattuba " for a slave girl i n a 1676 deed.10 Th e connectio n betwee n Samue l Parri s an d tha t chil d ar e suffi - cient t o mak e a case fo r Tituba's life o n a Barbados plantation som e fou r years befor e Parri s left th e island . The arguments fo r that association ar e discussed i n detai l i n chapte r 2 , "M y Own Country. " The existenc e o f such a unique name , whic h t o date ha s no t appeare d i n any othe r seven - teenth-century slav e list , certainl y add s substantia l suppor t fo r Tituba's Barbados background . I als o argu e i n tha t chapte r tha t Titub a wa s no t born on the island bu t was most likel y a captive from who was brough t to Barbado s to b e sol d a s a slave. Thi s suppositio n agai n i s based o n substantia l circumstantia l evidenc e regardin g the smal l Amerin- dian slav e trad e tha t prevaile d durin g th e thirt y year s befor e Parri s lef t the island t o return to Massachusetts. Chapter 3 recreate s th e "Strang e New World " of lif e o n a Barbados sugar plantation by examining th e sociofamilia l environmen t tha t Ameri- can Indians experienced durin g the decade prior to 168 0 when Parri s was known to be in Barbados. Amerindian slaves by that time were becomin g integrated int o th e large r African-dominate d culture . A s earl y a s th e seventeenth century , Barbado s wa s developin g a syncreti c cultur e tha t included element s o f English , America n Indian , an d multicultura l Afri - can lifestyles.11 Tha t backgroun d lends suppor t to the theory tha t Tituba Introduction • xxii i was familiar with African folklore, bu t does not prov e she was capable of practicing a witchcraft derived fro m African sources. During he r Barbado s years Titub a live d i n a society overwhelmingl y African i n population, on e i n which th e African elements playe d a major role i n shapin g th e developmen t o f a Creol e culture . India n cultur e probably ha d the leas t influenc e o n tha t syncretic process , bu t i t was no t insignificant.12 Chapte r 3 examine s th e relativ e effec t o f thes e variou s influences o n th e lif e o f a n Amerindian slave an d speculate s o n ho w tha t Creole society, derive d mainl y fro m African customs an d adaption to the conditions o f slavery , woul d hav e shape d Tituba' s lif e an d th e menta l images sh e brought to Massachusetts. Part I I o f thi s stud y focuse s o n lif e i n Massachusetts . Chapte r 4 examines Ne w Englan d life fro m th e perspectiv e o f a n American Indian slave, summarizin g what is known about working conditions, lega l status , health, religiou s influences , an d othe r aspect s o f social-cultura l lif e im - posed o n Indian s an d slave s b y th e Puritans . A s w e wil l see , Titub a successfully assimilate d th e outwar d appearanc e o f selecte d aspect s o f Puritan cultur e an d thus hi d he r identit y a s a n India n behin d a servil e camouflage tha t provided, a t least unti l 1692 , protection agains t abuse. Chapter 5 , "Th e Devil i n Massachusetts : Accusations, " examines th e immediate event s leadin g up to the witchhunt that began i n the sprin g of 1692. Afte r a brief description o f Purita n attitudes towar d witchcraft and the fea r o f America n Indians , thi s chapte r trace s th e event s earl y i n 1692 tha t le d t o Tituba' s arres t an d subsequen t confession . Th e Sale m nightmare strippe d awa y he r servil e facade , expose d he r a s a woma n of imaginatio n an d will , an d lef t Titub a vulnerabl e t o persecutio n an d possible execution . Chapter 6 , "Th e Reluctan t Witch : Fuelin g Purita n Fantasies, " pro - vides a close analysi s o f Tituba's testimony an d it s multicultura l dimen - sions and highlights it s immediat e effec t o n the community. Tha t confes - sion, give n earl y i n March , wit h it s evidenc e o f a diabolical conspiracy , initiated th e lega l proces s tha t le d t o th e arres t o f ove r one hundre d fifty people and the hanging of nineteen befor e Governor finally called a halt t o th e persecution s i n Octobe r of 1692 . I t wa s Tituba * who supplied th e framewor k of , an d the inspiration fo r the belief in , a diaboli- cal conspiracy i n Massachusetts. Chapter 7 deals wit h th e continuing subtle , bu t insidious, influenc e o f xxiv • Introduction

Tituba's confession on th e testimony o f others an d the creative use of her stories that both reinforced an d reshaped traditiona l notions o f the Devil. Confessors i n particula r reformulated Tituba' s notion o f evi l t o confor m to thei r ow n preconception . Thi s creativ e applicatio n o f Indian-Creol e ideas contribute d t o th e convergenc e o f fol k an d ministeria l notion s o f witchcraft an d eventually to the discrediting of witchhunts themselves . Why di d the Puritans, fol k an d elite alike, believe Tituba's confession ? Chapter 8 explore s th e Purita n perceptio n o f he r behavio r an d ho w sh e was abl e t o convince an d captivat e tha t audience . Tituba' s acculturation made her testimony believable . Tha t credibilit y was reinforce d ironicall y by th e continue d associatio n o f nativ e American s wit h witchcraf t an d a refusal t o fully integrat e Indian s int o Puritan society. In th e absenc e o f muc h har d evidence , th e Epilogu e draw s som e conclusions abou t Tituba' s fat e an d tha t o f he r famil y afte r 1692 . I t also consider s th e long-ter m effec t o f Tituba' s confession o n th e Purita n community. Sh e participate d i n a proces s o f cultura l exchang e tha t merged th e worl d o f print culture with that of the folk, activatin g change from th e botto m up . Thi s transformatio n wa s a s muc h th e resul t o f th e details o f Tituba' s fantas y a s i t wa s o f th e Purita n nee d t o believ e he r story an d accommodat e th e unfamilia r India n idea s t o thei r own notion s of evil. The analysi s o f Tituba' s testimony an d th e reexaminatio n o f he r rol e in the Sale m event s sugges t a new typ e o f approac h to a n understandin g of earl y Ne w Englan d life , on e tha t emphasize s th e rol e o f non-Englis h influences o n th e shapin g o f colonia l intellectua l life . I t assume s tha t interaction o f people fro m various cultural mixes playe d a significant par t in forming Purita n society i n America. Scholars hav e demonstrated som e interest i n th e impac t o f African s o n tha t developin g society , bu t thes e works hav e onl y limite d usefulnes s an d mak e n o cas e fo r cultura l trans - mission.13 Studie s o f Indian s i n earl y America , on th e other hand , stres s the violen t contact s betwee n th e nativ e American s an d th e Englis h in - truders, focusin g o n th e reactiv e rathe r tha n th e integrativ e aspect s o f cultural contact. 14 Peacefu l interaction , beyon d th e superficia l borrowin g of maize-base d food s an d huntin g techniques fro m Indians , Ha s not bee n an important factor i n Puritan-Indian studies . Tituba's prominenc e i n Sale m an d th e reactio n o f Puritan s t o he r fantastic stor y sugges t tha t there ma y have been other non-English ethni c influences o n earl y New Englan d history an d tha t the proces s o f cultural Introduction • xx v borrowing—the creation of a syncretic culture—did not stop at the edge of th e Caribbean . Ne w Englan d too cam e unde r th e influenc e o f a dy- namic exchang e amon g red , white , an d blac k peoples i n earl y America. The effec t ma y have been mor e subtl e an d thus mor e difficult t o discer n in Ne w England , bu t th e nuance s o f chang e wer e jus t a s tenaciou s and imaginative. Tituba's emergence a s a major protagonist in the 169 2 cataclysm allows us t o glimps e on e moment—albei t a powerfu l one—i n th e proces s o f change i n th e New Englan d mind brough t on b y multicultura l contact. Was it , however , unique ? To wha t exten t wa s th e Sale m incident jus t another episod e i n the regula r interaction o f non-English oral or popular cultures wit h tha t of th e literate , print-oriente d population ? How often , for instance , di d New Englander s consult America n Indians abou t sick - ness o r misfortune ? T o wha t exten t di d thos e confrontation s reshap e old-world notions ? Wer e Tituba' s experienc e an d th e Sale m event s a culmination o f year s o f intellectua l interactions , o r wa s tha t incident a one-time occurrenc e o f cultura l borrowing ? Onl y mor e creativ e an d speculative evaluations of the known sources can answer those questions. There i s n o doub t tha t th e Sale m witc h investigatio n enable d th e Indian woman Tituba to emerge from obscurity. Sh e was a slave who lef t an indelible mar k on America n history an d no study of the Sale m events can o r shoul d ignor e he r ill-fate d contribution . Permitte d t o spea k o f things alien to English thought, sh e inspired a creative adaptation of ideas derived fro m Wes t India n slav e society . I t wa s Tituba' s mental image s that fuele d Purita n fantasie s o f a devilis h conspirac y and , tragically , launched th e mos t gruesom e bu t fascinatin g witchscar e o f earl y Ameri - can history.